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Macedonia’s preparations for civilian contribution to peace operations - the next big thing after the withdrawal from Afghanistan?

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Probably one of the most exploited phrases by politicians from the Western Balkans when talking about issues on defense reform and international security is that the “countries from the region, from peace importers, have become peace exporters”. Over the years Macedonia has established itself as a country where that export product is mainly through military means. This policy paper aims to put the question of civilian contribution to peace operations on the agenda and advocates increased debate among policymakers and officials. It does not, however, undermine nor support a decrease in Macedonia’s military contribution. The main focus of the text is the identification of advantage areas that Macedonia has developed through the years which could be utilized in the civilian capacities (CIVCAP) model. Therefore the paper lists: 1) policing, 2) media, 3) crisis management and power sharing as Macedonia’s ready to be exported products. It also provides an insight into the ongoing legislative and institutional preparations. While legislation for contribution to peace operations by civilian means is largely in place, what seems to be lacking is a strategic turn towards more civilian contribution. This therefore produces many unknowns about civilian participation among policymakers still making it sound very remote.

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Human Security in Central Asia: Can the EU Help out?

Author(s): Sébastien Peyrouse / Language(s): English

Among the many challenges facing the Central Asian states, security is one of the most pressing concerns. Yet the way these states discuss the issue is significantly affected by external actors’ approaches to security in the region. Russia and China are the two most influential countries in shaping the security strategies of the Central Asian governments, through bilateral relations and multilateral organisations such as the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organisation) and the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation). However, this does not mean that Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are “victims” of Russian and Chinese authoritarian pressure, without which they would take a more democratic approach. Even Russian influence, although much stronger in this area than China’s, cannot by itself explain the security decisions of the Central Asian regimes, as these decisions are chiefly driven by domestic issues and local political culture.

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Civil Society Cornered in Central Asia

Author(s): Tinatin Tsertsvadze / Language(s): English

Civil society and independent voices in Central Asia are increasingly under pressure from the authorities. Repression has intensified over the past five years, against a backdrop of a decline in fundamental freedoms – of expression, association and assembly – and an increase in crackdowns on critical independent voices globally. More and more, they face restrictions imposed in the name of law and order, and their work is stigmatised and criminalised. There is a risk that earlier small gains be lost in Central Asia, with social, political and economic consequences. Civil society is here understood as independent from state or business influence, including broad groups such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the church, trade unions, individual activists, human rights defenders, and bloggers, among others.

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 217. god. XIV, Beograd, utorak 17. mart 2020.

Author(s): Saša Ćirić,Jelena Veljić / Language(s): Serbian

MIKSER, Saša Ćirić: O jugoslovenskim labudovima i pionirima; ŠTRAFTA Redakcija ULUS-a: Zimski radovi; ARMATURA, Jelena Veljić: Redovno pranje ruku; BLOK BR. V, Studiostrip: Primeri

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Zar i ti Homo Brute

Author(s): Aleksandar Osovcov / Language(s): Serbian

Danas se ovaj epigraf može postaviti na celu Rusiju, na sve grupe politički aktivnih građana. A njih, po već tradicionalnoj podeli ima tri: vlast, takozvana „sistemska opozicija“ i radikalna opozicija. Forsirajući agresiju na Ukrajinu, vlast je do te mere proširila svoj areal da je sada gotovo nemoguće uočiti bilo kakvu razliku između sistemske opozicije i partije vlasti. Bez pomoći vrhunskih eksperata, mi, obični smrtnici, nikada ne bismo saznali u čemu je razlika između onoga šta zastupa Jarovaja (Jedinstvena Rusija) i onoga očemu govori Mizulina (Pravedna Rusija). U isto vreme, oni radikalni opozicionari koji su zapravo podržali agresiju na Ukrajinu, ali nikako ne bi želeli da zaliče na zapenjene pripadnike „krimjenaš“ ili „zaputinaubijamo“, da bi im neko u to poverovao, moraju se poput Udaljcova ili Navaljnog nalaziti barem u kućnom zatvoru.

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Tri preispoljne budalaštine

Author(s): Victor Shenderovich / Language(s): Serbian

Ruskom javnom scenom danas vladaju tri, do te mere idiotske budalaštine, da zaista više nemam živaca da ih slušam. Budalaština prva: „Nije sve tako prosto“...

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Solidarnost

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Aktivisti iz Lavova odlučili su da 26. februara govore ruski, saopštava se na sajtu 032.ua. Akcijom će pokazati solidarnost stanovnika Lavova sa žiteljima istočnih i južnih oblasti Ukrajine.

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2020-20 - Border Tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan

Author(s): Volodymyr Kopchak,Richard Giragosian,Vadim Mojeiko,Lasha Tughushi,Victor Chirila,Sergiy Gerasymchuk / Language(s): English

During the first year at the office, President of Ukraine Vladimir Zelenskyy hardly managed to set, or at least explain his team’s foreign policy priorities. However, the Eastern Partnership did not go unnoticed on his agenda in multiple dimensions: as an instrument of cooperation with the European Union, as a region as a whole, and at the level of bilateral contacts with partner countries. Which of these tracks was more important and who did Ukraine manage to work with more efficiently while ignoring other capitals so far? The results of the first year of President Zelenskyy for the Eastern Partnership are analyzed by Hanna Shelest. Meanwhile, in May, election campaigns launched in three countries of the region. In Belarus it started with the crackdown on the opposition, fines and arrests. In Moldova President Dodon started campaigning, in spite of all anti-epidemic measures. In the meantime, in Georgia it is still not clear which law will be applied to the parliamentary elections in October as the authorities and the opposition are still failing to find compromise. Last month, Armenia was one of the first to lift quarantine restrictions and immediately faced a new wave of incidence of COVID-19. The prime minister and his entire family tested positively for coronavirus. In May, Azerbaijan faced a wave of arrests, with both the opposition and government officials behind bars. And Ukraine managed to get into two high-profile international scandals and new difficulties in relations with its partners, the United States and Georgia. All these and other major developments of the month in the countries of the Eastern Partnership are analyzed in our traditional reviews. //// CONTENT: Analytica: Border Tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan: Military and Political Implications // Azerbaijan: Authorities’ War on Two Fronts // Armenia: COVID-19 Eases, but Armenia is Badly Shaken // Belarus: Pre-Election Repressions and Economic Voluntarism // Georgia: First Parliamentarian Candidates are Registered // Moldova: Economy remains Fragile and Domestic Stability Volatile // Ukraine: Hot July before Political Summer Break

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2019-11 - "ZE" Time in Ukraine

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Sevinç Aliyeva,Lasha Tughushi,Natalia Sterkul,Sergiy Gerasymchuk,Maksym Koriavets,Yuri Tsarik / Language(s): English

The stunning victory of comedian Vladimir Zelensky at the presidential elections in Ukraine demonstrated a keen request for leaders from outside the old system. Without actually seeing any program of the candidate, or any names on the team, 74% of Ukrainians still voted for him, showing that they are ready to support anyone, as long as it’s a new person. This yet again made the neighbors worry: can such a public request be exported? In his very first winning speech, Zelensky addressed the post-Soviet republics, where leaders in power have not changed for decades: “Look, it is possible!” Whether the new president will live up to high expectations and receive the majority seats in parliament, Sergey Gerasimchuk analyzed. The permanent president of Belarus does not seem to be losing ground. He is fully preparing for the elections scheduled for next year, flirts with the pro-Russian electorate yet again and talks about changes to the constitution. However, the results of the Ukrainian vote have already forced the Belarusians to worry over economic reasons. The echoes of the Ukrainian elections reached Georgia, causing verbal altercations of ex-President Saakashvili with Russian President Putin. In Moldova, new leaders don’t seem to gain power so far as dividing portfolios and establishing the majority in the newly elected parliament is not yet possible. So the country risks getting stuck in an ever-deepening crisis. But in Armenia, the same anti-establishment new leader has been in power for almost a year now - continuing to fight corruption, acing clashes with former companions, and showing his temper, perhaps, for the first time. Over the past year and a half, the Eastern Partnership and partner states have made significant progress in harmonizing digital markets with the EU. What has already been done and what new prospects in this area open up after several important events for the region, Maksym Koryavets studies. These and other important news of April in the Eastern Partnership analyzed in our monthly reviews of domestic and foreign policy, as well as the economies of the countries of the region. //// CONTENT: Armenia: Confrontation in parliament over the challenges of business & politics // Azerbaijan: Domestic calm, international activity // Belarus: The path of mobilization // Georgia: 55 injured in clashes against hydroelectric power plant // Moldova: Stalemate — looking for the way out // Ukraine: The election is over, the economic and hybrid war with Russia is not

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2019-09 - Can Ukrainian courts break the curse of the least trusted institution?

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Sevinç Aliyeva,Yuri Tsarik,Lasha Tughushi,Serhiy Herasymchuk,Natalia Stercul,Mykhailo Zhernakov / Language(s): English

Court is the least trusted Ukrainian public institution. The situation is far from unique for other countries of the Eastern Partnership. In the five years after the Revolutionof Dignity there have been tremendous changes in thejudicial system of Ukraine, key laws have been adopted, new bodies are being formed. Nevertheless, expertsbelieve that out of all the “20 deliverables of the EasternPartnership until 2020” the progress is the most modestin this particular sphere. Why the European experience does not work well in the Ukrainian context and what alternative recipes independent experts have to offer, Mikhail Zhernakov analyzed.The lessons of Ukraine will be useful for other countries in the region where the reform of the judicial system also stumbles over the old schemes or is only being planned. For example, in Georgia heated debates around this topic in February led to the collapse of the constitutional majority in the parliament. In Armenia the judicial systems will soon be able to demonstrate all its glory, when high-profile criminal cases against the former ruling elite come to trial. In February new charges were pressed against the Ex-President Robert Kocharian, his son Serdak and the brother of another ex-President Alexander Sargsyan. In Moldova, meanwhile, another state system - the electoral one – was tested. Experts believe that in many respects precisely because of the new mixed electoral system the parliamentary elections in the country did not bring the long-awaited peace. Neither single party won a majority, and no matter what the coalition will look like, Moldova remains in a precarious position. The Belarusian president is still preparing for the upcoming elections, again openly relying largely on security forces and offering citizens a simple social contract: independence in exchange for loyalty. In Ukraine, the elections are already around the corner. This time they will be held without Russian observers. The respective law to ensure it was adopted in February. In the meantime, before voting for the president of the country, the authorities received a powerful blow to their reputation: journalists unveiled corruption in defense. Whether this information will influence the choice of Ukrainians will become clear at the end of March. //// CONTENT: “New Armenia” nears one-year mark // Azerbaijan: Inflation rate on the rise // Belarus: Preparation for elections and “freezing” of integration with Russia // Georgia: $17 mn banking scandal // Moldova: Elections are over, what’s next? // Ukraine: Economic calm and political storm // Analytica: Major trends in Moldova’s parliamentary election // Can Ukrainian courts break the curse of the least trusted institution?Court is the least trusted Ukrainian public institution. The situation is far from unique for other countries of the Eastern Partnership. In the five years after the Revolution of Dignity there have been tremendous changes in the judicial system of Ukraine, key laws have been adopted, new bodies are being formed. Nevertheless, experts believe that out of all the “20 deliverables of the Eastern Partnership until 2020” the progress is the most modest in this particular sphere. Why the European experience does not work well in the Ukrainian context and what alternative recipes independent experts have to offer, Mikhail Zhernakov analyzed. The lessons of Ukraine will be useful for other countries in the region where the reform of the judicial system also stumbles over the old schemes or is only being planned. For example, in Georgia heated debates around this topic in February led to the collapse of the constitutional majority in the parliament. In Armenia the judicial systems will soon be able to demonstrate all its glory, when high-profile criminal cases against the former ruling elite come to trial. In February new charges were pressed against the Ex-President Robert Kocharian, his son Serdak and the brother of another ex-President Alexander Sargsyan. In Moldova, meanwhile, another state system - the electoral one – was tested. Experts believe that in many respects precisely because of the new mixed electoral system the parliamentary elections in the country did not bring the long-awaited peace. Neither single party won a majority, and no matter what the coalition will look like, Moldova remains in a precarious position. The Belarusian president is still preparing for the upcoming elections, again openly relying largely on security forces and offering citizens a simple social contract: independence in exchange for loyalty. In Ukraine, the elections are already around the corner. This time they will be held without Russian observers. The respective law to ensure it was adopted in February. In the meantime, before voting for the president of the country, the authorities received a powerful blow to their reputation: journalists unveiled corruption in defense. Whether this information will influence the choice of Ukrainians will become clear at the end of March. //// CONTENT: “New Armenia” nears one-year mark // Azerbaijan: Inflation rate on the rise // Belarus: Preparation for elections and “freezing” of integration with Russia // Georgia: $17 mn banking scandal // Moldova: Elections are over, what’s next? // Ukraine: Economic calm and political storm // Analytica: Major trends in Moldova’s parliamentary election // Can Ukrainian courts break the curse of the least trusted institution?

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2018-04 - Caspian Sea status. The Long-awaited Convention

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Sevinç Aliyeva,Arseniy Sivitsky,Lasha Tughushi,Daniela Gologan,Sergiy Gerasymchuk,Vitaliy Martynyuk / Language(s): English

Security has been one of the key components of the Eastern Partnership policy. But the content and framework of cooperation in this field set by the EU do not quite match the expectations of the partner countries. How different are the positions of Brussels and the capitals of the region? What deliverables from the partner-states are expected by the European Union? How much have Ukraine and other EaP countries advanced in achieving these goals? The situation is analyzed by Vitaly Martynyuk. Security issues have also become an important part of the long-awaited Convention on the Caspian Sea Status. But most importantly the principles of dividing the shelf and waters of the Caspian Sea were agreed upon. What this means for the Eastern Partnership and Europe, especially in the energy sector, who lost and who won from signing the document, Sevinj Aliyeva looked for answers. Meanwhile, September turned out to be intense in the countries of the region. Russia intervened on the agenda of all the six. The new Armenian government is gaining momentum and developing “partnership and brotherly” relations with the Kremlin. The President of Azerbaijan exchanges visits with Russian vis-à-vis. Moldovan leader also flows to the Kremlin. Belarus continues to negotiate with Moscow in the oil and gas sector without much success. Georgia is fighting off yet other round of accusations from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. Ukraine abstains from extending the Treaty on Friendship with its northern neighbor. The most important events in foreign and domestic policy and the economy in the region are pictured in our traditional reviews of the month. //// CONTENT: Emboldened and empowered Armenian government // Azerbaijan getting closer to Russia? // Belarus: Uncertain relations with Russia // Georgia: Cannabis smells like politics // Pro-Moldovan policy instead of pro-European // Ukraine: Obstacle driving // Analytica: Caspian Sea status. The Long-awaited Convention // EP security: EU goals and Ukraine’s promotion

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2018-03 - New government of Belarus: first steps

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Sevinç Aliyeva,Arseni Sivitski,Lasha Tughushi,Ludmila Nofit,Sergiy Gerasymchuk,Maksym Koriavets / Language(s): English

The traditional political calm of August in the Eastern Partnership was broken by Belarus. Firstly, with a wave of loud arrests of journalists and searches in media outlets, and later - with an unexpected reformatting of the government. How these two events are interconnected and how are they related to the upcoming elections is in the focus of this issue. Other than that, the month turned out to be rather calm for the countries of the region. Human rights issues remained on the agenda - opposition activist Ilgar Mammadov was released in Azerbaijan, and a number of illegally convicted Ukrainian citizens remain in Russian prisons and carry on their hunger strike. The top event in the Eastern Partnership foreign policy was the first ever visit of the German Chancellor to the South Caucasus. There, Angela Merkel made several statements that are important not only for Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia, but also for the region as a whole. In addition, the focus of this issue is the integration of the digital markets of the Eastern Partnership countries into a single European space. Maksym Koryavets writes on Ukrainian experience in the harmonization of digital markets and recommendations that may be useful for the whole region. //// CONTENT: Armenia: Heightened political tension in Armenia // Azerbaijan: Demonstrative release of activist // Belarus: New government and pressure on mass media // Georgia’s future in NATO and EU // Moldova: 27 years of Independence or Quo Vadis Moldova? // Ukraine: The final countdown in the struggle to save the Ukrainian prisoners of the Kremlin // Analytica: New government of Belarus: first steps // Harmonization of digital markets of Ukraine and EU: a bumpy road to innovative future

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2018-02 - Decline of democracy in Moldova at a glance

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Sevinç Aliyeva,Arseni Sivitski,Lasha Tughushi,Victoria Bucătaru,Sergiy Gerasymchuk,Hennadiy Maksak / Language(s): English

On the way to tightening relations with the EU, domestic changes in the Eastern Partnership countries have always been a required precondition. One thing that western partners keep a close eye on is internal reforms. But what drives these reforms and what slows them down? Is it responsible authorities, documented agreements, or European carrots and stick ? The case of Moldova, once a frontrunner of the EaP, is the focus of this issue. The first to sign the Association Agreement and get the visa-free regime, Moldova now seems to reverse on its European path. Who turned a success story into endangered democracy, Victoria Bucataru analyzes. On the other hand, Ukraine urges closer cooperation with European Union and strives for new platforms, formats, and tools. These desires were a matter of discussions at Ukraine-EU Summit. How the results of negotiations are relevant for all the countries of the region, Hennadiy Maksak tells. All the EaP states are also going through changes. Georgia’s new prime minister turned to issues of ecology in order to meet European standards. Belarus, stimulated by the prospects of a new IMF loan, makes further steps to liberalize the economy. Armenia’s new government went as far as to imprison the former president accused of power abuse. Ukraine struggles to continue the anti-corruption fight. Meanwhile, Moldova experiences democracy crisis, even deepened by the fiscal reform. And the lack of changes in authority approaches in Azerbaijan even led to an assassination attempt on an official. The details of all these changes and even more are in our traditional monthly overviews. //// CONTENT: Armenia: Sustaining the momentum of change // Azerbaijan: Heated up by the mayor assassination attempt // Belarus: Diplomatic wars with Russia // Georgia: Horses in the presidential team // Moldova: Endangered European path // Ukraine: Back to international agenda? // Democracy in Moldova at a glance // From Summit to Summit: Eastern Partnership context In Ukraine-EU relations

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Otvoreno pismo vlastima i građanima Srbije

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Serbian

Krizni štab praktično ne postoji, Ministar zdravlja i Vlada ne sprovode nikakve mere zaštite stanovništva. Za to vreme epidemija poprima razmere najgoreg decembarskog talasa sa rekordnim brojem zaraženih od početka pandemije, pri čemu ni broj umrlih ne zaostaje a vakcinacijom je obuhvaćeno jedva oko 40% stanovništva za 8 meseci masovne imunizacije. Stanje na terenu je takvo da su bolnice pune, mesta na respiratorima nema, čeka se po celu noć ispred bolnica za prijem.

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Nevidljivi neprijatelj

Author(s): Vesna Pešić / Language(s): Serbian

Vučić Bitku nije dobio, mora se na popravni: od vanrednog stanja koje je ukinuto stigli smo do vanredne situacije. Predsednik je najavio da će na RTS-u saopštiti nove restriktivne mere s ciljem da se virus obuzda. U studio je došao neraspoložen i uznemiren, a dočekala ga je Olivera Jovićević koja je na RTS-u zadužena za njega. Tokom emisije je toliko bio neprijatan prema novinarki da je NUNS izdao saopštenje u njenu odbranu. Ona je bila uobičajeno bojažljiva, ali ne i nesigurna i servilna. Sastavila je pitanja i čitala ih sa pripremljenog papira, a pitanja su bila prilično nezgodna. Ne što ona baš tako hoće, nego što je zaista mnogo toga za njega nezgodno. Dovoljno je bilo što je krenula od Novog Pazara i zviždanja premijerki Brnabić i ministru Lončaru, pa da predsedniku udari krv u glavu. Taj grad je postao kobno mesto na kome je kovid 19 napravio pravu katastrofu.

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Care, care govedare, koliko je sati?

Author(s): Srđan Milošević / Language(s): Serbian

Vučić je građane, koji svoj protest izražavaju udaranjem i zviždanjem sa balkona i prozora, optužio da podrivaju jedinstvo: standardna i dozlaboga otrcana mantra svakog oveštalog totalitarca. I još je primetio da umesto u 8:05 protestna buka počinje već u 8:02 (!?), što je protumačio kao nezahvalnost prema lekarima, jer se podrška njima izgubila u nadmetanju u minutaži sa mržnjom prema njemu. Njemu je lično svejedno, ali mu je žao zbog lekara. (Ponekad se seti da, kao usput, ubaci i medicinske sestre. U neko bolje vreme govorilo se – zdravstveni radnici, u savremenom novogovoru je to Struka). On jak i drčan, ne kuka, a Struka slaba, da ne kažem – nezaštićena, mekane duše, silno je žali što se njoj aplaudira samo dva minuta, a onda se protiv njega larma znatno duže… I to je diskurs predsednika koji je – kako on to u svojoj pretencioznoj i patetičnoj svesti doživljava – u jeku „borbe za život Srbije“ koju, a šta drugo, „voli najviše na svetu“, sve se baveći samim sobom, svojim sitnim pakostima i merenjem minutaža aplauza i šerpanja?!

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Kristalna noć

Author(s): Vesna Pešić / Language(s): Serbian

Prvo je, kao i svake večeri, u 20 sati usledio aplauz koji građani upućuju zdravstvenim radnicima koji se bore protiv pandemije kovida-19. Potom se, pet minuta kasnije, začulo lupanje u šerpe, što je način na koji građani nekoliko poslednjih večeri izražavaju protest protiv aktuelne vlasti.

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Pandemija: Strogo kontrolisani haos

Author(s): Milutin Mitrović / Language(s): Serbian

Na samom vrhu svetske tragedije, za sada, nalazi se Italija, koja demantuje definiciju Felinijevog scenariste Enia Flaiana da je u njoj „stanje uvek tragično, ali nikada ozbiljno“. Ovog puta je ozbiljno da ozbiljnije biti ne može. Tekst koji sledi je pokušaj da se razume zašto je tako. Odnosno zašto je Italija ovoga puta najgora na svetu.

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Beskućnici u vreme pandemije

Author(s): Svetlana Lukić / Language(s): Serbian

Organizacije civilnog društva upozoravaju gradske vlasti da hitno pruže elementarnu zaštitu hiljadama Beograđana koji i u vreme pandemije žive u napuštenim vagonima, šatorima, šupama i na ulicama. Jedino gradsko prihvatilište za beskućnike za njih je 8 meseci bilo zaključano. Govori Igor Mitrović, direktor humanitarne organizacije ADRA (Adventistički razvojni i humanitarni rad). Razgovor vodi Svetlana Lukić.

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Nečovečno postupanje

Author(s): Svetlana Lukić,Lazar Stefanović / Language(s): Serbian

Ministar za socijalna pitanja i Krizni štab su još pre 8 meseci odlučili da više od 23.000 ljudi smeštenih u staračkim domovima i raznim ustanovama socijalne zaštite zatvore u sobe i hodnike, i da ih ne puštaju dok ne prođe pandemija. Ti zatočenici i u tzv. normalnim okolnostima često žive u toliko lošim uslovima da je neophodno proveravati da li su izloženi „zanemarivanju, zlostavljanju, nečovečnom postupanju, torturi“. Nevladinim organizacijama koje se bave zaštitom prava ovih ljudi, a sada i Zaštitniku građana zabranjeno je da ulaze u ove ustanove. Govori Lazar Stefanović, saradnik Inicijative za prava osoba sa mentalnim invaliditetom (MDRI) i doktorand na Bečkom univerzitetu. Razgovor vodi Svetlana Lukić.

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