Cookies help us deliver our services. By using our services, you agree to our use of cookies. Learn more.
  • Log In
  • Register
CEEOL Logo
Advanced Search
  • Home
  • SUBJECT AREAS
  • PUBLISHERS
  • JOURNALS
  • eBooks
  • GREY LITERATURE
  • CEEOL-DIGITS
  • INDIVIDUAL ACCOUNT
  • Help
  • Contact
  • for LIBRARIANS
  • for PUBLISHERS

Content Type

Subjects

Languages

Legend

  • Journal
  • Article
  • Book
  • Chapter
  • Open Access
  • History
  • Political history

We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.

Result 27581-27600 of 28519
  • Prev
  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • ...
  • 1379
  • 1380
  • 1381
  • ...
  • 1424
  • 1425
  • 1426
  • Next
Josip Broz Tito i jugoslovenski federalizam (1963-1974)
5.00 €

Josip Broz Tito i jugoslovenski federalizam (1963-1974)

Author(s): Milivoj Bešlin / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

After 1945 Yugoslavia functioned as a de facto pseudofederation, although as a complex community was determined by the equality of all peoples and related minorities. The dominant centrist paradigm changed evolutionary, with permanent and lasting effects on the society. The 1963 constitution, the Eighth Congress of the LCY, and mostly three sets of constitutional amendments adopted 1967-1971, and the 1974 constitution marked the turning point in the essential change of character of Yugoslav federalism in order to achieve full national equality. Tito's role in the transformation of the federalist framework, although not operational, was inevitable, and expressed through support for new solutions which all people were satisfied with. Yugoslavia became the satisfactory framework for much of its citizens.

More...
Jugoslovenska posleratna emigracija i Josip Broz Tito. Naša reč o sukobu sa IB-om 1948-1949.
4.50 €

Jugoslovenska posleratna emigracija i Josip Broz Tito. Naša reč o sukobu sa IB-om 1948-1949.

Author(s): Mira Radojević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In numerous and variegated circles of the post-war Yugoslav emigration the union „Liberation" and its mouthpiece Naša reč were recognizable for their consequential Yugoslavism and democratism which included decisive opposition to building fronts exclusively on anti-communism, without championing democratic changes. For the same reason they also refused cooperation with all right-wing forces, remnants of fascist groups who used the idea of unified anti-communist forces in order to try to avoid responsibility for the support they lent to nazism and fascism during the war. The attitude towards communism and the communist regime in Yugoslavia was shaped at the time of the incipient conflict of the Yugoslav communist party and the state with the Informbuereau, the Soviet Union and with Stalin personally. Not knowing the real causes of the conflict and not knowing how deep the consequences of the rifts opened in the hitherto strictly controlled communist system could be, the „Liberation" and Naša reč considered its outcome important for communist parties and regimes of the countries of „people's democracy" but not for the „enslaved" peoples in them who could find salvation from communist rule only in a democratic system. Therefore western countries were not expected to help Josip Broz Tito, the first man of the Yugoslav party and the state to resist Stalin more easily, but to lend support to democratic emigration and adherents of democracy in the country. The adopted views didn’t remain unchanged, chained by ideological exclusivism and intolerance. Events, time and witnessing the end of certain historical processes caused many previous opinions to be subject to subsequent analysis. Views on Tito and his role changed too. From initial total condemnation and harsh moral judgement, by the end of his life one came to recognize the contribution that he and the party he headed, gave first during the anti-fascist struggle and then in opposing the intentions of the Informbuereau and Stalin. Still, as the most important was seen the fact that he „had built himself in" the whole post-war regime, so that his period in power can be called „Tito’s personal era".

More...
Josip Broz Tito i patrijarsi Srpske pravoslavne crkve (Gavrilo, Vikentije i German)
4.50 €

Josip Broz Tito i patrijarsi Srpske pravoslavne crkve (Gavrilo, Vikentije i German)

Author(s): Radmila Radić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Over 35 years spent as head of the Yugoslav state, Josip Broz Tito was in contact with three patriarchs of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Gavrilo (Dožić), Vikentije (Prodanov) and German (Doric). Josip Broz Tito was not directly addressing issues related to the Serbian Orthodox Church since they were in charge of the federal and republican commission for religious relations and management of national security/state security service. Never the less, no important decisions regarding the general policy towards religious communities could not be made without agreement among the top of the Party and the State and without the knowledge of Josip Broz Tito. Contacts of Josip Broz Tito with the patriarchs were mostly of protocol nature, except in cases of special interest for the relations of church and state (e. g. the question of the return of the Patriarch Gavrilo, questions about the international activities of the Serbian Orthodox Church, addressing issues of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, etc.). Relations between the state and the Serbian Orthodox Church after 1945, and accordingly relations of Josip Broz Tito's towards Church and some personalities who were at the head of the church during certain periods, should be primarily viewed in the context of the particular interests of church and state, broad relations and developments in Yugoslavia and on the international scene. State authorities carefully controlled activities of the Patriarch and the Bishops of the SOC, but the pressure varied in accordance with current needs and circumstances. It is characteristic that the same person at the head of the SPC was evaluated differently by the authorities, depending on his readiness for cooperation. Both Patriarch Gavrilo and Patriarch German were seen at one point as patriots and in other as traitors and collaborators with occupiers. Also, the behavior of single patriarch should be considered and evaluated within the limits of the possible and achievable in a given time, i. e. at various stages through which the relations of church and state passed.

More...
„Deset godina komunističkog raja" Miloš Moskovljević o Titovim pogledima na ekonomsku politiku (Dnevničke beleške 1949-1955. godine)
4.50 €

„Deset godina komunističkog raja" Miloš Moskovljević o Titovim pogledima na ekonomsku politiku (Dnevničke beleške 1949-1955. godine)

Author(s): Momčilo Isić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Watching Tito's public statements concerning the state's economic policy between 1949 and 1955, Miloš Moskovljević dwelled in his Diary primarily on Tito's explanation of the clash with the USSR, on the policy of approaching the West, on the question of peasant cooperatives and on the process of industrialization. By analysing Tito's speeches in his diaries Moskovljević convincingly depicted the goal and the contents of the state's economic policy, as well as its changes first hinted at by Tito as the main actor, who was also the first and often also the only one who admitted errors in directing it. This spurred Moskovljević to conclude, having in mind his personal experience while he was part of the ruling apparatus, that only Tito and Stalin „could admit mistakes and criticize, and anyone else who would do it, was a foreign mercenary". As the proof that the state's 10-year's economic policy was unsuccessful, Moskovljević took Tito's speech about the New Economic Policy held at the session of the Executive Committe of the Socialist Union on Sunday, November 28,1955. In it he was extremely critical of the direction of the economic policy until then and of its results. However, Moskovljević was also critical here, claiming this Tito's speech was „a proof of and a monument to communist incapability" as well as that Tito hadn't reached the negative conclusions about the economic policy and the need of a New Economic Policy by himself, but that they were rather a consequence of Kardelj's trip to London.

More...
Dobrica Ćosić o Josipu Brozu Titu. Skica za istraživanje političkog i intelektualnog odnosa
6.00 €

Dobrica Ćosić o Josipu Brozu Titu. Skica za istraživanje političkog i intelektualnog odnosa

Author(s): Latinka Perović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The insight into the life of Dobrica Ćosić uncovers a personality that, although in formative years at first in contact with the religious movement of Bishop Velimirović, soon came under influence of communism siding with it, above all out of belief in the possibility of a more just society. With that aim he fought at war, but according to his own testimony, soon became disappointed. In 1951 he left professional Party work and turned to writing, remaining an important link between intellectuals and politics. The work and influence of Ćosić show that he wasn't just another contemporary of Josip Broz Tito, but rather more than that. The research of the relation of Dobrica Ćosić to Tito, to national and social question and to Yugoslavia has several starting points: firstly, Ćosić's relation to communism as a new religion; secondly, the writer's need to „change the world"; thirdly, the novel Roots (1954] as the turning point in Ćosić's opus; fourthly, his positioning in the discussion about leaving the Soviet party model, and in connection with that, the understanding of Yugoslavia in early 1960s; finally, the novel The Time of Death which established Ćosić in the position that would secure him the status of „the Father of the Nation" a decade later. That status is no empty metaphor, and Ćosić himself saw himself as „the paradigm of Serbian fate". On the one hand - there were numerous editions of his works, adaptations for film and theater, imposition of it as mandatory school literature, literary awards, on the other - membership in the Central Comittee of the Union of Communists of Serbia and, later on, the post of the president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. With that dual role, with great self-awarenes of that role, Ćosić became a kind of institution, a collective project of a sort, around whome a network of social, political and intellectual ties came to being. From that vantage point, he acted for decades as one of the key actors in politics and culture. The polemics with the Slovenian intellectual Dušan Pirjavec in 1961/62, his positioning concerning the fate of Aleksandar Ranković, his views on national question and the overall Yugoslav ideology of the Yugoslav communists kept pushing Ćosić away from the Party which he realy left in 1971. By that time he had already become the chairman of the Serbian Book Cooperative and a corresponding member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. In the meantime in 1969 a book by Ćosić (Power and Anxiety) was banned for the first time. During the 1980s Ćosić became the leading figure of the out-of-institutions opposition and his reputation would constantly be on the rise from then on, leading him finally to the post of the president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the midst of the war in 1992. With distancing from the national policy of the Party Ćosić increasingly embraced the idea of solving the Serbian national question through a unification of the Serbs in one state. Transplanting a 19th century goal - the Serbian state - to the end of the 2 0 th century determined everything else. The priorities: mobilizing the people and their firm unity before the domestic and foreign opponent of the goal. Means: wars for state borders. Several phases of Dobrica Ćosić's relation to Tito should be distinguished. For start, it would be important to establish chronological borderlines and internal characteristics of each period. Conditionally speaking, the periods could be named thus: 1) Fasciantion by Tito (1945-1961); 2) Struggle for Tito (1961- 1966); 3) Refusal to be Defeated (1968-1980); 4) Ideological War agains Titoism as Anti-Srbism (1980-1991); 5) Armed War for Solving the Serbian Question as a State Question (1992-1999); 6) Anti-Titoism as the Basis of the New Serbian Identity (1999-2000). Each of these periods views Tito in a different way, having in mind above all Ćosić's views on the national question to which he increasingly reduced his views on Yugoslavia and socialism.

More...
Ljudi na strateškim mestima. Uzroci, posledice i smisao sukoba Josipa Broza Tita i Milovana Đilasa na Trećem (vanrednom) plenumu CK SKJ 1954. godine
6.00 €

Ljudi na strateškim mestima. Uzroci, posledice i smisao sukoba Josipa Broza Tita i Milovana Đilasa na Trećem (vanrednom) plenumu CK SKJ 1954. godine

Author(s): Goran Miloradović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The relation between Josip Broz Tito and Milovan Djiias are analyzed in the paper with speciall stress on the events on the eve, during and after the Third (Extraordinary) Plenum of the Central Committee of the Union of the Communists of Yugoslavia held on January 16-17, 1954. Theoreticaly the question is asked if Djiias realy had the role of a „dissident" in a particular Yugoslav totalitarian state of a stalinist type, since the phenomenon of dissidence in international context is connected with the changes which came about in the USSR after the so-called „Khruschev’s thaw" and since the term itself appeared only in the late 1960s. The period of the dissidents’ activity in the USSR makes up one and a half decade (1965-1980). In virtue of the published and unpublished archival sources, interviews, memoirs and literature, Djilas’s „rebelion" is explained as an episode in the struggle for power within the UCY and not as an ideological dissent of a lonely intellectual. Djiias was a representative of the opposition who tried to use the strategic foreign political turn (Yugoslavia’s rapprochement with the West), as well as ideological and political divisions that followed, for his own ascent in the hierarchy. He tried to achieve that by grouping the intellectual core of his fellow-travelers around the journal Nova misao, militating at the same time for political and ideological competition in Yugoslavia, including the two-party system. By doing that he jeopardized the position of the undesputed leader J.B. Tito, as well as the position of the conservative faction within the UCY. Despite the sympathies of part of the British Labor Party for Djiias, he neither received sufficient support from abroad nor secured a strong enough foothold in Yugoslavia. His policy was defeated at the Third Plenum of the CC of the UCY in 1954 as „anarchism" or „bourgeois liberalism" and he was relieved of all his posts and sent into retirement. By comparing the Soviet and the Yugoslav systems the author concludes that Djilas’s role in Yugoslavia is comparable to the role of the internal party opposition of L. Trotsky and N. Bukharin in the USSR, but not to that of Soviet dissidents who cherished their personal and professional freedom and moral dignity (such as A. Sinyavsky, J. Daniel, A. Solzhenitsyn, R. Medvedev, A. Sakharov etc.) and who were neither revolutionaries nor politicians. Djiias was a revolutionary, a member of the Politbuereau of the CC of the UCY who 230 openly presented his views, formed a faction and gathered increasingly broad support for his policy with the aim of conquering the highest post in Yugoslavia - Tito's. The understanding of Djilas’s status was made blear by the negative propaganda instigated against him by his enemies in power, but also by later positive advertizing of his friends of the opposition, which created two, equally distorted images of Djilas: the „demonic" and the „angelic". However, after a detailed analysis it is clear that the struggle for the supreme power in the Party and in the state was what it was all about, and not just „dissatisfaction" with the existing situation and the system, as was the case with dissidents in other parts of Eastern Europe.

More...
Pristup Titovog režima Kosovu krajem pedesetih godina
4.50 €

Pristup Titovog režima Kosovu krajem pedesetih godina

Author(s): Jan Pelikán / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Based primarily on the documents of the conference of the Executive Committee of the Union of Communists of Yugoslavia (UCY) held in March 1959 the paper analyses the approach of Tito's leadership to Kosovo. It tries to point out the main tendencies in the approach to the Albanian question and the different opinions of certain members of the highest leadership of the UCY. A gradual change in viewing the Albanian problem by the leading people of Tito’s regime set in in the late 1950s. Many members began to be aware of the importance of the Albanian community in Yugoslavia and the necessity of improving its situation, above all access to education and to employment. The need to industrialize Kosovo as soon as possible was stressed. Although these tendencies existed, the repressive elements of Tito's regime remained dominant, above all the secret police.

More...
Albanska manjina u Titovoj Jugoslaviji kao faktor u jugoslovensko-albanskim odnosima (1945-1953)
4.50 €

Albanska manjina u Titovoj Jugoslaviji kao faktor u jugoslovensko-albanskim odnosima (1945-1953)

Author(s): Marijana Stamova / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

From 1945 onwards the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia played an important role in shaping Yugoslav-Albanian relations. Tito's „Balkan" ambitions certainly shouldn't be forgotten. Namely after WWII, as the result of his role in it, Tito had the ambition of imposing himself as an absolut leader of Yugoslavia, but also of the Balkans. An idea of a Balkan federation with his and Yugoslav dominant position in it, was acceptable for him. In these combinations he certainly also counted on the Albanian factor which wasn't negligeable in Yugoslavia. No doubt that the Albanian minority problem in Yugoslavia influenced the overall Yugoslav-Albanian relations and the stability of Yugoslavia, not only during the first ten-odd years after the war, but also later. This is proven by the very fact that Albania played - sometimes covertly, and sometimes quite openly - the role of the patron of the Albanians in Yugoslavia under the guise of policy of protecting the rights of the Albanian national minority in Yugoslavia. This caused occasional Tito's horse-trading with the population of the Albanian national minority, particularly in Kosovo where it was most numerous. During WWII the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and Tito aided the foundation and work of the Communist Party of Albania, as well as the development of the liberation movement. Tito's envoys Miladin Popović and Dušan Mugoša worked there for a long time. During the ten-odd years after the war the Yugoslav-Albanian relations developed in two stages. The first one from the liberation to 1948 and the second one from 1948 to 1953. During the first phase Tito's aid to Albania was even larger than during the wartime years. Yugoslavia contributed to Albania's international recognition and extended considerable economic help to it Tito was praised and treated almost as a real Albanian leader. The second phase started in 1948, i.e. after Tito's conflict with the USSR, Stalin and the Informbuerau. The first to disown Tito was the USSR, accusing him of the intention of annexing Albania, for which he deployed divisions of the Yugoslav army there. Accepting Stalin's orders, the Albanian leadership headed by Enver Hoxha severed all relations with Yugoslavia and launched an open campaign aganst it To be sure, the propaganda of the countries that had fallen to Stalin's block also joined 260 in. Albania's relation to Yugoslavia found support also in Bulgaria, for which we adduce several examples. The solution of the national question and allegedly insufferable situation of the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia particularly came under attack. The Albanian minority was constantly instigated to dissatisfaciton by the Albanian leadership, often evincing that dissatisfaction in various ways which constantly spoiled the bilateral relations between the two neighboring countries. After Stalin's death Albania unwillingly accepted Yugoslavia's reconciliation with the countries of „people's democracy" and it continued its instigating policy by utilizing the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia. It is the fact that Albania, in order to acheive its goals through the Albanian minority, never returned to reconciliation with Yugoslavia until 1953.

More...
Josip Broz Tito i nacionalni identitet Muslimana u Bosni i Hercegovini – dva viđenja
4.50 €

Josip Broz Tito i nacionalni identitet Muslimana u Bosni i Hercegovini – dva viđenja

Author(s): Husnija Kamberović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The process of affirmation of Muslim national identity started during the 1960’s. This process was initiated by the governing communist political elite, and was led by intellectuals who were, by working on this task, actually working on a party assignment. Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina were politically supported by Josip Broz Tito in this mission, whilst the intellectuals, trying to scientifically prove the existence of the Muslim nation, often referred to Tito as the key argument about the existence of this identity. From the beginning of the 90’s, the perception of Tito’s role in the affirmation of Muslim national identity in some segments of Bosniak intellectual circles underwent a radical change. In the new picture Tito was singled out as the key culprit for the late recognition of the Muslim nation. This paper, however, presents a thesis according to which the change in the perception of Tito’s role towards Muslim national identity was not a result of scientific maturing but merely a reflection of the contemporary political situation.

More...
Uloga Josipa Broza Tita u definisanju srpskog etničkog prostora
4.50 €

Uloga Josipa Broza Tita u definisanju srpskog etničkog prostora

Author(s): Branko Nadoveza / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Thanks to his personal activity and historical circumstances Josip Broz Tito managed to define the ethnical and territorial boundaries of the Serbian people. The two basic periods of his activity were 1937-1945 and from 1946 to his death. The solutions to the national question offered by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia could be compared with the solution of the nationality question proposed by the Croat Peasant Party that presupposed the division of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia into historical provinces. In paper special attention was devoted to the definition of the borders of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo. The author quoted particularly intensively the critique of the Yugoslav Communists by political emigres.

More...
Pogledi Josipa Broza na neke probleme jugoslovenskog društva šezdesetih godina 20. veka
4.50 €

Pogledi Josipa Broza na neke probleme jugoslovenskog društva šezdesetih godina 20. veka

Author(s): Slobodan Selinić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

During 1960s the development of the Yugoslav society was also marked by some problems, such as economic crisis, undcidedness and disunity of the Party top brass as to the direction of further development of the state and fall of morals of the leading people in the state and the Party. Josip Broz devoted great attention to economic problems, believing the lack of solutions for them would lead to ethnic and political dissatisfaction and the loss of esteem for the country in the world. He consequently warned of the disbalance in foreign trade and criticized import without control, excessive investment and buliding of several factories of the same kind, stressing that overinvesting was the main source of economic difficulties. Instead of new investments and loans he demanded modernization, integration of companies and specialization of production, taking into account the needs of the domestic and the world markets etc. However, equally consequently the economic problems were not solved. In relation to the country's constitution and political disunity of the top brass in the state Broz showed much less concistency. Although he kept insisting on unity and concord and demanded that the Central Committee of the Union of the Communists of Yugoslavia should tackle the problems, his demand to let bygones be bygones and to leave alon the responsibility for the problems in the country, led to sham and artificial concord and unity, while the state was sapped by conflicts of the governments of the constitutent republics and by processes of disintegration. He himself traveled the way from criticizing local economic interests of the republics and struggle for a unified Yugoslav market in early 1960s, through symetrical critique of centralist forces and the tendency of the republics to be closed for outside influences at the Party congress in 1964, to plumping for decentralization late in 1965. He showed the weakest determination and will in fighting corruption, enriching and privileges of his closest collaborators, although he was acquainted with the fact that some people in his closest entourage abused their posts to line their pockets, build weekend houses and villas and to use privileges and break the law.

More...
„Staro ne smije više nikad da se vrati". Tito i privredna politika FNRJ 1945-1955. godine
4.50 €

„Staro ne smije više nikad da se vrati". Tito i privredna politika FNRJ 1945-1955. godine

Author(s): Ivana Dobrivojević Tomić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Emulating the Soviet model, the Yugoslav communists started industrialization in a hurry. The Five Years Plan envisaged megalomaniac investment in heavy industry and economic strategists of the Party believed Yugoslavia would overtake Great Britain in ten years. The poor state couldn’t take such investment effort so that the economic policy of the government generated general poverty and slump in agrarian production. Just how the Yugoslav attempt at industrialization and economic potential of the country were mismatched is shown by the fact that the regime received from the West alone $ 500 million in economic aid and $ 800 million dollars in, mostly short- and middle-termed, loans which also didn’t suffice to complete the key projects. Having realized already by 1953 the political consequences of an expensive industrialization, Tito started announcing scaling down of investments, larger investment in agriculture and the rise of living standards. Although an end was put to building of crucial object the Yugoslavs lived no better in 1956 since the costs of living of a four-member family were by 40 to 60% higher than nominal wages.

More...
Između javnog i privatnog: Tito o svakodnevici žena u socijalizmu
4.50 €

Između javnog i privatnog: Tito o svakodnevici žena u socijalizmu

Author(s): Vera Gudac-Dodić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Tendencies of a party state to influence the formation of a socially desirable role of a woman in postwar Yugoslavia are, among other things, reflected in scientific papers, public presentations and speeches made by Josip Broz Tito. The forming of a new face of a woman in socialism corresponding the Communist party ideals and the spirit of the time, new rights and duties opposing patriarchy and the practice of gender inequality, created the attitude of Tito towards women. Women were given different roles than the ones they had during the former regime, the role of labour heroine, equal and omnipresent Josip Broz Tito's speeches and their media echo were a request and an invitation to mobilize women for different activities and tasks imposed on them by the socialist state as well as the society. Contradiction between the former and future paradigmatic image of a woman after the war time and in the decades that followed was even more complicated by the ambivalence of the socially desirable and expected roles of a woman, that is, the ambivalence inside the mere ideal of a socialist woman. The set of questions and problems concerning maternity was attached a huge importance. The idea of children upbringing controlled by the socialist state and in line with its ideals was omnipresent The state was taking over the care of younger generations, protected maternity, tended to make up for family influence, and rear children in line with the promoted values. Socialist authorities did not view maternity as an exclusively private, woman matter, but in many ways, it directly got involved in its privacy, attempting to gain control and patronizing influence over children and the young. An everyday life of women, wives and mothers who were employed brought to the fore the conflicted roles and the problem of their harmonization. Woman overload became the leit-motif of her life. The reduction of free time beyond the limits, fatigue, despite the acquired rights and areas of the achieved freedom, once again indicated the unequal treatment of men and women. The practice sometimes blocked the proclaimed policy of social gender equality. The main issue of a woman’s everyday life in socialism for Josip Broz Tito was making their roles easier for family women, especially mothers, to enable them to work and be part of social life. Tito's messages promoted the state strategy for a woman’s social integration with the help of public services.

More...
Tito i Austrijanci: Susreti Josipa Broza Tita sa vodećim ličnostima austrijske politike 60-ih i 70-ih godina
4.50 €

Tito i Austrijanci: Susreti Josipa Broza Tita sa vodećim ličnostima austrijske politike 60-ih i 70-ih godina

Author(s): Petar Dragišić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The rapprochement between Yugoslavia and Austria following the decision of the Yugoslav regime to renounce its claims to Carinthia resulted in enhanced economic cooperation between the two countries. Besides, during the 1960s and 1970s tens of thousands of Yugoslav labor migrants immigrated to Austria. Numerous meetings of high-ranking politicians from Yugoslavia and Austria confirmed the improvement of relations between the two countries. During the 1960s and 1970s the Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito met several times the leading politicians from Austria, including its president, chancellors and foreign ministers. The records of these conversations represent extremely valuable sources for anyone interested in the relations between Yugoslavia and Austria after the Second World War.

More...
Titoizam: tri perspektive
4.50 €

Titoizam: tri perspektive

Author(s): Todor Kuljić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Die Instrumentalisierung des Titoismus ist die Asymmetrie der verschiedenen Perspektiven und hegemonialen Erinnerungsrahmen Thema. In gewisser Weise ist Tito die Signatur des postjugoslawischen Raums geblieben. Im schon zu Lebzeiten kontroversen Machthaber sieht Author eine „vielschichtige Figur" die aus drei unterschiedlichen Perspektiven betrachtet werden kann: Aus der heute vorherrschenden „Froschperspektive" erscheint Tito als der große, unantastbare, totalitäre Herrscher. Dazu gehören die Nationalisten, die davon überzeugt sind, der Titoismus sei von außen in die Nationalgemeinschaft hineingetragen worden. Die „Vogelperspektive" zeigt hingegen, dass Jugoslawien unter dem autoritären Herrscher Tito einen außerordentlichen Modernisierungs- und Mobilitätsschub erlebte. Die „Flugzeugperspektive" legt eine SichtaufTito als den„letzte Habsburger des Balkans" nahe - wobei Habsburg hier als „Metapher für den Herrscher in einem multinationalen Staat" gilt. Hier werden die Grundmerkmale der postkommunistischen Erinnerungskulturen der postjugoslawischen Staaten rekapituliert Einen differenzierten Blick auf den Titoismus, der dem Balkan fast fünfzig Jahre des Friedens ermöglichte, so lautet das Zwischenfazit, gibt es bisher nicht. Stattdessen dominiert eine einseitig dämonisierende Form der Vergangenheitsbewältigung. Das führte zu einer sehr selektiven Geschichtsauffassung.

More...
Otvaranje i popularizacija: Muzej 25. maj i transformacija prostora Dedinja
4.50 €

Otvaranje i popularizacija: Muzej 25. maj i transformacija prostora Dedinja

Author(s): Aleksandar Ignjatović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Museum of May 25 was erected at Dedinje in 1962 and it was the first public building in this, until then exclusive Belgrade neighborhood. As the center of the ritualization of the Day of Youth and spacing of the ideology of the Yugoslav socialism, the museum was just a part of an ambitiously designed whole. In ideological and performing cooperation with the Stadium of the Yugoslav People’s Army nearby, surrounding parks and free space, as well as with the residential complex where Josip Broz Tito lived, the Museum of May 25 was an extremely functional narrative of the new ideological matrix in the old area of Dedinje and Topčider marked by the removed seat of the ruler. However, despite the multiple connections to the traditional pattern of representing political power - concerning the topos, architecture and iconography – the Museum of May 25 re-marked the Dedinje and Topčider area and partly democratized them for the first time in history. After Tito’s death the process of opening and popularization of this area started losing its importance. However, during the last two decades, the new political and ideological context brought about not only the change of the name, the purpose and the importance of the museum compound, but also triggered off a reversible process of repeated closing and fencing-off of Dedinje. The area preserved and fortified the meaning of a removed ruler’s center and of representation of power, but notits populist and democratic character.

More...
„Druga Tita rodila je vila". Kako se pevalo (o) Titu
4.50 €

„Druga Tita rodila je vila". Kako se pevalo (o) Titu

Author(s): Ana Hofman / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Article addresses controversies of Tito’s musical persona in public discourse by examining two dominant narratives lines: the representations in the socalled Yugoslav folklore - the most important official genre for creating his mythical image and the representations of Tito as multisided musical persona particularly in the realm of popular music. Based on the analysis of songbooks from the period of World War II and those published after it, the paper deals with the ways in which the Tito’s public persona is created in accordance with the dominant narratives about the new socialist popular culture. Through analysis of their textual and musical content, it examines the ambivalent narratives in the creation of his public image: while the „institutionalized folklore" was seen as a appropriate genre for his representation in the public sphere, its commercial version, newly-composed folk music is not Tito's image of the classless, timeless and mythical figure is also used as a link between the mediating figure which provides the desired harmony between „new" and „old", tradition and modernization, but still strongly associated with the „elite" genres and established artists.

More...
Osavremenjivanje mita maršala Tita: Digitalne sadašnjosti poništenih prošlosti
4.50 €

Osavremenjivanje mita maršala Tita: Digitalne sadašnjosti poništenih prošlosti

Author(s): Martin Pogačar / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Postsocialist realities are shaped by the digital communication technologies in side the framework of the digital media ecology (DME). Changes in understanding of the past preservation, archivation, reinvention and reinterpretation are induced by the development of technology in the media sphere. DME provides space and tools for re-emergence of history through individual storytelling. Digital display of the Yugoslav past finds its on-line manifestations in numerous exhibiting stiles, genres, strategies, connecting encyclopedic entries, blogs, personal web pages, audio and visual recordings, social networks, online museums. One of the most intriguing subjects, which is continuously repeating in post-Yugoslav past relationships is the most prominent icon of socialism – Josip Broz Tito. The article analyzes two cases of dealing with Tito’s heritage in the Digital Media Ecology: video „Jugoslavijo" posted at YouTube and internet page www.tito-bihac.org. Different audio/visual contents are combined in a specific Digital Media Objects, which are creating new personal and consequently collective visions of the past Analizing the capacities of digital presentation of the past as the space for social and/or political activity, the author states that digital media practices have a deeper meaning that surpasess a mear nostalgia, reinvention of the past, or a simple joke. Furthermore, in DME shared creativity together with the interpretations of the past can provide wider framework on the usage of the Yugoslav history.

More...
Titova komunikaciona strategija kao politički činilac
4.50 €

Titova komunikaciona strategija kao politički činilac

Author(s): Predrag J. Marković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper tries to explain Tito’s communication strategy on several characteristic examples, from three different phases of his life. The first one is from his way to power within the Communist Party in 1928. His sudden rise in the ranks of the Party was partly enabled by his skilful performance at the 8th conference of the Zagreb’s Communists. Thereafter he attracted the attention of the public opinion, as well as of the Moscow, by his attitude at the „Bombers trial". He demonstrated a firm attitude that affirmed the public image of Communists. The second example of Tito’s communication strategy could be found in 1955-1956. Khrushchev came to Belgrade in May 1955 to apology for the Stalinist policy toward Yugoslavia. This led Tito to the conclusion that he could be a mentor to Soviets themselves. Therefore, he gave over enthusiastic statement on the future of socialism in Stalingrad, during his triumphal visit in 1956. Seeing the shock of the Western Allies, he immediately gave another, more balanced statement During 1956, he had to overcome complex and frustrating position of Yugoslavia in the Hungarian crisis. He also used a communication strategy to do so. Finally, perhaps the most brilliant case of his communication strategy is TV speech devoted to student rebellion in June of 1968. Contrary to all expectations of the more dogmatic Party apparatchiks, he supported students, with few „exceptions". Later this „exceptions" turned to be victims of the regime’s persecution. But, in the wake of his famous speech everybody was delighted: students, foreign media, even some dissidents. His careful timing and the precise calibrating of messages in this speech have remained as an example of the communication mastery.

More...
Između avangarde i cenzure: Tito i umetnost šezdesetih
5.00 €

Između avangarde i cenzure: Tito i umetnost šezdesetih

Author(s): Radina Vučetić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Avant-gard on exhibitions, on theatrical stages, on cinema screens and in concert halls was one of the specific features of the art scene in socialist Yugoslavia. The cream of the world avant-gard started arriving in Yugoslavia already in the 1950s and Yugoslav artists started creating works in the spirit of modernism and avant-garde. The presence of avant-garde sent into the world an image of an extremely modern, liberal and free country in which the avantgarde became the mainstream, in a way. However, the presence of the avantgarde in Yugoslavia doesn't present the true picture of artistic life. Exactly the time when avant-garde was on the ascent in Yugoslavia, was the time of court bans and pressure on artists. Films were banned, criticized or disappeared from cinema repertoirs (The Town, The Return, The Trap, A Man from the Oak Forest, Morning...), and consorship hit theater too, where only in 1968/69 plays Hats Down, As Pumpkins Bloomed and The Second Door to the Left were taken off the repertoir. Similar pressure was visible in the case of the journals Književne novine or Student who suffered governemnt blows in the late 1960s. Openness for fredom of the form, but not openness for critical examination of reality were characteristics of artistic life in SFRY.

More...
Result 27581-27600 of 28519
  • Prev
  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • ...
  • 1379
  • 1380
  • 1381
  • ...
  • 1424
  • 1425
  • 1426
  • Next

About

CEEOL is a leading provider of academic eJournals, eBooks and Grey Literature documents in Humanities and Social Sciences from and about Central, East and Southeast Europe. In the rapidly changing digital sphere CEEOL is a reliable source of adjusting expertise trusted by scholars, researchers, publishers, and librarians. CEEOL offers various services to subscribing institutions and their patrons to make access to its content as easy as possible. CEEOL supports publishers to reach new audiences and disseminate the scientific achievements to a broad readership worldwide. Un-affiliated scholars have the possibility to access the repository by creating their personal user account.

Contact Us

Central and Eastern European Online Library GmbH
Basaltstrasse 9
60487 Frankfurt am Main
Germany
Amtsgericht Frankfurt am Main HRB 102056
VAT number: DE300273105
Phone: +49 (0)69-20026820
Email: info@ceeol.com

Connect with CEEOL

  • Join our Facebook page
  • Follow us on Twitter
CEEOL Logo Footer
2025 © CEEOL. ALL Rights Reserved. Privacy Policy | Terms & Conditions of use | Accessibility
ver2.0.428
Toggle Accessibility Mode

Login CEEOL

{{forgottenPasswordMessage.Message}}

Enter your Username (Email) below.

Institutional Login