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THE GENERAL’S LAST BATTLE, OR HISTORY AND POLITICS IN POST-YUGOSLAV SERBIA

THE GENERAL’S LAST BATTLE, OR HISTORY AND POLITICS IN POST-YUGOSLAV SERBIA

Author(s): Bisser Petrov / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2014

Keywords: Second World War, Draža Mihailović, collaboration, rehabilitation, historiography

In most general terms the article deals with the politics of memory in post- Yugoslav Serbia and, in particular, the attitude assumed over time by historians and politicians vis-à-vis the personality of General Draža Mihailović, the leader of the Chetnik movement in wartime Yugoslavia. In addition, the article traces in detail the judicial saga associated with the legal rehabilitation of Mihailović. The link between politics and historiography is revealed in a most unambiguous way on the pages of the revised history textbooks, where Mihailović and his Chetniks are already put in a favourable light.

Osnovna obilježja i okolnosti demokratizacije društveno-političkog života slavonskobrodske opæine tijekom 1990

Basic characteristics and circumstances of the democratization of social and political life in the Municipality of Slavonski Brod in 1990

Author(s): Mladen Barać / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 10/2010

Keywords: democratization; multi-party system; elections; municipality of Slavonski Brod; everyday life; 1990

Although the communist rule was brought down without outbursts of violence or use of force in almost all European socialist countries (with the exception of Romania, where the principal communist power-holder Nicolae Ceausescu was disempowered and executed in a revolution) as a result of the relentless desire of their citizens for democratic reform of their countries, almost half a century of communist rule in Yugoslavia did not come to a peaceful end. Democratic movements in Yugoslav republics could not be suppressed, but they soon united seemingly completely unnatural ideological allies – aggressive Serbian nationalism and radical Yugoslav communist unitarianism endorsed by some of the former members of Communist League of Yugoslavia (SKJ) and hardliners from the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) – against the newly elected democratic governments in Croatia, Slovenia, and later also in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The alliance rested on the firm intention of its leaders, Slobodan Miloševiæ and Veljko Kadijeviæ, to stop the separation of the said republics in their AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist Council of the People’s Liberation of Yugoslavia) borders from the rest of Yugoslavia by using armed force. The social and political circumstances in the Municipality of Slavonski Brod were therefore profoundly influenced by the political developments in the rest of Yugoslavia. For the Municipality of Slavonski Brod and its residents, 1990 brought more than mere reform of political system and beginning of transition from a single-party system to a pluralistic democratic society. It was also a time of great expectations and fear of what was going to come. Democratic changes allowed for public criticism of the past func- 452 M. Barać: Osnovna obilježja i okolnosti ... tioning of former communist authorities and for the rejection of socialist methods of government and social development, and they enabled the citizens to face the previously unmentioned legacy of communist repression and Partisan crimes committed during and after World War II. The ideals on which the socialist society had rested (the role of Partisan fighters in the public life, socialist organizations built on the principle of “fraternity and unity”, Josip Broz Tito’s personality cult) were gradually dismissed, but we must emphasize that the same ideals had become redundant all over Yugoslavia. Formerly suppressed, concealed, and trivialized traits of Croatian national identity, such as names of important historical figures and important dates of Croatian history, made a grand comeback to the public life, and the return of religious communities to the public life, especially the Catholic Church as the largest religious community in this area, was also very prominent. Any major change, regardless of its final objective and the positive values it aspires to, causes its problems, injustices and difficulties. Many things had not changed for the better with the arrival of democrati

Staro sajmište and Memories on World War II

Staro sajmište i sećanja na II sv. rat

Author(s): Olga Manojlović-Pintar,Aleksandar Ignjatović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 117-118/2008

Keywords: World War II; Staro sajmiste; concentration camp; genocide; Jews;

The Analysis of Vojvodina Residents Sufferings in World War II

Pregled stradanja stanovništva Vojvodine u Drugom svetskom ratu

Author(s): Dragan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2005

Keywords: victims; Vojvodina; sufferings; war; 1941–1945;

The data, shown here, represented an attempt to illustrate sufferings of the citizens in Vojvodina, on the basis of the partly revised register ’Victims of War, 1941–1945’. With all the limitations this registration contains, it is considered that all the data are representative due to the fact that they have been done on the largest sample of the victims registrations for this territory yet (with the data added during the revision, it contains between 60% and 64% of the assumed number of victims). As far as the territory of Vojvodina is concerned, on which 10.90% of all the Yugoslav citizens lived, the analysis shows that 44,438 persons lost their lives i. e. 6.86% of all the Yugoslav citizens who were killed. The majority of them (66.21%) were murdered, 28% were killed and 5.79% died. The majority of them were civilians (73.29%), then the members of the National liberation army of Yugoslavia (24.22%), while the number of the members of the Army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia who had been killed was much smaller, in both the short April War (0.94%) and in POW camps (1.55%). As far as the regions are concerned, most of the people killed there were from Backa (42.27%), then Srem (40.38%), and the substantially smaller number of the people killed there were from Banat (17.35%). The national structure shows that the greatest number of victims were the Serbs (59.57%), in spite of the fact that they made 37.22% of the whole population of Vojvodina. The Jews were in the most tragic situation - with only 1.04% of citizens, they represented 25.48% of victims. The situation with the Romanies was similar – with only 0.46%, they represented 2.85% of victims. The Hungarians, who lived in Vojvodina, represented 22.43% of population and as far as the victims are concerned, they represented 3.60%. The Croatians represented 8.06% of the population of Vojvodina and 2.94% of victims. The Slovakians, with about 4% of citizens, made 1.73% of victims. Those who belonged to some other or unknown nationalities represented 3.84% of victims.

USTASHA CRIMES OVERS SERBS NEAR BANJA LUKA ON THE 7TH OF FEBRUARY, 1942

USTAŠKI ZLOČIN NAD SRBIMA U OKOLICI BANJA LUKE 7. VELJAČE 1942. GODINE

Author(s): Velimir Blažević / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 19/2003

Vijest o drugom pastirskom pohodu pape Ivana Pavla II. Bosni i Hercegovini i o njegovom dolasku u Banju Luku 22. lipnja 2003., te odluka mjerodavnih crkvenih osoba i vlasti da se tom prigodom euharistijsko slavlje s narodom i čin beatifikacije ili proglašenja blaženim Ivana Merza, rodom Banjalučanina, održe pokraj franjevačkog samostana na Petrićevcu, izazvali su u određenim političkim i intelektualnim krugovima Republike Srpske i Srbije, kao i kod dijela srpskog stanovništva, negativno raspoloženje i reakcije. Naime, u nekim emisijama na televiziji i radiju, kao i u dnevnom i periodičnom tisku, izražavano je negodovanje i protivljenje Papinu dolasku u Republiku Srpsku uopće, a osobito da se planirana svečanost održi na Petrićevcu.

HAJJI DŽAFER’S MOSQUE – LIPANJSKA MOSQUE IN GRAČANICA

Hadži Džaferova – Lipanjska džamija u Gračanici

Author(s): Dženan Hasić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 57/2014

Keywords: Gračanica; Lipanjska džamija; nacionalni spomenik

The article relates about Hajji Džafer’s mosque in Gračanica that was built by the will of man whose name it carries even today. However, the mosque is better known by the name Lipanjska mosque. This name, most probably, it got due to the linden tree (lipa) that used to be nearby the mosque. By that tree the settlements also got the name Lipa. The year when the mosque is constructed is not known, neither is it known who was that Hajji Džafer who built the mosque. It is possible that it was some wealthy man because at that time only the rich could go for hajj. However, the mosque was reconstructed at the number of occasions, and was rebuilt from the foundations in the year 1908. Then it was newly constructed, but in its old form. The original mosque was, due to deterioration, demolished in year 1934/1935, and in its place, the mosque with the wooden minaret as we see it today was constructed.

Reviews

Prikazi

Author(s): Dejan Jović,Petar Popović,Višeslav Raos,Vjeran Pavlaković / Language(s): English / Issue: 05/2012

Mieczysław P. Boduszyński, Regime Change in the Yugoslav Successor States: Divergent Paths Toward a New Europe, The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010, 333 pp. Darko Karačić, Tamara Banjeglav and Nataša Govedarica, Revizija prošlosti: Politike sjećanja u Bosni i Hercegovini, Hrvatskoj i Srbiji od 1990. godine Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Sarajevo, 2012, 240 pp. Véronique Pin-Fat, Universality, Ethics and International Relations: a Grammatical Reading Routledge, London and New York, 2010, 157 pp. Jon Meacham Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power Random House, New York, 2012, 800 pp.

Archive of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the research of history of local communities

Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine i istraživanja historije o lokalnim sredinama

Author(s): Mina Kujović / Language(s): / Issue: 32/2011

Keywords: Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine; arhivski fondovi; Zbirka otkupa i poklona

Prilog se odnosi na informacije o količini i sređenosti arhivske građe, pohranjene u Arhivu Bosne i Hercegovine, te na mogućnosti istraživanja i iznalaženja podataka za historiju lokalne sredine. Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine je tokom 63 godine svog djelovanja prikupio i u svojim depoima pohranio preko 500 arhivskih fondova i zbirki, nastalih djelovanjem različitih stvaralaca, u periodu od 1878. godine do danas. Pohranjeni fondovi su najvećim dijelom nastali djelovanjem najviših i viših organa vlasti i uprave koja se prostirala na cijelom teritoriju zemlje. Istraživanje historije o manjim sredinama (lokalne historije) u arhivskim fondovima pohranjenim u Arhivu BiH se razlikuje i zavisi od stepena sačuvanosti i sređenosti građe kao i administrativnog ustrojstva države. Istraživačima je od velike pomoći i Biblioteka Arhiva u kojoj se nalazi bogata referentna (pomoćna) literatura,periodika kao i historijska literatura. Nažalost, do sada su katalogizirana (obrađena) samo izdanja knjiga i periodike koja je objavljena do 1991. godine.

Serbia since July 2008: at the Doorstep of the EU

Serbia since July 2008: at the Doorstep of the EU

Author(s): Sabrina Petra Ramet / Language(s): / Issue: 01/2010

Abstract. With some Serbs subscribing to liberal values in line with those of the European Union and others adhering to nationalist values, reaching consensus on how to tackle the challenges that Serbs face has been difficult. Nationalists’ calls to rehabilitate Axis collaborators distract Serbs from other issues on the political agenda. The dominant sectors of the media as well as the educational and legal systems have been replicating the nationalist syndrome, a process that has impeded the development of a broader civic culture. However, the formation of a coalition government dominated by the Democratic Party in July 2008 marked a partial break with dysfunctional nationalism and has opened a new chapter in Serbian political development.

The Beginning of Democracy – Democratic Elections in the Bjelovar Municipality in 1990

"Demokracija je počela" - demokratski izbori u Općini Bjelovar 1990.

Author(s): Željko Karaula / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 2/2008

Keywords: Bjelovar; democratic changes; local elections; political parties; parliamentary democracy; Communist Union;

The downfall of the communist system in Europe in 1989, during a peoples’ awakening of a kind, was very soon reflected upon the events occurring in Socialist Yugoslavia, where the Yugoslav Communist Union had, until that time, exercised absolute power. Under the pressure of the communist system having fallen down in Eastern Europe, the true power takeover happened in 1990, when – after the introduction of a multi-party system – the Communist Union disappeared from the Croatian political scene. Referring to and based upon articles from local newspapers, publications issued by political parties and other written sources, the author notes how hard the way to democracy had been and indicates to the emergence of political parties in the area of the then Bjelovar Municipality. The paper presents the election results in the Bjelovar area in detail.

POLITICAL STRATIFICATION OF THE PEASANTRY IN SERBIA IN 1941

POLITIČKO RASLOJAVANJE SELJAŠTVA U SRBIJI 1941. GODINE

Author(s): Žarko Jovanović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/1994

Keywords: Serbia; peasantry; political stratification; 1941; Chetnik movement; partisans; national liberation movement;

In the eve of World War II the peasantry, as the most numerous part of the population (3.102.00 out of 4 million or 79.3%), represented an important factor in relation to economic, military and political power. The peasants were also the most numerous fighting force at the outbreak of World War II and had a deciding influence in the success of the War of National Liberation and the socialist revolution. Many different circumstances existent in the Serbian village influenced the attitude of the peasants in the course of the War of National Liberation. At the time of the uprising in 1941, as well as throughout the war, Serbian peasants found themselves between two opposing movements, partisan and četnik. The conflict between these two movements added the turmoil of civil war to other problems already besetting the peasants which suffered oppression, killing, plundering and maltreatment from the foreign aggressor they were fighting ... In the initial phase of the uprising against fascism, notwithstanding their traditional patriotism and freethinking, the peasants were more inclined to the četnik movement, mainly because joining the Cetniks did not oblige the peasants to leave home and fight as the case was with the partisan movement. As the Movement for National Liberation grew in the autumn of 1941, the situation changed rapidly, so that in most partisan detachments peasants made up between 75% and 90% of the units while their number in the četnik units dwindled despite measures aimed at preventing this, such as forcible mobilization, threats and reprisals.

I’m Doing all that’s Needed.’ Activists in Local Communities in Yugoslavia during the 1970s and 1980s

„Radim sve što treba.” Aktivisti u mjesnim zajednicama u Jugoslaviji 1970-ih i 1980-ih

Author(s): Igor Duda / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 3/2020

Keywords: local community; social self-management; socialist democracy; participation; activism; Yugoslavia;

After the experience with people’s committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens’ self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens’ interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.

LEGALIZATION OF PARTISANS IN SERBIA 1941-1942

LEGALIZACIJA PARTIZANA U SRBIJI 1941‒1942.

Author(s): Nemanja Dević / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2021

Keywords: 1941;Serbia;Uprising;Partisans;Communist Party of Yugoslavia;Civil War;Legalization;

The collapse of the uprising in Serbia in the fall and winter of 1941 also opened the question of the fate of the guerrillas, members of the resistance movement who did not leave Serbia with their leaders. Most of them, especially the members of the partisan movement, found themselves under repression by the occupation and collaborationist authorities. Some of the insurgents remained on the ground and tried to save themselves by joining the military organization of the Serbian Government. Some of them did this spontaneously, but others started infiltrating on the orders of their superiors. Members of Colonel Mihai-lović’s Chetnik detachments began legalization on their own in November of 1941 and later with the approval of their commander; several thousand people remained in the ranks of the Serbian State Guard or in the Chetnik detachments of Kosta Pećanac until the spring of 1943. Some of them were involved in re-pressive acts against members of the rival partisan movement. On the other hand, some members and officers from the ranks of the NOP joined the collabo-rationist units, although to a much lesser extent. From February 1942, they also infiltrated [the collaborationist units] on the instructions of the Provincial Committee of the CPY for Serbia, in order to get weapons, equipment and in-formation from the enemy. The phenomenon of partisan legalization was not local – it happened throughout Serbia and included several hundred former fighters, sometimes leaders and members of the CPY, who used their position to deal with the nationalist forces. This process was not discussed in historiograph-ical works and syntheses about the partisan movement, although partisan mem-oirs and a number of preserved documents speak about it precisely. Although less prevalent in relation to the competing resistance movement in terms of characteristics, degree of cooperation, and general mass, the legalization of partisans remained one of the dark spots in the history of the partisan movement in Serbia, and also one of the examples of its “Machiavellian” strategy.

Aleksandar Ranković in Dubrovnik, 1970–1983

Dubrovački dani Aleksandra Rankovića 1970–1983.

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2021

Keywords: Aleksandar Ranković; Yugoslav State Security Service; Dubrovnik

The paper, using the reports of the Security Service of Socialist Republic of Croatia, discusses how the Security Service conducted surveillance of Aleksandar Ranković and his family while they stayed in their holiday house in Dubrovnik, mostly in the summer season. One of the top officials in communist Yugoslavia, Ranković was ousted from power in 1966. Subsequently, the Yugoslav State Security Service initiated “Action X” whose aim was the surveillance of Ranković and his followers. Ranković’s code name in this project was “Petar”. The reports covering the surveillance of Ranković during his stays in Dubrovnik give various data on him, his family, but they also give insight on the techniques used by the Security Service in its secret surveillance of individuals.

The „Šimić case“ and the End of the League of Communists in Zenica

Slučaj „Šimić“ i kraj Saveza komunista u Zenici

Author(s): Mirza Džananović / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 49/2020

Keywords: Ante Šimić; League of Communists; „Agrokomerc“ affair; „Neum“ affair; Trade Unions;

Ante Šimić, an ironworker from Zenica, had a distinguished speech as a delegate at the Sixth Congress of the Union of Trade Unions of Bosnia and Herzegovina held in 1982. In his presentation, he cited irregularities that occurred in the society at the time, with the greatest criticism being given to officials who enjoyed the benefits of fancy cottages in Neum and Vlašić, as well as the use of official vehicles and even helicopters, while the daily life of the workers was completely different. Due to his stated views, Šimić went through a huge personal and professional torture, which remained unknown to the general public until the outbreak of the „Agrocomerc“ affair and then the „Neum“ affair. Thanks to three years of pressure from numerous media outlets and some trade union organizations, Ante Šimić has been rehabilitated, and the League of Communists in Zenica has been completely discredited, which is one of the major causes of poor results in the first democratic elections in December 1990.

THE STRUGGLE FOR THE LIBERATION OF SENJ

BORBA ZA OSLOBOĐENJE SENJA

Author(s): Vladimir Černjajev / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 1/1979

Keywords: Liberation; Senj;

Bilo je to posljednje ratno proljeće u kojem je 2. četa II bataljona XIV udarne brigade zajedno sa ostalim jedinicama XIX udarne divizije, kao i drugim divizijama u sastavu naše IV armije vodila već mjesec dana neprekidne ofanzivne borbe, goneći i uništavajući njemačke i ustaške snage — sve dok, eto, nismo stigli do samog Senja.

DEVELOPMENT AND INTEGRATION DIRECTIONS FOR THE PROTECTION OF WAR VETERANS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

RAZVOJ I PRAVCI INTEGRIRANJA BORAĈKE ZAŠTITE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Fuad Purišević / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 1/2010

Keywords: right; legal, social; soldier-veteran; protection of soldiers and persons disabled;

Taking into consideration everything said about the protection of soldiers and persons disabled in war, and although BiH is legally and politically not completely efficient, taking into consideration all the powers and prerogatives of the BiH constitution, it should not bellowed the soldiers and members of their families, as well as other victims of war, to be in a situation to receive charity, and their social rights to be resolved in palliative methods, or for them to become political means of political parties only when the parties need it. As a rule, it is a signal that soldiers’ rights will be regulated on a short-time basis, considering that they are insubstantial and economically ungrounded, and also means for keeping certain political parties in the government, while unfortunately, those political parties are frivolous political authorities. Soldier population should not be means of mutual spats of leading and opposition parties, because it marginalizes soldiers and their families. It makes legal, social and economic insecurity, uncertainty and instability of soldier population, as well as instability of the state of BiH in general, and it continually puts BiH on the edge of complete rebellion in entities and/or the whole state.

WITH THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE INSTITUTE OF HISTORY IN SARAJEVO

UZ DVADESETOGODIŠNJICU INSTITUTA ZA ISTORIJU U SARAJEVU

Author(s): Zdravko Antonić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 14-15/1978

Keywords: Institute; Bosnia and Herzegovina; 20th anniversary;

Ove godine navršavaju se dvije decenije rada Instituta, čije osnivanje i početni koraci padaju u poslijeratno vrijeme kada su u našoj sredini stvarani realni uslovi za sistematski napredak nauke i obrazovanje brojnih naučnih ustanova. U proteklom dvadesetogodišnjem razdoblju Institut se uobličavao, sazrijevao i razvijao, dajući doprinos uzdizanju naučnih i stručnih kadrova i istoriografiji u Bosni i Hercegovini.

SHAPING OF JOSIP BROZ TITO’S VISUAL IMAGE AND PROPAGANDA PICTURES. A CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE SHAPING OF THE CULT OF PERSONALITY

KREIRANJE VIZUELNE PREDSTAVE I PROPAGANDNE SLIKE JOSIPA BROZA TITA. PRILOG PROUČAVANJU IZGRADNJE KULTA LIČNOSTI

Author(s): Srđan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2023

Keywords: Josip Broz Tito; Communism; Cult of Personality; Propaganda; Yugoslavia

The shaping of Tito’s cult went through various phases and changed in the rhythm of dynamic social changes. The image of Tito is systematically, organized and patiently revived through the media, educational and scientific system, party and wider social activities. The image was a combination of a number of classic images: war hero and strategist, world leader, wise teacher, victor over the forces of evil (Hitler later Stalin) but also specific to him as a man of the people but royal manners and world importance, charmer popular among women who knows how to rule but also enjoys life, etc. Even after his death, through the slogan “And after Tito, Tito!”, his cult in society was further developed in order to maintain power. The fact that Tito enjoys great popularity in the former Yugoslav republics, even after 40 years since his death, shows how successful the shaping of the cult was and the skilfully placed images of it accepted. Especially in Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Slovenia, while in Serbia, according to some studies, he is popular with as many as 32% of the population.

THE STAY OF THE 18TH CROATIAN NOU BRIGADE IN POSAVINA IN FEBRUARY AND MARCH 1944 WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO ITS ACTIVITIES IN THE AREA OF THE PRESENT MUNICIPALITIES OF ORAŠJE AND DOMALJEVAC-ŠAMAC

BORAVAK 18. HRVATSKE NOU BRIGADE U POSAVINI U VELJAČI I OŽUJKU 1944. GODINE S POSEBNIM OSVRTOM NA NJEZINO DJELOVANJE NA PODRUČJU DANAŠNJIH OPĆINA ORAŠJE I DOMALJEVAC-ŠAMAC

Author(s): Marko Matolić / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 8/2022

Keywords: 18th Croatian East Bosnian NOU Brigade; Bosnian Posavina; Orašje; Domaljevac; 1944;

Significantly decimated in the battles that befell it at the end of 1943 and the beginning of 1944, the 18th Croatian NOU Brigade, after a short consolidation in Semberija, went to Posavina, in order to promote the communist, anti-fascist struggle among the predominantly Croatian population there, and tried to win him over to join her ranks. At the same time, on the military front, the Brigade was supposed to assist the already existing partisan units of the 16th Muslim Brigade and the Posavina-Trebavian partisan detachment in eliminating enemy groups. At that time, there were already wellorganized village guards made up of local Ustasha and former home guards in the Croatian villages of Bosnian Posavina, while in the Serbian villages local Chetniks had already been in command for three years, and these two armed groups had a generally correct relationship with each other. The short-term stay of the 18th Croatian NOU Brigade was therefore not overly successful in either of the two mentioned plans, which is why its stay in Bosnian Posavina is reduced to just a few sentences in socialist historiography. Nevertheless, the short stay of the 18th Croatian Brigade in Posavina was not without events. First, on March 4, 1944, the brigade entered the village of Domaljevac, where its members ravaged the parish office of the local pastor, otherwise an ardent supporter of the Ustasha movement, Ante Tepeluk. Bogomir Brajković gave a speech in front of the gathered peasants, which did not bear much fruit. Brajković gave the same speech in the village of Matići a few days later, on March 13 of the same year, but he did not succeed in arousing the interest of the local population there either. The communists within the brigade tried to present themselves to the local Croatian population as a kind of continuation of the pre-war politics of the Croatian Peasant Party, of which individuals, such as the aforementioned Brajković, were indeed members. The Croatian population in Posavina, due to previous experiences fighting against the partisans, had already organized their village guards quite well, so the fighting that took place in mid-March was fierce and disastrous for the partisan brigade. At least nine partisans were killed in the military actions, while around 14 were wounded. The partisans briefly managed to occupy some villages, hold some propaganda speech, but due to the great insecurity, they retreated to the south after that. During the brigade's attack on Orašje, the partisans were joined by some local inhabitants, Bosniaks, which will be the beginning of animosity between Bosniaks and Croats in this area that will culminate in March 1945, but also the creation of connections that will be used in the coming times when a large number of members of the green cadre and members of the SS transferred to the national liberation units. In one military operation, the brigade captured five local legionnaires and sentenced them to death. The sentence was carried out on three, while two managed to escape. The brigade also had several firefights with Chetnik units in Posavina, which were of varying fortunes for them. In one attack, they managed to destroy a small Chetnik headquarters in the village of Batkuši and liquidate the local leader Ignjat Bijelić. In the second skirmish, which took place in the village of Blaževac, Pavle Gajić's Chetniks inflicted a heavy defeat on the brigade. The 18th Croatian Brigade withdrew from Posavina when the German 13th SS Division appeared in these areas. The aim of this work is, on the basis of available historical sources and historiographical and memoir literature, to show in detail the stay of this Brigade in Posavina, with special reference to its activities in the area of today's municipalities of Orašje and Domaljevac-Šamac, that is, the eastern part of Posavina County.