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Wpływ polityki monarchów polskich na ustrój Gdańska w latach 1454–1793

Wpływ polityki monarchów polskich na ustrój Gdańska w latach 1454–1793

Author(s): Tadeusz Maciejewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2014

The Polish–Pomeranian sovereignty over Gdańsk continued for 338 years (970–1308) and purely Polish for 339 years (1454–1793), which corresponds to the total of 677 years, while that of the Teutonic Order and Prussia (1308–1454; 1793–1807; 1813–1918) – only to 265 years. The thirteen-years’ war continued from 1454 to 1466. Its result on the one hand was the establishment of Royal Prussia, dependent on Poland, and on the other – the granting of four great privileges (in 1454–1457) by King Casimir the Jagiellon (Kazimierz Jagiellończyk) to Gdańsk. They awarded the city with broad territorial, court and legal, trade and customs, maritime, and minting autonomy, with only limited duties towards the sovereign kings of Poland. In the 16th century, controversies between the governing patriciate and the commons started in Gdańsk around 1517. An end was put to them in 1526 by King Sigismund the Old (Zygmunt Stary), who issued Constitutiones Sigismundi that generally brought back the old political system of Gdańsk, albeit altered by the setting up of the Third Order being a representation of the commons. In the 17th century, King John (Jan) III Sobieski interfered with the political system of Gdańsk, issuing two decrees in 1678. They reinforced the rights of the monarch in the city and the position of the Third Order. The political system of Gdańsk was reformed again in mid-18th century, by King August III who in 1750 issued a declaration and a statute expanding the rights of the king in the city, and reinforcing the position of the Third Order and changing the principles of its nomination. Finally, plenty of administrative, organisational, economic, and financial questions were revised.

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Z dziejów kłamstwa katyńskiego: o zasługach Wiktora Sukiennickiego (1901–1983) w odkrywaniu prawdy i paru niepewnych wynikach badań. (Z badań archiwalnych w Instytucie Hoovera Uniwersytetu Stanforda w Kalifornii)

Z dziejów kłamstwa katyńskiego: o zasługach Wiktora Sukiennickiego (1901–1983) w odkrywaniu prawdy i paru niepewnych wynikach badań. (Z badań archiwalnych w Instytucie Hoovera Uniwersytetu Stanforda w Kalifornii)

Author(s): Olga Kotulska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2018

The aim of the present article is to present the history of the lie of Katyń and the pioneering role that Wiktor Sukiennicki (an unknown Polish sovietologist, a law philosopher and Professor at the University of Stanford and University of Vilnius) played by writing the memorial of the Katyń massacre. The preparation of the memorial was commissioned by the Polish government in London and its text was so pregnant in meaning and unquestionable about whom the culprit was that, despite the pressure from the Soviet side, Katyń was not added to the indictment against the Hitler war criminals during the Nuremberg trials. All of the materials collected in the present article are the outcome of the thorough research done by the author of the article at the Hoover Institute of the Stanford University in California, where the Sukiennicki’s archives collection is situated, as well at the Polish Institute and Sikorski Museum in London.

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Les convergences franco-polonaises de la Mission militaire française en Pologne à la visite de Charles de Gaulle en 1967

Les convergences franco-polonaises de la Mission militaire française en Pologne à la visite de Charles de Gaulle en 1967

Author(s): Hervé Gaymard / Language(s): French Issue: 2/2022

Since the 16th century, France has been looking for a trusted partner in Central Europe. Poland seemed predestined to play this role. The transformation of the Polish-French convergence into a common destiny on the European stage was especially feared by Bismarck when he reorganised Europe for his own benefit. Unfortunately, our deep knowledge of each other has rarely been accompanied by full mutual understanding. The period of Polish independence, during which the French military mission helped Poland to form an army, was exceptional. The Polish experience refined de Gaulle’s geopolitical training. It was his first confrontation with Russia, his first judgment on “strategic invariants”. He also learned the geostrategic culture that he would develop on a European scale, such as a need for mobile armoured weapons. The paths of Poland and France diverged with the German-Polish non-aggression pact and the lack of vision of the French leaders. De Gaulle was a man of living history, a man who knew how to discern the deep continuities on which he relied to anticipate future prospects. This is why Poland was his first commitment outside France, and then his first official trip to a country under the Soviet yoke. A visit during which he met 3 million Poles and in which he felt his last international initiative. It combined emotional dimensions, cultural and intellectual proximity and potential political interests, but the constraints of the Cold War dictated its modest results.

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Le voyage de De Gaulle en Pologne

Le voyage de De Gaulle en Pologne

Author(s): Maurice Vaïsse / Language(s): French Issue: 2/2022

General de Gaulle’s visit to Poland cannot be understood without taking into account two contradictory factors that have characterized Franco-Polish relations since 1958: on the one hand, the fact that he belonged to opposing camps during the Cold War, and on the other hand, the intensity of bilateral ties, which is also expressed in his personal memories of service between 1919 and 1921. Regardless of sentimental and historical considerations, the territorial status of post-war Poland was a lasting part of General de Gaulle’s geopolitical conception. It implied support for the inviolability of its western border. The possibilities of political openness he had been thinking about since 1958 were thwarted by the tensions of the Cold War and Poland’s support for Algeria. The ousting of Khrushchev and the cooling of Franco-German relations were a turning point. The intensive exchange of visits between Poland and France was supposed to signify acceptance of the bipolar order on condition that Poland retained its identity. General de Gaulle’s visit to Poland was intended to explain his policy of “détente, understanding, cooperation”. His veiled speeches suggested the adoption of a more independent stance towards Moscow, but did not in any way upset the post-war status quo in Europe.

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Дипломатическата активност между Византия и Запада/Папството в навечерието на кръстоносния поход на Владислав III Ягело и Ян Хуниади от 1443 – 1444 година
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Дипломатическата активност между Византия и Запада/Папството в навечерието на кръстоносния поход на Владислав III Ягело и Ян Хуниади от 1443 – 1444 година

Author(s): Ivayla Popova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2024

The article traces the diplomatic contacts between Byzantium and the West/Papacy in the period after the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1439) until the Battle of Varna in 1444. The crusading initiatives of Pope Eugenius IV (in the person of Cristoforo Garatone, Giovanni Torcello, Ciriaco of Ancona) and of the embassies from the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaeologus to the Pope and the missions of the Byzantine diplomats in Venice, in the courts of the Burgundian Duke Philip the Good and King Alfonso V of Aragon (Andronicus Iagaris, Giovanni Torcello, Theodore Karystinos). On the basis of papal bull and letters, Byzantine documents, letters of Western European rulers are presented, on the one hand, the efforts of Byzantine ambassadors to secure Western aid and crusader ships for the defense of Constantinople and, on the other hand, the attempts of the West to organize a crusade to expel the Ottomans from the Balkans. The actions of some diplomats with dual loyalty who were both Byzantine envoys and papal ambassadors are analyzed.

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Дипломатически мисии между Османския и Хабсбургския двор преди и след Дългата турска война (1593–1606)
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Дипломатически мисии между Османския и Хабсбургския двор преди и след Дългата турска война (1593–1606)

Author(s): Aneliya Stoyanova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2024

Diplomatic missions between the Ottoman and Habsburg courts represent a significant phenomenon of the Early Modern period. During the second half of the 16th century, the number of embassies between these courts increased noticeably. This study examines the development of bilateral diplomatic relations between Vienna and Constantinople before and after the Long Turkish War (1593–1606) within the context of emerging diplomatic practices at the pan-European level. The end of the war maintained the territorial status quo but brought about changes in diplomatic practices. The organization of specific missions and the attitude of the hosting court held significant symbolic meaning, turning ceremonial practices into a competitive arena, much like the military front. The role of diplomats extended beyond negotiating peace; it also involved representing that peace through symbolic and ritualistic means. This culminated in the lavish and elaborate grand embassies of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, highlighting the intricate interplay between diplomacy and ceremonial representation.

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Луиджи Фердинандо Марсили и робството му при турците в спомени и документи
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Луиджи Фердинандо Марсили и робството му при турците в спомени и документи

Author(s): Penka Danova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2024

This article examines the experiences of Count Luigi Ferdinando Marsili (1658–1730) during his nine-month captivity under the Turks, following his capture on the eve of the siege of Vienna in 1683. Translated into Bulgarian, parts of his major works on this subject – “Autobiography” and “Information on Slavery / Ragguaglio della schiavitu” – are presented and analyzed. These texts are compared with other documents and studies to explore the formation and development of Marsili’s ideas about slavery, the means of combating this phenomenon, and the forms of redemption. Above all, the analysis highlights the universal human values embedded in these examples of European memoir literature from the dawn of the eighteenth century.

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Между бунта и разбойничеството във войната и политиката – за действията на Йеген Осман паша в Румелия
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Между бунта и разбойничеството във войната и политиката – за действията на Йеген Осман паша в Румелия

Author(s): Dzheni Ivanova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2024

Yeğen Osman Pasha was a significant figure in the military-political life of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 1680s. His fascinating biography and career reveal him as a man of power and influence, capable of affecting various levels of the state. The aim of this publication is to present the actions of the Pasha in Rumelia during the Ottoman War with the Holy League (1683–1699) and to highlight specific details of wartime uprisings. The research is based on the highly representative works of Silahdar Mehmed Ağa and Defterdar Sarı Mehmed Pasha, written at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th century. The information from these sources is discussed in combination with other European and domestic sources, applying a comparative methodology in data analysis. The main conclusions of the study emphasize the internal political factors that led to the rise of Christian subjects against the authorities. This issue has not been previously researched in Bulgarian historiography. The portrayal of Yeğen Osman Pasha‘s actions exemplifies one of the chronic problems in the state, related to the support of mercenaries from the army and the sudden looting of settlements near the front. A series of facts reveal the connection between the illegal actions of the troubled pasha and the events in the Bulgarian territories. The study offers chronological and factual reconstructions of the series of rebellions among the rayah in the Chiprovtsi region during 1688–1690, which according to Ottoman historiography, were prolonged. The opposition between Yeğen and the authorities triggered a series of upheavals in the Ottoman province, leading to a chain reaction of rebellion, including the recruitment and open participation of the Christian population in the Habsburg fighting units during the war.

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Българското участие в „Пражката пролет“

Българското участие в „Пражката пролет“

Author(s): Kalin Ranchev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2023

The report examines the Bulgarian participation in the military intervention of the Warsaw Pact troops in Czechoslovakia during the military-political operation “DANUBE”. The report examines aspects of the participation of the 12th Elhovski and 22nd Harmanli regiments in the operation. Some unknown or little known documents from the Bulgarian archives are used in the article.

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От „Естествено“ към „Надеждно партньорство“: Еволюция в отношенията на Япония с НАТО

От „Естествено“ към „Надеждно партньорство“: Еволюция в отношенията на Япония с НАТО

Author(s): Boryana Miteva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2023

Cooperation between Japan and NATO has only recently begun to attract the attention of researchers. During the Cold War, regardless of the shared sense of threat from the USSR, geographical distance and different priorities in the field of defense did not create a need for collaborations. With the end of the bipolar world, an entirely new and dynamically changing international environment is emerging, which presents Japan and NATO with new challenges. Developments in NATO’s partnership policy on the one hand, as well as the transformation Japan‘s national security strategy has undergone, have made possible the evolution of their relationship in recent decades. The present study aims to trace the development of this interaction and analyze the potential and limitations of their cooperation.

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Атлантическата идея като външнополитически приоритет през 90-те години на XX век

Атлантическата идея като външнополитически приоритет през 90-те години на XX век

Author(s): Irina Yakimova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2023

The article examines the question of Bulgaria’s place in the new military-political world order after the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact Organization. The author stresses the national security dilemma arising after the end of the Cold War, while tracing the evolution of the so-called “Bulgarian Atlantic idea” as well as its gradual recognition as a top foreign policy priority during the 1990s.

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Еволюция на китайската външна политика през XXI век – културни аспекти

Еволюция на китайската външна политика през XXI век – културни аспекти

Author(s): Verginia Hristova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2023

The presented research aims to mark and compare the main trends of the foreign policy dynamics of the People’s Republic of China by tracing the cultural aspects of diplomacy. It covers the period from the founding of the country to the present day with the main task of demonstrating the curve of changes and attempting to analyze the similar and different factors over the decades that led to the similar periods of isolation alternating with a more open foreign policy. For each period, some of the most emblematic events in the field of public diplomacy are selected, which are indicative of the main challenges facing the foreign policy of the PRC and even give rise to the appearance in the popular space of a specific terminology that refers to the understanding of the main processes such as “ping-pong diplomacy”, “wolf warrior diplomacy”, etc.

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Early Modern Diplomatic Realities: Michael Starzer and Caspar Gratiani in the First Years of Their Acquaintance (1610 – 1614)
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Early Modern Diplomatic Realities: Michael Starzer and Caspar Gratiani in the First Years of Their Acquaintance (1610 – 1614)

Author(s): Aneliya Stoyanova / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2024

Austrian Habsburg resident in Constantinople Michael Starzer (1610 – 1622) and trans-imperial agent, future Ottoman diplomat and Prince of Moldavia Caspar Gratiani met in the Ottoman capital in the early 1610s. Based on the analysis of the Habsburg diplomat’s correspondence, the current article focuses on the interaction and cooperation between these two men from the spring of 1611 (i.e. when Michael Starzer first mentioned Gratiani in his letters to the Habsburg court) to the appointment of Gratiani as part of the Ottoman diplomatic mission to Linz in the summer of 1614. The main research questions concern the factors that contributed to the good relationship between them and its impact on the development of the Habsburg-Ottoman diplomacy during the first decade after the end of the Long Turkish War.

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Polsko-niemieckie stosunki w sejmowej i senackiej debacie w latach 1989−1991

Author(s): Agnieszka Kastory / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

The paper concerns the position of Polish MPs and senators on shaping the principles of German-Polish cooperation in a situation in which Poland regains full sovereignty in foreign policy. The position of Polish deputies was analysed on the basis of stenographic reports from plenary sessions of the Sejm and Senate concerning the preparation and ratification of treaties with Germany on confirming the border and on good neighbourhood. In particular, it was a question of examining whether MPs and senators supported the concept of a G erman-Polish community of interest, which was defined and presented in the Sejm by Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski. During the ratification debate, supporters of both treaties pointed out that they enabled Poland to leave the Eastern Bloc, making Poland independent of the support of the USSR for the western border. They also provided an opportunity for German support on Poland’s way to the European Communities. MPs and senators understood that it was possible to build a G erman-Polish community of interest on the basis of supporting and expanding the integration process and thus completely change Poland’s geopolitical situation. This did not mean that the solutions adopted in the treaty on good neighbourhood, especially with regard to compensation, the status of Poles in Germany and the German minority in Poland, were fully accepted.

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Dyplomacja Nicolae Ceauşescu wobec przemian politycznych w Polsce w 1989 roku

Author(s): Krzysztof Nowak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

In 1989, Romania belonged to the communist countries, which particularly strongly attacked communist Poland for carrying out democratic reforms. For many months the diplomacy of communist leader Nicolae Ceaşescu tried to organize a conference of socialist countries on the subject of Poland, but as a result of Moscow’s opposition it did not come to fruition. During the Gorbachev era, the Soviet Union rejected the Brezhnev doctrine, while Romania actually urged its restoration. This was in contradiction with the current political line of Ceauşescu in favor of not interfering in the internal affairs of socialist countries. However, in 1989 it was a threat to communism, which is why historians also have polemics about Romanian suggestions for the armed intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Poland. In turn, Romania did not allow Poland to interfere in the problems of the Polish minority in Bukovina.

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ALI KADRIA: NACIONALIZMI SHQIPTAR NË VITET 1912-1924
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ALI KADRIA: NACIONALIZMI SHQIPTAR NË VITET 1912-1924

Author(s): Aton PANCHEV / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 01-02/2021

Review of: SALI KADRIA: NACIONALIZMI SHQIPTAR NË VITET 1912-1924, Tiranë: Kristalina-KH, 2019, 680 F.

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ZGJEDHJET PËR ASAMBLENË KUSHTETUESE TË VITIT 1928
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ZGJEDHJET PËR ASAMBLENË KUSHTETUESE TË VITIT 1928

Author(s): BASHKIM BOSETA / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 03-04/2021

Krijimi i Monarkisë Shqiptare, kaloi nëpërmjet një rruge të studiuar mirë. Si një politikan që kishte arritur shpejt postet më të larta drejtuese të shtetit, Zogu ishte i vetëdijshëm se ndryshimi i sistemit politik, duhej bërë sa të ishte e mundur, nëpërmjet hapësirave ligjore, proces të cilin mund ta definonte Asambleja Kushtetuese. Pasi siguroi mbështetjen italiane dhe të grupimeve të caktuara të shoqërisë shqiptare, vëmendja u përqendrua në krijimin e kushteve që do të mundësonin kalimin e vendit në zgjedhje të reja. Ato më të afertat mund të bëheshin në pranverën e vitit 1929, dhe do të ishin për Dhomën e Deputetëve, pasi Statuti Themeltar i Republikës kishte përcaktuar se deputeti zgjidhej për katër vjet. Ndërsa ato për 2/3 e senatorëve, i takonte të bëheshin në vitin 1931, sepse ata zgjidheshin për 6 vjet.1 Kështu që mundësi e vetme, ishte krijimi i situatave konfliktuale mes dhomave të parlamentit, me qëllim shpërndarjen e tyre. Si pretekst për këtë shërbeu projektligji për krijimin e Këshillit të Shtetit dhe pikërisht klauzola, se kush do të kishte të drejtën e emërimit të anëtarëve të tij. Në nëntor 1927, Dhoma e Deputetëve gjatë diskutimit të bërë, saktësoi në pikën 1 se, “Këshilli i Shtetit përbëhet prej pesë anëtarësh, të emëruar drejtpërdrejtë me dekret të Kryetarit të Republikës, nga të cilët njëri dekretohet kryetar”.

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Българският униатски архиепископ Йосиф Соколски в служба на руското правителство

Българският униатски архиепископ Йосиф Соколски в служба на руското правителство

Author(s): Petаr Gramatikov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2023

Joseph Sokolski was a supporter of the idea of independence of the Bulgarian church. At the same time, he was attracted to the union movement. Russian diplomacy is very worried about the union, seeing in it a threat to Russia's influence on the Bulgarian Orthodox Church and on the Bulgarian population in the Ottoman Empire. The Russian ambassador in Constantinople, Prince Lobanov, decided to kidnap Archbishop Joseph Sokolski from Constantinople.

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Vztah těla a mysli podle Kanta. Kantova transcendentálně-logická redukce jednoho metafyzického problému

Vztah těla a mysli podle Kanta. Kantova transcendentálně-logická redukce jednoho metafyzického problému

Author(s): Jindřich Karásek / Language(s): Czech Issue: 66-67/2024

The paper advocates the view that within Kant’s project of transcendental philosophy, the metaphysical problem of the relation between body and soul is reduced to an epistemic problem. The paper also aims to demonstrate the particular implications of this reduction with regard to the issues addressed in metaphysical conceptions of the relation between body and mind. Further, it is shown what conception of matter Kant develops within his reduction.

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Ратник, обавештајац, политичар: прилози за биографију пуковника Танасија Динића до 1941. године

Ратник, обавештајац, политичар: прилози за биографију пуковника Танасија Динића до 1941. године

Author(s): Rade Ristanović,Miloš Žikić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2024

Colonel Tanasije Dinić’s personality and contributions are principally associated with the era of the Second World War, during which he held a prominent role as a collaborator and served as one of Milan Nedić’s ministers. Th is article seeks to undertake a historiographical reconstruction of Colonel Dinić’s activities within the borders of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia leading up to the onset of the Second World War. Th e authors underscore three distinctive phases in Colonel Dinić’s life. Th e initial section of the study meticulously examines his wartime experiences, commencing from his enrollment in the Military Academy’s Lower School and extending to the early years subsequent to the establishment of the SHS Kingdom. Th e subsequent section of the article delves into Colonel Dinić’s signifi cant contributions to the establishment, expansion, and management of an intelligence network with a specifi c focus on Albania and Bulgaria. Th e third section of the article extensively addresses Colonel Tanasije Dinić’s tenure as a member of the Yugoslav Radical Community (JRZ) and the National Assembly. Th e scholarly foundation of this section rests upon pertinent literature and archival sources, which have been systematically employed to craft the narrative presented in the paper

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