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TÜRKİYE’DEKİ GÖÇMENLERE YÖNELİK SOSYAL POLİTİKALARIN İNCELENMESİ

Author(s): Üyesi Emel İŞTAR IŞIKLI / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 37/2018

International migration is the international movement of people into a destination country of which they are not natives or where they do not possess citizenship in order to settle or reside there. Individuals immigrate forced or voluntary, they migrate from one place to another throughout their lives. Voluntary migrations are often caused by reasons such as education, job change, employment or marriage. The reasons for forced migration are internal confusion, various oppressive practices, terrorism or war. This study aimed to investigate social policies of the forced immigrants and proposed some suggestions. For this reason, statistics, reports and publications of various institutions were used. In this study, education, healthcare and other relevant problems of the immigrant who were examined in the social policy framework by using the literature review method.

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Роль національного фактору у формуванні громадянського суспільства в Україні

Author(s): Mikhail Zaitsevsky / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2011

In the article the state of scientific discussion in the works of Ukrainian scholars on determination of priority factors of forming of civil society in Ukraine in the frameworks of main problems of foundation of Ukrainian political nation and Ukrainian independent state. An important role of nationalism and national identity as socio-cultural factors of forming of civil society in Ukraine is shown.

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Turkey and the European Chicken-and-Egg Problem

Author(s): Friedrich Püttmann / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2018

In light of a new low in EU-Turkey relations, it is urgent to formulate a new stance. The article sketches a new approach to Europeanization, suggesting that we must change our perspectiveon the relation between politics and society and privilege an organic bottom-up Europeanizationin Turkey over a Europeanization ‘from above’. That is because a top-down Europeanization wholly driven by EU conditionality is unsustainable in the long run since reforms are not passed for intrinsic motives. Instead, the incentive of EU membership should be removed for Turkey in order to enable a fully value-rational commitment to implementing EU standards irrespective of gains from EUmembership. To facilitate this process, the EU should strengthen Turkey’s civil society and foster bottom-up change through transnational exchange by implementing visa liberalisation for Turkish citizens. Also considering the political consequences for the EU, the article concludes that an end of the accession talks may, in fact, allow for a more sustainable EU and a more sustainable Europeanization in Turkey.

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Media: The Disinformation Conundrum

Author(s): Jonas Syrovatka / Language(s): English Issue: 04/04/2018

Despite expectations, fake news appears to have played a relatively minor role during the recent Czech presidential elections. But that doesn’t mean the popularity of such “alternative” sites should be ignored or the reasons why so many Czechs are willing to take the bait.

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Reclaiming the streets — Redefining democracy. The politics of the critical mass bicycle movement in Budapest

Author(s): Éva Tessza Udvarhelyi / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2009

The Critical Mass bicycle movement, whose main aim is to reclaim cyclists’ right to use city streets freely, safely and proudly, is arguably the single most powerful grassroots movement that has emerged in Hungary since the 1989 change of regimes. While Critical Mass is a critique of today’s dominant motorized transportation practices as well as a celebration of alternative modes of transportation, it is not only about the environment. The Budapest Critical Mass can be read as the spatialized enactment of a direct and embodied form of democratic participation that goes beyond and at the same time transforms representative democracy. In the context of growing political apathy and widespread disillusionment with the formal public sphere in post-socialist Hungary, Critical Mass has emerged as a unique and powerful channel of citizen participation by forging a new kind of relationship between citizens, civil society and the state.

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Two landscapes: Comparing ecology movements in Slovakia and Hungary

Author(s): Edward Snajdr / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2009

This paper broadly compares environmentalism in Hungary and Slovakia, with a specific focus on Slovakia’s green movement under late-socialism and after. Nature activism in both countries was not directly controlled by the Party, and in each case individuals pushed the boundaries of activism and redefined notions of protest and dissent. But the way these two movements emerged were quite different from one another. In Hungary, the movement coalesced around a big “international” Soviet-style mega-project. This was the flashpoint. In Hungary, the Nagymaros dam project was an infringement – a monument of unhappy partnerships, and a symbol that fueled nationalist rumblings. In Slovakia, the whole notion of megaworks was not an unwelcome idea. But the differences between Hungarian and Slovak greens are more than the story of a dam controversy. While Hungary’s movement had its origins in the Danube River, Slovak greens emerged from the conservation of folk dwellings in the mountains. In Slovakia – the weekend amateur, the Catholic, the writer, the sociologist – instead found traction in the notion of human conservation. I explore these differences and examine how things change in the post-socialist period.

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Die ungarische Tanzhaus-Bewegung. Ein Beispiel für Volkskultur in der Moderne

Author(s): Julia Hell / Language(s): German Issue: 2/2009

A typical dance house evening is characterized by an exuberant mood among young people, a sense of community and active participation in the reproduction of folk music and folk dance. Young intellectuals, in particular, were dissatisfied with the state-directed "socialist folklore" in their own way with Hungarian folk culture. Since the first event in 1973, the Hungarian dance house has evolved from a partially politically motivated movement to a dance scene, which is today firmly established in the Hungarian entertainment culture. In modernity characterized by progressive thinking and fast-moving modernity, Tanzhaus enthusiasts consciously draw on the goods of Hungarian folk culture. Thus, a novel, experimental exploration of traditional music and the corresponding dances is promoted. The Hungarian dance house as a retro-culture unites the traditional with the new and thus represents a form of folk culture care adapted to modern requirements. Thus, the special role of the Tanzhaus movement and of today's dance scene for popular culture in the modern age is that at the events Folk culture is not something past or perishing, but something present.

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Esélyek és egyenlőtlenségek a pályázatfinanszírozásban

Author(s): András Lányi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2008

Arbitrary control of authorities coupled with the complicatedness of EU bureaucracy has caused a great deal of difficulties for the applicants during the first two terms of a HEFOP tender originally intended to help eliminate cultural barriers of Roma children. Lányi András and his students investigated the effects of an inhuman and unreliable application process. The aim was to extend civil initiative to educate the disadvantaged outside the school system and disseminate “best practices” in the course of the project, but participants soon had to start spending the majority of their time complying with the ever changing demands of a just too complicated financing procedure. Small organizations with the best professional background got ruined by the nonsensical financial conditions. They could hardly earn a penny in the first half year of the project while they were forced to send detailed reports about the use of the money they never received. If tasks were still fulfilled it was only due to the merit of the teachers employed by the civil organizations. They worked for free in a lot of cases as exploitation was not new to them. The question rises: why should we insist on concentrating resources for improvement outside the education system in this framework if the rules do not work well for voluntary organizations – but they rather cause their bankruptcy?

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A projekt-kórságról, avagy a tanoda-szindróma

Author(s): Balázs Krémer / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2008

EU financed projects often are seen as miraculous tools of public policy reforms, such as in the case of policies that promote equal educational opportunities. However, in reality running projects can turn into rather painful processes and become frustrating obstacles for the partners involved. Balázs Krémer argues that the technical difficulties detected at a surface level are rooted deeply in the widely shared attitudes and philosophies of the projects. Two main ideas are highlighted among the conceptual problems. One of them is the role of public managers who require certain tasks from the successful applicants to do – but, in fact, they do not assume responsibility by imposing more substantial requirements. They rather tend to introduce over-detailed and over-bureaucratic procedural rules which are clearly pointless. Instead of that, they should implement regulatory and financial tools that could help make the new developments sustainable. Eventually, sustainability becomes the task of the supported providers – for whom it is a mission impossible without the necessary assistance from the relevant government agencies.

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A hiányzó ágens. Az önkormányzatok és az esélykiegyenlítő oktatáspolitika

Author(s): János Zolnay / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2008

In his article János Zolnay assesses the factors behind the failures of government’s anti-segregation and pro-integration educational policies in the last six years. The performance of children at schools and chances for entering higher education is determined by early school choice to a much greater extent in Hungary than in most OECD countries. Decentralization of the centralized educational system already began before political transition and the process was accomplished by 1993. The new system was based on a more liberal curriculum and output-regulation, normative funding and diversified school structure. Local municipal councils became responsible for maintaining public schools. Funding for maintenance from state budget is normative and non ear-marked. The government’s integration policies intended to stop and reverse segregation tendencies between schools, branches and classes, but despite the considerable efforts these goals could not have been achieved. The fundamental dilemma is whether opportunities in the sphere of public education can be made more equal while leaving the current system untouched. The problem is that there is no agent at the decision making nor at the executive level which would be willing and/or capable of implementing governmental measures targeted at providing for more equal opportunities. Undoubtedly the policies applied by the local governments enhance inequalities. It is also true however, that parental choices also count and thus unequal distribution of educational services is both a result of the choice of influential parents and the existence of attractive schools.

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LAJOS KOSSUTH AND THE CONVERSION OF THE HUNGARIAN CONSTITUTION

Author(s): LÁSZLÓ PÉTER / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2002

The ancient constitution of Hungary consisted of the mutually recognised rights and obligations of two actors: the Crown and the nobility. The reformers aimed at creating a Hungarian civil society through legislation. Conversion meant the replacement of the constitution, based on rights, by another system, based on statute laws. The April Laws broke the back of the old social order based on hereditary right and laid the foundation of the new Hungary.

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VLAST, GRAĐANSTVO I SLOBODA: OD POLITIČKE KONTINGENCIJE DO TRANSFORMACIJE POLITIČKOG

Author(s): Elvis Fejzić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 3/2017

In political practice of democratic states at certain points it is difficult to reconcile the interests of the citizens and the will of the state government. Moreover, it of tenhappens a kind of paradox, produced by misinterpretation of the right to freedom of assembly and association that democratic government guarantees its citizens. In such a controversial notion of freedom of assembly, the borders between nonviolent activity and political violence in democratic regimes authorities are lost. Itcan spark violent protests of citizens against state authorities. When civil disobedience grows in political violence, it always leads to the decline of the democratic process. Abuse of the freedom of assembly can permanently destabilize the political order and produce the fear of violence by the crowd. Violent protests of citizens in democratic countries are often covertly directed by competing political groups in order to realize their particular demands or exact the dismissal of the elected government and bring an early election. However, in the era of polycentric politics, we cannot regard political parties any longer as only sovereign representatives of the will of citizens, since there are other actors of political process which appear as representatives of particular interests of citizens.. The Public activity of social movements and interest groups in contemporary politics has very much strengthened the overall power and influence of citizens and expanded the milieu of fundamental political freedoms, but – simultaneously- it has so greatly increased antinomical tension between the needs of the citizens and the will of the authorities.

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E-participation in the Decision-Making Process in Post-Communist Countries

Author(s): Veronika Džatková / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

Besides other aspects, one of the fundamental conditions of the modern political system is active and powerful civil society. Representatives of civil society and their increasing influence provide the background for increasing political participation and civic activism with the aim to make decision-making processes more effectual and having an impact on public policy actors. In that context, the objective of the article is to pay particular attention to one of the forms of participation, specifically using a comparative method to theoretically analyse the perspectives and limits of e-participation. The paper presumes the inevitable role of e-participation in the current modernisation of public administration processes which could overcome obstacles related to the participatory gap in post-communist countries.

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Governance w Polsce – udział organizacji pozarządowych we współrządzeniu publicznym

Author(s): Leszek Graniszewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2017

The article focuses on the application of the concept of governance in the realities of the Polish political system. The author analyses the forms of participation of citizens and their organisations in the decision-making of public administrations, particularly based on the notion of New Public Management and Governance. Further, he analyses the importance of implementing the concept of governance in the context of the existing models of democracy, especially liberal and participatory democracy. The last part of the article presents the institutionalisation of the notion of Governance in Polish law and practice of socio-political life.

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Przemiany w położeniu kobiet w Niemczech Zachodnich po II wojnie światowej – kontynuacje i przełomy

Author(s): Katarzyna Jedynakiewicz-Mróz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2014

The article presents the main changes of the situation of women in Western Germany after the Second World War. The considerations are based on the female diaries from this period, as well as on the specialist literature. The first part of the text shows professional and educational activity of women in Germany in the years 1945–1949 and the female part in the restoring of the country from the war damages. The second part of the article presents the occurrence of the return to the traditional patterns of feminity in Federal Republic of Germany in time of the Christian Democracy rules (1949–1965). The third part of the considerations shows the effects of „the 1968 Revolution” for the women’s situation in Western Germany in time of the domination of the Social Democrats in this country (1969–1982). The fourth part of the text presents the increase of the real position of women in Federal Republic of Germany in the Eighties, in the context of the development of the civil society in West Germany.

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Kwestia antysemityzmu w programach młodzieżowych organizacji niepodległościowych na Górnym Śląsku i w Zagłębiu Dąbrowskim w latach 1945–1956

Author(s): Andrzej Szczypka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2013

Państwo polskie jeszcze w trakcie walk w 1945 r. przeciwko III Rzeszy znalazło się pod rządami komunistów. Część patriotycznie nastawionej młodzieży nie pogodziła się z tym faktem i zaczęła przeciwstawiać się procesowi indoktrynacji. Młodzież podjęła z ustrojem komunistycznym walkę, której główną formą była dzia- łalność propagandowa. Młode pokolenie starało się w ulotkach pokazać prawdę o rzeczywistości czasu stalinizmu, np. opisywano brak swobód obywatelskich. Niektóre ugrupowania podejmowały także trudne kwestie stosunków polsko-żydowskich.

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Humanización de la comunicación institucional. Estudio histórico-crítico

Author(s): Sara Del Bello,Alla Kovalenko,José María La Porte / Language(s): Spanish Issue: 1/2016

Recent years have witnessed a lack of depth in the ethical view of relationships created by organizations as many scholars, public relations practitioners and institutions have focused more on the relationship with the public itself and less on the nature of the relationship and ethical aspects of the content offered by the communication plans developed by organizations. The article attempts to present how public institutions have focused less on the human person (as they sought to in the 20th century) due to the excessive growth of public and private organizations and the decaying of institutions that link individuals with the government institutions (local and national) and companies, like neighborhood associations, families’ networks, consumers’ organizations or grass roots groups. This situation has left individuals helpless before companies and public institutions. Public relations ethics have focused on the relationships between the organization and the public, but Church communication suggests in addition to this a reflection on the content of communication. Therefore, the Church’s approach to communications could help to regenerate the public relations field (as well as communications of institutions in general) by focusing more on the relationships between ethics and the content of public relations.

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Rola rodziny i zrzeszeń katolickich w tworzeniu kapitału społecznego

Author(s): Marek Stępniak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2016

The place of Christianity in social life is presently described in the relation of contemporary states to the Catholic Church and religious communities, current European models of legal solutions and to the protection of freedom of religion as the basic human right. Ideological presuppositions hinder a fair discussion both on the part of the supporters of individualistic-liberal ideology as well as the collective one. The first ideology perceives religion as a threat to human freedom, the other one negates a supernatural dimension of human existence, defining religion as one of the factors of social alienation. The influence of contemporary postmodernism is significant. The ideology inspires politics of some European states which are driven by secularity that is interpreted in a particular way; its aim is to reduce religion only to a private sphere and finally to eliminate it from public life. Christianity is perceived as an alien element which does not fit with contemporary culture and pluralistic social life. However, Christianity is still an essential element of individual national cultures, it is confessed and practiced, though its expression may vary, while secularization is a strong trend in European societies. Christians are actively present in social life and they contribute to social development though the witness of their faith, family communities and though organizations, associations, communities, religious movements, educational facilities of various levels, institutions. In this way Christians form social capital which is important for the society. Therefore it seems fitting to pose a question about the importance of Catholic associations in the formation of social capital. As Catholic associations base their activity on Christian values and their members affirm principles of Christian morality one can ask also about the significance of Christianity in social life and its impact on the formation of social capital.

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Polska wolność odzyskana. Czytając ks. Józefa Tischnera

Author(s): Andrzej Piotr Perzyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2014

When we talk about the views of fr. Jozef Tischner (1935–2000) on the importance of freedom in public life, we must remember that our modern thinking about freedom is stigmatized by repulsion for different views, marked by a group ostracism, disappointments, escapes from freedom. People are disappointed and discouraged, do not engage in public affairs, do not participate in public debates and elections. Where does it come from? To a large extent from our past. Poles were involved in uprisings and burdened with the legacy of noble individualism, traditional rebellions and fighting for freedom; while others were building civil society based on the acceptance of freedom of every human being and on the respect for law, we were forced to break the imposed law and fight for freedom in order to preserve our national identity. And in this struggle for freedom we managed to maintain solidarity. It is more difficult to live out this solidarity in every-day life and to build a common home of democratic free state governed by the rule of the law. We have problems with managing areas of freedom in the public life; we do not know how to be wisely and creatively free in every-day life.

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Między t ożsamością narodową a tożsamością obywatelską odrodzenie Litewskich polaków w świetle publikacji „czerwonego sztandaru”/„kuriera wileńskiego” w latach 1988–1990

Author(s): Małgorzata Stefanowicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2014

The paper presents attitudes of Polish minority in Lithuania towards its situation and needs as a national minority living in democratising country exposed in articles from Czerwony Sztandar/Kurier Wileński (Red Banner/Vilnian Courier) between 1988–1990, being the greatest Polish language journal in Lithuania. The journal was the main and most popular Polish language medium that took the role of distributing rules and customs prevailing in democratic country. The journal’s community supported independence for Lithuania and encouraged Poles to join in for the creation of independent country. The author claims that the journal was unjustly accused by Lithuanian conservative communities of anti-lithuanian and anti-national attitudes.

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