We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
![„O Polsko! [...] twa zguba w Rzymie!” Kłopoty polskich romantyków z papiestwem](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2020_55524.jpg)
Mickiewicz jako mistyczny polityk – podobnie jak Krasiński, a inaczej niż Słowacki – zaangażował się w dyplomację watykańską. Podczas dwu słynnych audiencji u Piusa IX zamierzał przekonać do swych idei papieża. Nie udało się to, bo i udać nie mogło.
More...
Tito met Stalin for the first time in Moscow between September 21 and 27 1944. Tito himself said about it: „That was the first time in my life that I met Stalin and talked to him. Until then I only saw him from distance, such as at the 7th Congress of the Commintern. This time I had several meetings with him, a couple of them in his office in the Kremlin. He also invited me twice to his private house to dinner.” Judging by this statement, Tito was shown great courtesy. Tito’s idea was to meet Stalin in private. It is possible he talked about that with general Kornjejev, chief of the Soviet military mission with the Supreme Staff of the People’s Liberation Army and Partisan Units of Yugoslavia. Tito informed Stalin about the aim of this conversation in his letter of July 5, 1944. Thus, in the beginning he states that the British were doing their best to strengthen the position of the King and the Chetniks and to weaken the People’s Liberation Army, so that for that reason one couldn’t count on their (British) allied help. Right after that he wrote: „We’ll need your utmost help to solve the problem of Serbia which is very important for us, since the final success and the creation of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia depends on that.” The letter was ended with the following words: „There are many important matters I would like to discuss with you in person.” Stalin accepted the proposal as well as the topic of the talks. It was political, military and material aid of USSR to the People’s Liberation Movement in Yugoslavia. All Tito’s pleas for aid met with favourable response. Everything that happened between USSR, the People’s Liberation Movement of Yugoslavia and the Royal Yugoslav Government from September 28 onwards was the consequence of Tito’s conversation with Stalin. The direct consequence of talks between Tito and Stalin was the TASS statement of September 28 about the agreement of the „Soviet Command” and the People’s Committee of Liberation of Yugoslavia. With this statement the Soviet government de facto recognized People’s Committee of Liberation of Yugoslavia as the Yugoslav government. This act had great consequences for the development of the People’s Liberation Movement in Yugoslavia. At the same time, the advance of the Red Army into Serbia (Kruševac, Čačak, Belgrade) in October 1944 was the fruit of Tito’s agreement with Stalin. The material aid of USSR for the People’s Liberation Movement in Yugoslavia which followed and lasted until the end of the war had also been agreed upon in Moscow. If Tito asked for „large aid” from Stalin, he got it and sealed it during his talks with him between September 21 and 27, 1944.
More...
During World War II, the United Kingdom and the USSR were the holder of the policy toward Yugoslavia, but differently motivated. The position on the sustainability of Yugoslav concept prevailed with the great Allies, and the crucial thing was who fits into that concept. At the beginning of the war, the Yugoslav Royal Government was in a better position than the National Liberation Movement and laid hopes in General Mihailović. General Mihailović was its political and military support in the field. Over time, for military interests, the British turned to other militant partisan movement, although it was an ideological exponent of the USSR. Over time, the communist movement expanded its international capabilities, with its combat activity bridging its position among the Western allies. In international relations, it took a leading role in representing the Yugoslav peoples. Thus, in the final stage of the war, compared to the Yugoslav royal government and General Mihailović, it expanded its international capabilities. In such foreign policy circumstances and the reality of military and political situation in Yugoslavia, the outcome of the Yugoslav war was determined and the United Kingdom recognized the changes made in Yugoslavia during World War II.
More...
The article offers an overview of certain aspects from the biography of Georgi Kulishev, the last President of the Macedonian Scientific Institute before its closure in 1947. His life and deeds can be provisionally divided into three stages. In the first stage, from the beginning of the 20th century until 1944, he changed several vocations – a teacher, a publicist, a member of Parliament, a public figure, and last, but not least – an active member of IMARO and the Macedonian legal organizations.
More...
Years before the First Balkan War 1912/13 marked by intense diplomatic activities aimed at creating alliances between Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece and Montenegro. Its goal was the liquidation of Ottoman rule in the territory of the so-called European Turkey, the liberation of compatriots from centuries-old occupation and the return of the territory to their countries of origin. The Serbian-Bulgarian agreement formed the basis of a broader alliance. It was established primarily through agreements between two prominent statesmen - Milovan Milovanović and Ivan Evstratiev Geshov, who at the final stage of negotiations were simultaneously prime ministers and foreign ministers. The results of the negotiations were translated into an interstate agreement with a secret annex of March 13, 1912. Despite the great temptations that followed the creation of the Serbian-Bulgarian agreement, Milovanović and Geshov still managed to bring the whole process to a successful end. The great powers persistently insisted on maintaining the status quo in the Balkans, which did not favor the Allies policy. The Alliance, however, was most concerned with the Ottoman Empire, according to which its blade was pointed. Unable to do anything more, neighborhood events were followed here with the utmost care and readiness. The first step in the Allies intention was the rapid and effective liquidation of Ottoman rule in the Peninsula, which for many who doubted the Allies resolve was an unexpected turn of events. However, when the burning question about the partition of this space came to the fore, the fate that many feared could not be avoided. Those who were in Bulgaria for further compromise with the Allies were not favorably regarded there by radical circles close to King Ferdinand and Austro-Hungary. Because of this, Geshov also had to withdraw from the political scene by resigning. Milovanovic passed away earlier. In all likelihood, an alliance without the famous duo who for the most part created it could not survive.
More...
About one-tenth of all Serbian politicians were in London at the end of World War II. They had come to Britain as ministers in the government of General Dušan Simović, party leaders, or as private individuals. Most of them were supporters of the Ravna Gora guerilla movement and they were unwilling to accept the political will of the winners in the civil war in Yugoslavia. Given the fact that some of them declared themselves as opponents of the Communist Party ideology, the question of their return to the country arose in mid-1944. Thereafter, almost all of them were placed in a fateful dilemma: to remain in exile and become "white guard" or to return, left to the political will of the revolutionary government. Historical sources indicate that the choice they supposed to made, represented a great drama for almost everyone. During the process of making such a difficult decision, families were destroyed, many close friendships were broken, and one case of suicide was also noted. It seems that the destiny of these politicians ceased to be of interest for historians at the moment when they lost their political role in the Yugoslav kingdom in the spring of 1945. Based mainly on memoirs, this article intends to show, through several examples, how in exile perceived ideological defeat was and its consequences.
More...
This article is dedicated to the creation of the Institute for ethnology and the conditions for its transformation into EIM at BAS. The interest in the topic is generated by the transformation of EIM at the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore in the Ethnography Museum in 2010
More...
The purpose of the current study is to examine Maurice’ Strategikon – its genre specifics and the way they affect the nature of the information regarding the state and social evolution of the various barbarous people scattered through the Eurasian Barbaricum. We will focus mainly on the differences and similarities in the images of the nomads – Turks and Avars, and the sedentary Sclavs, living both on the border regions of the Roman Empire. We shall distinguish the sustainable antique topoi form those specific and objective characteristics – resulting from the development of the Roman-Barbarian relations from the late fifth century, which formed the image of the other in the minds of the Romans through the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages.
More...
The article examines the attitude of the Russian Emperor Nicholas II and his closest relatives to the Bulgarian monarch Ferdinand I during the First World War – from the very beginning, when Bulgaria still remained neutral, and then, after it entered the war on the side of Germany, and in fact against Russia. This personal attitude was not always adequate. It was transferred to the sphere of interstate relations and had a negative impact on the formation and implementation of the Russian military-strategic and foreign policy.
More...
Based on unpublished Ottoman tax registers (tapu tahrir defteri) kept at the Ottoman archives in Istanbul, the article examines the process of transformation of the Byzantine town of Adrianople into the Ottoman Edirne; the change in the architectural and ethnical and confessional layout of the city; the location of a part of the Muslim and Christian population and of the urban quarters inhabited by them; the Jewish communities and the dynamics in the quantitative indicators of the registered households; the condition, designation and functions of the ancient and medieval fortress of Adrianople and the way in which it fitted into the new Ottoman urban setting. Having surrendered voluntarily the fortress of Adrianople to the Ottoman, the Christian population was granted the right to continue to reside in its quarters in its interior. In the 16th century massive communities of Christian citizens inhabited the space among the fortress walls of the Byzantine fortress and the majority of their neighborhoods were situated around churches and bore the name of the respective church, while others were named after their current or former priests. Upon the conquest of the city by the Ottoman troops some of the churches in the fortress were turned into mosques for the purpose of demonstrating the dominant position of Islam and meeting the spiritual needs of the Muslim population. After the takeover of Edirne the Muslim population settled outside the walls of the ancient and medieval fortress, where it set up its neighborhoods. Besides Muslims and Christians many Jews continued to live in the city as well. They included romaniotes as well as Jews from the sepharadim and ashkenazim groups.
More...
This paper presents a list of Serbian homes in the Manastir vilayet made in 1910. The list contains information on the number of Serbian homes in each village. Villages are grouped in kazas, third-level administrative units of the Ottoman Empire. In the vilayet, according to the Transcript, there were 5,091 Serbian homes in total – 59 in the Kaza of Monastir, 286 in the Kaza of Ohrid, 867 in the kaza of Prilep, 329 in the Kaza of Dibra, 765 in the Kaza Rekalar, 2,110 in the Kaza of Kičevo, including the Poreče nahiye, and 675 in the cities of Bitola, Kičevo, Ohrid, Prilep and Debar. A comparison with other historical sources shows that the number of homes listed in the Transcript was reduced approximately from 528 to 728.
More...
Prof. ScD Vitka Toshkova is one of the most prominent contemporary Bulgarian historians. Her scientific interests are related to the political and diplomatic history of Bulgaria and the country’s place in the system of international relations, and in particular in the politics of Germany, the USA and the USSR / Russia in the 20th century. Prof. Toshkova’s 80th anniversary, which coincides with the 50th anniversary of her scientific activity, is a great occasion to recall the life path she has traveled so far, as well as to highlight the contributions of her research, with a focus on her recent publications.
More...
The paper discusses the history of finding peaceful solutions to the diplomatic problems by the Ottoman Empire. In this regard, transition from military diplomacy to diplomatic negotiations in the traditional societies of the East is of particular interest. A striking example is the Ottoman Empire where all diplomatic issues were originally solved by the force of arms. However, it was weakened by the early 19th century compared to other European countries and, therefore, had to use complex diplomatic combinations in international relations. The paper provides a number of examples proving that many of these diplomatic actions seem quite naive, but it is important to remember that the Ottoman diplomacy during this period only began to take shape. The results of the study allowed to conclude that the historical period under consideration was marked by the rise of influence of European powers on the foreign policy of the Ottoman Empire, which ceased to be independent since that time in what concerned making foreign policy decisions.
More...
Prikaz/The review of: Љубодраг Димић, Југославија и Хладни рат. Огледи о спољној политици Јосипа Броза Тита (1944–1974), Архипелаг, Београд 2014, 388 стр.
More...
Review of: 1. Iris Chang, THE RAPE OF NANKING. THE FORGOTTEN HOLOCAUST OF WORLD WAR II, Basic Books, New York 1997, 290. Review by: Milan Koljanin 2. Мишел Фуше, ЕВРОПСКА РЕПУВЛИКА , ИЗМЕЂУ ИСТОРИЈА И ГЕОГРАФИЈА, ЕСЕЈ, Стубови културе, Веоград 2000, 172. Review by: Dragomir Bondžić 3. Norman Davies, THE ISLES - A HISTORY, Papermac 2000, VII-XLI, 1078. Review by: Danilo Egelja 4. Небојша Joвaнoвиh, ЛЕКСИКОН ЛИЧНОСТИ У УЏБЕНИЦИМА ИСТОРИJE, Нови Сад 2001, 449. Review by: Aleksandar Marinković 5. Петер Вартл, АЛВАНЦИ ОД СРЕДЊЕГ BEKA ДО ДАНАС, Клио, Веоград 2001, 321. Review by: Ljubomir Petrović 6. E. Горди, КУЛТУРА ВЛАСТИ У СРВИЈИ, B 92, Веоград 2001, 236. Review by: Ivana Dobrivojević 7. Никола Анић, HJEMAЧKA ВОЈСКА У ХРВАТСКОЈ 1941-1945, Хрватски институт за повијест, Дом и Свијет, Загреб 2002, 256. Review by: Bojan Dimitrijević 8. Давид С. Паинтер, ХЛАДНИ РАТ - ПОВИЈЕСТ МЕЂУНАРОДНИХ ОДНОСА, Средња Еуропа, Загреб 2002. стр. 182 Review by: Bojan Dimitrijević 9. Збигњев Вжежински, ВЕЛИКА ШАХОВСКА TABLA, ЦИД, Подгорица, 2001, стр .210 Review by: Ivana Dobrivojević 10. Филип Лонгворт, СТВАРА Њ Е ИСТОЧHE ЕВРОПЕ: ОД ПРЕИСТОРИЈЕ ДО ПОСТКОМУНИЗМА , Clio, Веоград 2002, стр .471 Review by: Natasa Milićević 11. Питер Берк, ИСТОРИЈА И ДРУШТВЕHA TEOPIJA , Еквилибријум, Веоград 2002, стр .202 Review by: Ljubomir Petrović
More...
Robert Hallowell Gardiner (1855–1924), Episcopalian layman and ecumenist, head of the Brotherhood of St. Andrew, was one of the leaders of the early ecumenical movement. He was the first Secretary of Joint Commission on Faith and Order (established at XLIII General Convention of the Episcopal Church in 1910). Gardiner organized first preliminary conference in New York in 1913, and he also helped organize preliminary world conference that gathered in Geneva in August 1920. Nikolaj Velimirović (1881–1956) was one of the most influential Serbian Orthodox thinkers and theologians in the 20th century. During his service as an orthodox theologian, Velimirović was working on supporting Christian unity. He established close connections to some Anglican and Catholic hierarchs, as well as to the representatives of other Churches. One of his friends and cooperators was R. Gardiner. Some letters of the correspondence between Velimirović and Gardiner can be found in WCC Archives in Geneva (Box 23.0.006). This correspondence took place between 1917 and 1922. In these material one can find some useful information for the study of life and work of Nicholai Velimirović, especially information regarding his participation in interChristian dialogue and regarding his contribution to the labour of international Ecumenical bodies. The earliest of these letters is Velimirović’s cablegram to Gardiner from July 21st 1917, regarding invitation of the Russian and Roman Catholic Church to take part in forthcoming World Conference on Faith and Order. Gardiner quoted that cablegram in a letter to John R. Mott, and also to some other relevant personalities. Another one is a letter which Velimirović sent to Gardiner on March 16th 1921, during his second visit to US, regarding their meeting. Gardiner later sent a letter to Velimirović on December 22nd in 1921, informing him that he met Velimirović’s friend Derocco, who arrived to US. The last letter preserved in WCC Archives, Box 23.0.006, is the one that Velimirović sent to Gardiner from Jerusalem, on May 12th 1922. In this last letter one can find Velimirović’s recommendation for Bishop Panteleimon of Jerusalem, who soon after that went to US and participated in the inter-Christian gatherings.
More...