Prikaz knjige: „Rimski ratovi u Iliriku: povijesni antinarativ“, Danijel Džino i Alka Domić Kunić
Review of: Danijel Džino i Alka Domić Kunić, “Rimski ratovi u Iliriku: povijesni antinarativ”, Školska knjiga, Zagreb, 2013.
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Review of: Danijel Džino i Alka Domić Kunić, “Rimski ratovi u Iliriku: povijesni antinarativ”, Školska knjiga, Zagreb, 2013.
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Th e article analyses the spatial arrangement of members of the elite Dubrovnik confraternity of St Anthony along the main Dubrovnik street-square Placa (today’s Stradun) during the 15th century. Th is confraternity, founded in the mid-14th century, brought together the most distinguished and most powerful merchants of Dubrovnik, and the sources sometimes refer to it as the “scuola dei mercadanti”. At the same time, it was an institutional hub for the Dubrovnik commoner elite: wealthy and influential merchants, and public officials (chancellors, notaries, doctors, teachers) who, due to the closure of the ruling noble class after the serrata of the Major Council in the 1330s, could not participate in the bodies of political governance. However, this secondary elite of Dubrovnik, as the Antunini can indeed be called, sustained the trade and economy of Dubrovnik together with the nobility during the golden age of the Republic in the 15th and 16th centuries. Th e article analyses the spatial distribution of the Antunini, with a particular focus on the most representative part of the city. Th e central question is how the social mobility of this group of people was mirrored in space. What do changes in terms of space – continuities and discontinuities in rooms rented for economic purposes, presence in certain parts of the city, the continuity of housing and residence, residential mobility, and the level of possession – speak about the social movements in Dubrovnik during its “golden age”? Following a chronological presentation of Placa’s development into the main communication line in the city, we have used the register of leases of municipal houses as the main source for our analysis, given that the Dubrovnik authorities applied, as in the Italian cities, the system of leases in the distribution and use of municipal real estate, built from the mid-14th century. Leasers of elite business premises along Placa have been prosopographically identified, with a focus on the members of the confraternity of St Anthony, which showed a strong presence of Antunini in the best locations. It turned out that the most prominent, and in terms of business most powerful Antunini, rented municipal houses from the beginning of the 15th century in the eastern, elite part of Placa – east of the church of Petilovrijenac and the mint, all the way to the Sponza Palace and St Blaise’s church. Moreover, our analysis of the housing arrangement of this social group has shown that the northern part of the city, the sestiere of St Nicholas (today’s Prijeko) can indeed be considered an Antunini neighbourhood, which is hardly surprising given that residences were still available there in the 14th and 15th centuries, and that the district could receive new enterprising people, as most of the Antunini were. But in spite of the great concentration of residents in Prijeko, many of these people, in accordance with their growing social status and economic power, soon acquired representative houses in other parts of the city, including its elite areas and next to the noble houses. And whereas in the sphere of governance and political decision-making there were fixed borders between the social strata, symbolized by every call of the bell to the meetings of the Major Council, in which the commoner elite could not participate, here, in the area of entrepreneurship, and for many residence as well, there were no barriers preventing the commoners from living wall to wall with the nobility, sharing the prestigious space of Placa and the city’s sestieri, as well as the daily rhythm of Dubrovnik’s golden and less golden days.
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More than two decades ago, at the beginning December 1994, NATO’s Foreign Ministers expressed their readiness to establish the Mediterranean Dialogue. It was meant to provide an institutionalized framework, underpinned by political cooperation and consultation on security aspects, especially in relations with the evolutions in the Southern neighborhood. Moreover, the decision was a clear expression of the NATO’s adaptation process started in the aftermath of the end of Cold War. Two months later, the first discussions took place between then NATO Secretary General Willy Claes and representatives of five countries from the North Africa and Middle East. Few years later the number of participating countries increased to seven thus encompassing Egypt, Israel, Mauritania, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and Jordan. Since its inception Mediterranean Dialogue evolved gradually from political consultation fora to a genuine cooperation and partnership platform, which contributed substantially to the structural development of NATO’s partnership policies. In addition to the strategic relevance of the political dialogue, the practical cooperation agenda developed under the aegis of Mediterranean Dialogue increased the overall profile and contribution of the countries from the region in the security management context. Many of them participated with forces and capabilities in several operational commitments conducted by NATO, especially those in Europe and Afghanistan. In the same vein, Mediterranean partners are one of the most active contributors in the overall context of counter-terrorism activities as well as in the framework of Global Coalition against ISIL.
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Contemporary Poland and Romania are closely connected countries, both being members in the EU and NATO and situated on the eastern flank of the Euro-Atlantic world. Most Romanians have a favorable vision of Poland and Polish people and there is a historic tradition of friendship and cooperation. The diplomatic bilateral relations were established in 1919, at the level of „legation” and later in 1938 at the level of Embassy. Now they are both EU and NATO states, situated on the eastern flank of these organizations. They are disturbed by Russia’s territorial revisionism and would like to see a coherent West protecting the Helsinki status quo. Romania and Poland want to develop the political, economic, security and cultural cooperation but they must overcome some bureaucratic, mentality and material obstacles.
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The nature of the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum submitted in July 1914 to Serbia was one of relevant topics in debates on war guilt for the First World War that took place upon its completion. Already at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, in the context of perpetrators of the war, it was concluded that the Ultimatum was made in such a way to be rejected and therefore to serve as an excuse for an already prepared war of Austria-Hungary with her neighbor. It was also concluded that in these intentions Austria-Hungary had the full support of Berlin. In post-war Germany and Austria various activities were undertaken aiming at denying own responsibility for the war and its transfer to other countries of the former Entante. Interpretations of the Ultimatum were developed with an aim to weaken this accusation of Versailles. Many have written on this controversial documents: historians as w ell as participants of key events in the period prior to the war. They endeavored to prove that formulated demands were politically and legally well grounded and acceptable, and that Serbian rejection did not represent a desirable outcome of the undertaken action. Serbian reply was simultaneously the subject of their attention, particularly the rejection of the two most delicate points of the Ultimatum. In this decision they saw influence of Russia and in line with that her key role in provoking the war. Unreserved German support in the attitude to Serbia in 1914 was interpreted by convictions of the Emperor and the government that this was a question of vital interest for Austria-Hungary and that potential war conflict would not go beyond Balkan frontiers. These interpretations were not supported by many sources in contemporary archives, and were also rejected by some relevant voices from Germany who assessed Serbian reply as satisfactory and criticized an accelerated Austrian breaking of diplomatic relations with Serbia immediately upon its reception. Overall efforts to improve historical judgement of the Ultimatum have therefore not given proper results.
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The study deals with one of the important episodes of the collapse of the Russian Empire. It analyses the changes of the Bolsheviks’ policy towards Finland, and resulting actions – from the initial recognition of independence of the former Great Duchy of Finland through attempts to provide it with revolutionary “brotherly aid”, to a peace treaty forced by the current circumstances after a defeat in the war with Poland and the failure of the concept of growing revolution.
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Participation of the Yugoslav People’s Army in the peacekeeping operations represent an extremely important topic. Within this arrangement, the most durable and most comprehensive was participation in the peacekeeping forces of the United nations in Sinai. In the national historical science that topic is completely unsearched. There is certain, pretty fragmentary and incomplete, scientific and memoir literature. On the other hand, the available archives kept in several archive institutions contains numerous source data on that topic. Smaller part of the relevant archives is still inaccessible. For the research in this theme there is signifi cant scientifi c and practical interest. Future research which would be based on the rules of the historical science would have to be based on a broader insight in the studied problems. Analysis of the political and military aspect of the Yugoslav engagement during the peacekeeping operation in Sinai is of extreme importance. Besides, the problem must be viewed also on the level of the influences of social and economic factors. Final analysis of available relevant sources and literature would give a complete picture on the character of the Yugoslav activities in that peacekeeping operation during the years of intensive cold war turbulences.
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Међународни научни скуп „Балкан и проблеми међународних односа за време Другог светског рата и на почетку хладног рата: пројекти стварања федерација, информбиро, совјетско-југословенски сукоб“, Београд, 23–24. октобар 2009. годинe / International Conference “The Balkans and Problems of International Relations During the WWII and at the Beggining of the Cold War: Projects of Federations, Cominform and Soviet – Yugoslav Split”, Belgrade, 23–24 October 2009
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In the period when Romanian communists took control over the country, similar as in Hungary and Bulgaria, the peace treaty was signed in Paris by the Soviet dictate, which regulated the size and power of armed forces of the three former co-belligerents of the Third Reich. By the same Soviet dictate a violation of the peace agreement occurred when in the early fifties the coordinated process of Sovietization and equipping armies of the socialist bloc countries was launched. This process was crowned by signing the Warsaw Pact in 1955. Building of the Romanian armed forces on the new bases ran parallel with the crisis in relations between countries of IB with Yugoslavia. The crisis particularly reflected in the two neighboring countries and represented big economic burden, while we should not neglect the repressive measures members of the Serbian and other ethnic minorities in the border area between Romania and Yugoslavia were exposed to.
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Due to the Albanian-Soviet conflict, Yugoslavia was in a very specific position. On the one hand, it was trying to re-normalize its relations with the Soviet Union, and on the other it condemned the Soviet severance of all relations with Albania, considering such a measure anachronistic and counterproductive. The Western powers were keeping an eye with great attention on the Yugoslav reactions to these events expecting a clearer Yugoslav reaction. Italy and Greece, each from the aspect of its interests, were trying to learn more about the Yugoslav plans and intentions toward Albania. However, although suffered a series of political preachings and insults, the Yugoslav government was trying to let it pass, leaving the Albanian government to the elementary fight with the eastern bloc and firm support of China, which also stood out with a very straining campaign against the Yugoslav views on the issues of development of socialism. In an atmosphere that resembled a contest between the Great Powers, Yugoslavia was trying to keep aloof. Its bilateral relations with Albania were minimized almost to the existential level. There was only a limited trade between the two countries. Although it continued with a hard propaganda against Yugoslavia, the Albanian government often tried to become closer to Yugoslavia on the wings of its conflict with the Soviets and their allies. The Yugoslav government refused such Albanian initiatives, believing that this would indirectly support Hodža’s regime and that it would sour its relations with the USSR, and the western world as well, which the Albanian regime considered completely unacceptable and unreliable for any sort of serious political cooperation. The Albanian gradual and opened linking with China and its self-isolation in comparison to neighboring countries, the Eastern bloc and the Western world countries, together with the Yugoslav more opened adherence to the „third world countries“ and vacillation between East and West caused very poor relations between Yugoslavia and Albania for many years.
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The case of Djilas at this time is still an internal Yugoslav issue in relation to the subsequent events, and undoubtedly it resounded in the institution such an army. In particular, it shows the „case“ of the first officer of the army, the JNA Chief of General Staff, General Peko Dapcevic. It should be pointed out that Dapcevic remained on that position only by April of the following year, 1955, when he was demobilized. Thereupon he was member of the Yugoslav government (The Federal Executive Council - SIV), and after that he orientated towards diplomacy. Each army is organized on the subordination and hierarchical structure. In the JNA, which in its base had a strong ideological background that will remain even to the end of its existence and disintegration of the Yugoslav state (1992), insistence on the suitability in the command and hierarchical structure was the order of reality. The question is whether people with firmly adopted principles could in the army adapt to the military and, in it present, party activity? The case of Djilas shows that it was not possible despite the belief of individuals that uniform is not incompatible with criticism. Those who had firstly given support, after pressure and the party directives withdrew („they understood properly the conversation“). Only few of them maintained their attitudes. However, for them there was no place in the strict military structure. It should be pointed out that the case of Djilas appeared in "wrong time“, after Tito’s resistance to Stalin, when because of the possible invasion from the communist East the army insisted on strict discipline. Articles written by Djilas broke down that discipline, which in the management led by J. B. Tito, who still feared of possible attack from the East, provoked fears that this will negatively affect the internal unity and subvert Yugoslavia’s defense power. Personal relations between Tito and Djilas should be taken into consideration as well. Idea to „open“ political space for Djilas after the death of Stalin, when Tito benefited from his own victory, which launched him to the orbit of a world politics, never entered Yugoslav leader’s mind. It is particularly obvious that the individuals who „slip through“ in terms of IB with this new challenge (case of Djilas) made a new „offence“. Two „sins“, IB and Djilas, could not be forgiven. However, IB members and followers of Djilas are certainly not in the same boat.
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The article dwells on the subject of political development of Serbia at the beginning of the 20th century as seen by Russian witnesses – diplomats as well as military and security agents who were actively involved in the Belgrade politics of the time. Their evidence is crucial for understanding the reasons and character of the Serbian political crisis which led to the coup d’etat of May, 29th, 1903.
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Научни скуп „Хладни рат – прошлост, садашњост, будућност“, Сарајево, Коњиц, Мостар 2–5. децембар 2010. године, / Conference “The Cold War – past, present, future”, Sarajevo, Konjic, Mostar (Bosnia and Herzegovina), 2nd to 5th of December 2010
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During World War II, the United Kingdom and the USSR were the holder of the policy toward Yugoslavia, but differently motivated. The position on the sustainability of Yugoslav concept prevailed with the great Allies, and the crucial thing was who fits into that concept. At the beginning of the war, the Yugoslav Royal Government was in a better position than the National Liberation Movement and laid hopes in General Mihailović. General Mihailović was its political and military support in the field. Over time, for military interests, the British turned to other militant partisan movement, although it was an ideological exponent of the USSR. Over time, the communist movement expanded its international capabilities, with its combat activity bridging its position among the Western allies. In international relations, it took a leading role in representing the Yugoslav peoples. Thus, in the final stage of the war, compared to the Yugoslav royal government and General Mihailović, it expanded its international capabilities. In such foreign policy circumstances and the reality of military and political situation in Yugoslavia, the outcome of the Yugoslav war was determined and the United Kingdom recognized the changes made in Yugoslavia during World War II.
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Based on several reports of the Embassy of FPRY, this paper presents the changes occurring in the social and economic life of the Soviet Union in the decade after the death of Stalin. Yugoslav diplomats, relying on the sympathies of the Russian population for a Slavic country, managed to perceive, in an otherwise suspicious environment, certain changes emerging after 1953. When travelling to the Baltic coast, diplomats noted the national intolerance against the Russians. In the economic sphere, improvement in the standard of living was obvious, in spite of enormous expenditure on armament and space exploration.
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The conflict of the Yugoslav press attaché Anton Kolendić, UDBA staff, and Defence Attaché Lieut. Colonel Vojo Ristić, in Sofia, at the end of 1946 and the beginning of 1947, was one of the most serious disputes of the Yugoslav diplomats in the world in the early years after World War II. The conflict had several aspects, i. e. causes. First, it should be noted that Kolendić was not satisfied with the possibility that Ristić become the next ambassador in Sofia. Then, you should bear in mind non-tactical and undiplomatic behavior of Kolendić wife, who worked as a typist in a Military delegation, and who repeatedly provoked incidents with Bulgarian officials, criticizing the Bulgarian policy in Pirin Macedonia. Defence Attaché Ristić was very dissatisfied with her behavior. Finally, the conflict also had significance for intelligence service, because both Yugoslav representatives were intelligence staff, a civilian Kolendić (UDB), and a military Ristić, and their spheres of influence were intertwined, further intensified by the personal animosity. Having received information about this dispute, the Central Committee of the Communist Party insisted on reconciliation of the two party members and diplomats, which, according to the party reports, was done, but probably the real solution to the dispute was moving both from Sofia: Kolendić became the Counselor at the Embassy in Austria and Ristic the Military Attaché in Czechoslovakia.
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Приказује се документ о томе како је војно-дипломатски кор пропратио војни део првомајске параде 1964. године. На овој паради по први пут су приказани јавности млазни авиони МИГ-21Ф-13, противоклопне ракете као и противавионске ракете СА-75М великог домета. Сва ова оружја набављена су у периоду између 1962. и 1964. године из Совјетског савеза. Посебно је било праћено реаговање западних војних представника (америчког, британског и италијанског изасланика) на појаву овог наоружања.
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Immediately after the end of the Great War in defeated countries, preferably in Germany and Austria, “revisionist literature” related to the issue of war guilt started to emerge. It was related to internal needs of German society as well moving to the direction of political right. In addition, world economic crisis and different restrictions imposed to Germany represented fertile soil for development of these tendencies. Versailles peace treaty, being a dictate by winning powers, produced negative impact within German society. Kingdom of Yugoslavia was also faced with crisis, economic as well political due to the unsolved national question. Personal dictatorship of King Alexander introduced in 1929 tried to resolve these issue forcefully by putting them of the agenda. In years of 1929–1931 Yugoslav diplomatic representatives in Berlin and Munich developed extensive activities in following of historiography, literature and arts. They used institutional as well informal ways to intervene against revisionism which was seen as reviewing of was guilt for the outbreak of WWI. Revisionism accused panslavic policies of Russian Empire as well its backing up of Serbia in its Yugoslav irredentism which was directed against integrity of Austria-Hungary. Interesting moment was that certain emigrants also got involved in this polemics like former diplomat Miloš Bogićević who as an “insider” was familiar with many covert details of pre – WWI Serbian politics. Being close to the leader of Black Hand Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijević – Apis he tried to rehabilitate him and his organization as well to accuse Pašić policies as adventurous and uncritically Russophile. Plenty of books were censored and their entry to Yugoslavia was forbidden according to the decision of police which was preceded by denunciation of Central Press Bureau.
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Почетак седамдесетих година је допринео нуклеарној равнотежи САД и СССР и смањио је могућност њихове директне оружане конфронтације. Споразумевање две силе (тзв. ера детанта) је постала стална компонента њихових односа. Појава НР Кине на међународној сцени је све значајније почела да утиче на кретања у свету уопште. Унела је промене и у односе међу суперсилама које је почела да карактерише повећана међузависност у «троуглу» великих сила. Криза на Блиском истоку је унела нове значајне елементе у односе међу суперсилама и међународну ситуацију уопште. Блиски исток је постао објекат нагађања великих сила са свим опасним последицама за независност земаља са тог подручја. Вијетнамски рат је везивао руке свим великим силама у њиховој политици у Азији као и у њиховим међусобним односима. Борба између ове три силе за јачање и ширење њихових хегемонистичких позиција у свету је дала основно обележје међународним односима тог времена. [...]
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