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Prawo rodzinne w dorobku naukowym i orzeczniczym Profesora Jerzego Ignatowicza

Prawo rodzinne w dorobku naukowym i orzeczniczym Profesora Jerzego Ignatowicza

Author(s): Mirosław Nazar / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2013

Over several dozen years, Profesor Jerzy Ignatowicz combined his academic work and his work as a Supreme Court judge. In his academic work, he mainly dealt with the issues of family law (including the issues concerning the protection of the marital status rights), property law and cooperative law. He dealt with similar issues in the majority of cases he tried as a Supreme Court judge. The present article discusses the output of Professor J. Ignatowicz’s work both as a scholar and a judge, his contribution to the development of family law, influence on the interpretation and application of family law, as well as a permanent contribution to the development of the science of family law. Jerzy Ignatowicz’s academic research output includes over 180 publications. In the area of family law, he is the author of considerable passages in collective works, including e.g. System of family and guardianship law and commentaries to the Code of Family and Guardianship Law, and treatises, articles, judicial glosses, reviews and the academic handbook Prawo rodzinne (Family Law). This handbook, which after Professor’s death has been supplemented and updated by his student and coworker, has been published since 1987 (last edition in 2012). J. Ignatowicz’s academic works mainly deal with the issues of parental authority, foster care, custody, guardianship, protection of the marital status, and personal and property relations between spouses. Such issues were also involved in the cases Jerzy Ignatowicz tried as a Supreme Court judge. Some of his rulings became legal doctrines.

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Armenia Turns Spotlight on Domestic Violence
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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Armenia Turns Spotlight on Domestic Violence

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 10/31/2017

Parliament could soon consider bill to boost legal protection for violence victims despite opposition by conservative groups.

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-EU Criticizes Russia’s ‘Foreign Agent’ Media Law
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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-EU Criticizes Russia’s ‘Foreign Agent’ Media Law

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 11/28/2017

Several major media outlets, such as RFE, VOA, and Deutsche Welle, might be subjected to stricter controls and requirements.

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Azerbaijan Puts Another Journalist on Trial
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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Azerbaijan Puts Another Journalist on Trial

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 12/05/2017

Police say Afgan Mukhtarli illegally crossed the Georgian border, while he claims to have been abducted from Tbilisi.

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The Goma Movement, Forty Years After:
Controversies, Amnesia and (Mis)Canonization
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The Goma Movement, Forty Years After: Controversies, Amnesia and (Mis)Canonization

Author(s): Cristina Petrescu / Language(s): English Issue: 3-4/2017

The communist period in Romania suffers from an endemic shortage of respectable heroes.Consequently, most historical reconstructions take the so-called Goma Movement of 1977not only for a surrogate which fills this vacancy, but also for a human-rights-oriented protest which rallied a wide popular support against Ceaușescu’s dictatorship. The very name under which this collective protest is canonized, however, hints at the intrinsic connection with the personality of its most known proponent, writer Paul Goma. Unlike the movement he initiated under communism, Goma has turned in post-communism from a hero into a controversial character. Based on secret police files, this study dissociates dissident Goma from the Goma Movement and revisits both considering Romania’s current societal priorities in the process of democratic consolidation. As far as Paul Goma is concerned, the study illustrates that he was one of Romania’s longest-active cultural and political opponents of the communist regime. Taking into account that Romania still needs to distance itself from the legacies of its non-democratic past, his systematic endeavours at preserving the independence of thinking and action, while the dictatorship was heavily curtailing it and most individuals complied with these severe limitations, are definitely worth remembering. On the contrary, the Goma Movement in which he was a prime mover, this study argues, contrary to common knowledge, was hardly a human-rights-oriented protest, which deserves to be canonized as one of the most significant anti-communist revolts with wide popular support. Most of its proponents did not seek the improvement of human rights observance in Romania, but the opportunity to leave this country for good. In other words, this collective protest illustrates that the Romanians’ disagreement with the communist regime manifested itself primarily not by civic engagement, but by emigration, and thus it barely represents a usable past in the process of democratic consolidation.

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Around the Bloc: Russians Vent Anger Over Presidential Vote
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Around the Bloc: Russians Vent Anger Over Presidential Vote

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 01/30/2018

A few dozen protesters detained in Moscow and St. Petersburg; larger numbers held in provincial cities.

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E Pluribus Unum? EIS 11/2017 The Communitarization of EU Migration, Asylum and Border Management Policies in Times of Crisis

Author(s): Tommaso Emiliani / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

The article accounts for the emergence of an external dimension of EU internal policies and focuses on the migration, asylum and border management domains. Building on Bretherton & Vogler (2006), it assesses and explains the forms and extent of EU’s external engagement. Firstly, it assesses the degree of EU actorness – that is, the extent to which the Union has become an actor in global politics - in the researched fields in terms of opportunity, presence and capabilities. Secondly, it attempts to explain the emergence of such EU external engagement. While the article defends that the treaty objective of creating an European Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (article 3 TEU) makes EU external action in the migration, asylum and border control domains necessary, it also acknowledges the role of external triggers, such as the so-called 2015 ‘migration and refugee crisis’. On the one hand, external events can provide scope conditions accelerating the pace by which EU external action is pursued. On the other hand, they can also trigger the comeback of hard security concerns linked to claims for ‘more national sovereignty’, thus constraining the development of EU (external) action. The analysis carried out shows that the degree of EU actorness varies considerably across the three domains researched. On one extreme of the continuum, neo-realist understandings of increased arrivals of foreign citizens as hard security challenges to member states account for the enhanced interest in cooperation at the intergovernmental level. Such interpretations explain why the most established domain for EU external engagement is the cooperation with third countries on border management, as it is shown by the expansion of the mandate of EU agencies such as Europol and Frontex, or by negotiation by the European Commission of international agreements containing clauses on readmission of third country citizens irregularly residing in the EU to their countries of origin (the Mobility Partnerships). Less developed, yet quickly evolving, is the EU external dimension of migration policies. Functional concerns related to the need to acquire highly specialized (and relatively cheap) workforce towards an efficient functioning of the single market have prompted a remarkable the law-making in this area, as shown by the EC directives and regulations aimed at third country students, unpaid trainees, voluntary workers and big corporations’ staff. While the neo-functionalist logic explains the emergence of the external dimension of EU migration policies, it may also explain this development is currently limited to certain areas within the policy area. A comprehensive approach to migration policy has not proved possible to achieve so far, due to institutional and bureaucratic limitations, as well as the different agenda of national policymakers. On the other extreme of the continuum, liberal theories and constructivism account for the constraints currently limiting the full development of EU actorness in asylum policies. Several member states’ civil societies do not perceive prospects for absolute gains deriving from cooperation at the EU level. Constraints to the establishment of international institutions regulating asylum policies are thus understood through the lack of strong societal pressures at the member states level. Therefore, while the article puts forward a combination of neo-functionalist, neo-realist, liberal intergovernamentalist and constructivist explanations to account for the emergence of an external dimension of migration asylum and border management policies, as wells as for the obstacles opposing that process, it also provides evidence that external triggers such as increased migratory pressure lead to internal policy dynamics with positive or negative impacts on the shift of actorness from EU member states to the EU itself.

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Гражданское общество и интеллигенция в современном мире

Author(s): Anatoliy Alekseyevich Kanunnikov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 4/2016

The article analyses the role of civil society in the modern world, participation of intelligentsia and ‘new class’ in activities of its institutes. Shown is the academic understanding of the term «civil society». It is emphasized that organization activity of civil society is performed in specific economic, social, spiritual and political spheres which determine the forms of their work, nature of activities and an organizational structure. Noted are three main approaches in studying modern civil society; shown are the elements of the structured civil society. It is noted that in some cases associations of civil society could bear negative potential. The conclusion is drawn that all activities of civil society institutes directly influence the development of all political decisions accepted and implemented by power structures. Formation of purposes and tasks of non-governmental organizations and other subjects of civil society in every individual country in many respects depends on views and positions of that country’s intelligentsia.

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Generally civilized context of governing the social organization of the world

Generally civilized context of governing the social organization of the world

Author(s): Oksana Gaievska / Language(s): English Issue: 15/2015

Analyzing the contemporary global mechanisms of governing relationships between peoples represented both in procedural and institutional aspects the author notes their fundamental and globally civilized meanings in the historical progress of mankind to a higher level of social system organization. Therefore, the actual European process and principles of creating the efficient ordering system, according to which certain international institutional structures function, should be considered in the context of today’s total sovereignty and at the same time ensuring the safety of international relations. This trend suggests that the presence of some basic concepts of self-governance aimed at creating mechanisms for intergovernmental governance in the global community should remove the possibility of destabilization of international cooperation. Thus, generally civilized pillars of social governance, including international relations, lie in the understanding that people have to base their relationships on principles of the highest administrative feasibility, which should embrace the economic, political and spiritual energy of any nation. This interpretation of general issues of international relations seems quite logical and well grounded in the light of recent developments in Ukraine.Therefore, the expression “reason rules the world” should be viewed as an objective opportunity of any institution through the energy of its own organization and by management to achieve a holistic level of the system which is too important for humanity, which in its historical development has always longed for a high level of organization, and consequently reached in its civilization development a level where management has become the most productive type of production. In this view management as a science can be perceived as the most lucrative and prudent source of allocating capital.Biological organizational evolution appears to have been locked: in its highest form — for a human being it has found its reflection and the most organic way of life. And the higher the development of civilization, in particular management, the more organically the mankind enters this circle, the more harmonious relationships people have with nature. A knowledge of harmonization mechanisms through people’s self-subjecting to nature in all its forms of existence is a superior necessity for humanity, and hence a source of eternity and management as a science.

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Around the Bloc: The Trials and Retrials of Macedonia’s Conservatives
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Around the Bloc: The Trials and Retrials of Macedonia’s Conservatives

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 12/05/2017

Protests are held in the streets in Skopje and Pristina as opposition leader says he will step down.

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Opinion: Bulgarian Discovers a Third Sex
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Opinion: Bulgarian Discovers a Third Sex

Author(s): Boyko Vassilev / Language(s): English Issue: 02/27/2018

How a ratification debate, a translation misunderstanding, and social prejudices set the country on fire.

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Історичні інтерпретації принципу справедливості

Author(s): Irina Sydorenko / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2014

In our article we considered the variability of equity principle in different historical periods. The principle of equity does not have an unambiguous interpretation. We are analyzing its new meaning according to the social needs. We are researching the maintenance of this fundamental principle in context of negative forms of the basic rules of morality to the forms of positive understanding of moral law; from the equity like a morality "for yourself" to gaining the meaning of universal moral and ethical principles. Thus, the Old Testament equity is written drawn clearly, unambiguously and has the form of law, but does not provoke the reflection on the act. Determinism of cause-effect relation is clearly detected in pairs "act- award" or "done- punishment". In moral action, based on the own understanding, there is no need. By the Gospel the reasonable for the personal moral responsibility is not regulatory opposition of evil and good, but an absolute imperative of own conscience. Blind imitation of the God’s Laws is not a moral act. Such acting are moral just in form, it can’t exist out of individual morality. Moral philosophy turns to the free of will, to the freedom of choice between good and evil. Classical understanding of equity was developed by Aristotle. The ancient Greek philosopher came out of the fact that the basis of equity is in the definite reward for the merits of everybody. The equity had a meaning of taming of the one individual ambitions and to get what belongs to another. So, in basis of European civilization is a system of individual interconnection between the person and its social environment that combines individualism of interests and common human values. In modern times, the equity is considered as a political and juridical, that is realized in principle of equality of civil right and freedoms and form the basis for bourgeois and liberal implemented in the of civil rights and freedoms, the foundations for bourgeois-liberal principle of "equality of possibility" and provides for equivalence of goods and services exchange. The equity within social and conventional understanding at first was regarded as a social phenomenon. It helped further development of this theory of equity in context of social regulation. The government should guarantee the maintenance of moral duty to eliminate actual inequality and equity in the distribution of public goods. A new form "social morality" was formed during this period in the society of Modern age. The social interaction is the basis of "social morality". The major social institutions appeared at the period of formation of industrial market economy. Regulation standards were aimed to achieve the individual aspirations, new forms of interaction between the individual and society. A new social experience needed the new methods of regulation of social relations. The competitors on the market had to coordinate the adverse interests, find the common values. The interests of market relations came together in common things: tolerance appeared profitable for all competition sides. A regulation of social relationships contributed to public organizations. Legislation was written that took into account the real needs of society. The citizens unions got a power to control the government. An important achievement of that time was the understanding of individual freedom and its reasonable restriction for the harmonious social interaction. Economic prosperity guarantees political, civil and social stability. Interested in it a state authorized itself to control the maintenance of equity and legality. In fact, Aristotle’s’ understanding of equity changed from the entities’ ownership to the social institutions, as mentioned J. Rawls in his "Theory of Justice". We analyzing the Rawl’s concept of justice. He considers the theory of justice as the theory of fairness. According to J. Rawls, a cooperation on mutually beneficial terms would become more effective, to ensure the welfare of all people. So, personal life plans of individuals should be consolidated because their activity is common. A level of the social collaboration can guarantee just socially oriented state with a democratic organization of all institutions and systems. Ethics occurred with the task to open its potential on the empirical level. A pace of life is accelerating: before the society appeared new and new challenges. Yesterday's rules are not always effective. Economic, industrial, political, medical, scientific, educational practice expects its moral standards which can quickly react on the change of social and cultural context. As for social equity today, we mean the basic foundation of any society – its economic success. Thus, there is a need of normative partnerships between business and civil society; measure of moral responsibility of the government to ensuring fair conditions for business; giving social defense of workers, and so on. The state, social institutions and business should be interested in formation of the culture of social relations. It was showed in the experience of advanced countries. The moral of which is "live", involved in the structure of industrial relations. It is noticed, that with its modern context like a "social equity", this principle is obliged to the development of business relations, formation of civil society and their interactions.

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Культурна складова національного інтересу

Author(s): Olga Rafayilivna Kopiyevska / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2014

The article is devoted to the problem, which has put the issue of awareness of the importance of national interest in the process of modern nation. The basis of article consists of scientific approaches to understanding the concept of"national interest", defined by the signs of national interest, which include political, geographic, economic and cultural characteristics. In author’s opinion, the feature that defined in the article allows to isolate the state of the overall picture of the world, defining its uniqueness and individuality. Special attention is drawn to the author's definition of the main factors determining the national interest, the basic elements that have an impact on the calculation of national interest. The article reveals the essence of strategic culture, which includes historically-formed method of solving vital for the country's problems. In my opinion it is the strategic culture driven by national traditions, spatial, geographical location, outlook and worldview, historical experience. Strategic culture determines behavior of a country, management style, ability to mobilize in the event of protecting national interests. This paper analyzes the general theoretical aspects of the concept of national interest as defined by (William Gladstone, Hans Morgenthau, A. Thierry). The author emphasizes that it is due to the fact that in Ukraine there is no clear understanding of national interests, their fixed and variable components, there is an urgent need for understanding the national interest in the theoretical and practical levels (as informed public opinion concept). The author emphasizes that it is the formation of civil society in Ukraine, updates the consideration of the national interest in a new perspective. Given the purpose of the article, the author refers to the practice of forming national interest in Western Europe. The author believes that the approach to the definition of national interest depends on the logic of the West, which is the next logical chain: the public interest – the social interest – the national interest; Ukraine in the chain, according to the author has the following logic: state and national interests. Therefore, the author stresses the importance to incorporate the wishes and interests of different groups of civil society. The article reveals the needs of social development, which in author’s opinion is the basis of national interest. The main task in this context is a task that is associated with the transformation of the interests of individuals, social groups and groups that are interested in the aggregate national interest. Special attention is focused on the author's specifications of Ukrainian reality. The author notes that the time of independence allowed greatly expand the actual content of the culture, the value in the national interests of Ukraine. The factual material of citizens’ cultural interests, their place and role in the formation of national interests of Ukraine has been determined. The role and place of ideology in the national interest has been revealed. National interests in its essence must be higher than any ideology, as most serve as an ideology, taking over the functions of the latter. Analysis of the specific source base allowed the author to isolate certain number of components of the national interest in Ukrainian culture. This article analyzes the Ukrainian realities defined by their influence on the formation of national interest. According to the author it is essential to have consolidation of all interested parties of Ukrainian cultural state subjects to solve the problems. Activity of various actors who are interested in the development of Ukrainian culture is intended primarily to influence the conduct of the actual policy in the country, to promote coordination among all participants culturally creative process. The author says, there is a need to develop common organizational and legal principles with the general trends in the regulation of relations in the cultural politics of other countries. According to the author, the basis of government guarantees of the preservation and development of culture is public funding and therefore their legal regulation. The article ends with fundamental conclusions which allow determining the practical significance of theoretical positions discussed in the article. The author claims that, the formation of national interests is a long historical and evolutionary process that is carried out in a complex interplay of economic, social, national, mental and other factors that are combined to determine the content and nature of the cultural and historical experiences of the people. As such, the national interest is a socio-historical phenomenon and can not exist independently of the cultural awareness of their speakers. They have the closest relationship with the cultural identity of a particular nation. In order to build a democratic state and the realization of the above objectives, national interests must take into account not only the representatives of civil society, and most importantly – government agencies and officials. This activity should be aimed at improving the state mechanisms that would allow the foundation of any business to put national interest in priority.

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Насилля і мас-медійний контент

Author(s): Adriana Skoryk / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2014

His primary source, as a multimeaning word, term " violence" owes its roots in the audio – visual media from the definition of "culture war." Incorporating all the contradictory experience of mankind, its transformative lessons, it is no longer uniquely opposite category to the "culture of peace". Its philosophical and conceptual dimension is contradictory dialectiction, the transition from one quality to another, the dynamics of many aspects. Sociopsychological and socio- ethical aspects of these unilateral form cons screen "hero" with the aggressive nature,militaristic spirit, stereotyped image of the enemy. Concept of "culture war" was created with UNESCO Declaration on the culture of peace, the Programme of Action in the field of culture of peace. Their aim – to promote a global movement of transition from a culture of war and violence to a culture of peace. Calls to non-violence in the third millennium able to generate values such as peacefulness, peace, tolerance, non- aggressive thinking and non-aggressive behavior. This new understanding of latitude amplitude of peacekeeping, not only between the public, but also socio-cultural group of countries with the highest regard first of all cultural and national characteristics. Staying within the human society, violence successfully took its place in the mass media content. Especially the "winner" of its location appears in audiovisual production. And not only the saturation of "pictures" on the screen, and the power of this form of human activity. Unfortunately, catharsis did not sacrifice public acquisition. It is a tribute to old versions mythologizing violence. However, against the fierce mythological character "naturalization ofaggression and violence", modernity is characterized by specific manifestations of human cruelty. Erich Fromm called this situation "human passions", which are inherent to the social determinants of human being – violence. Multidirectional forms of violence caused by multitheoretical approaches to its understanding. There was some violence classification offered by Russian scientist G. Kozyrev: on violent forms of interaction, created loss, conflict subjects. Scientists identify as cultural violence "aspect of culture that can be used to legalize violence in its direct and structural forms". The genesis of the problems of violence clearly traced in the direction of contemporary audiovisual media content. The historical part of modern society, unfortunately, undoubtedly provided a constant value known as philosophical statements of Heraklit: " War – [polemos] – the father of all, the king of all: some it makes the gods, others – people, creates some slaves and some free ones", and according to Aristotle: "The violence is a coercion, and this is something that hinders and interferes in anything contrary to the wishes of necessity, so it is also harder". Political traditions, in particular, facilitate the transition to the monopolization of violence from government and law. The modern theory of violence makes an emphasis in the field of political philosophy. The world has embraced as a solid social arrangement. The philosopher Hobbes talks about the impossibility of peaceful coexistence of human existence by virtue of the nature of enmity to one another. This essence of human nature itself lies at the genetic, instinctive level. The idea that human existence is its natural law philosopher John Locke argued in "Two treatises of government". By "social contract" J. J. Rousseau theoretically grounded civil society, making an emphasis on the legal rights of the individual. Made by legal philosophers the foundation of violence laid today as the basis of the constitutional rights of many social groups. Only Kant was proclaimed the eternal law of peace and creation on the basis of its allied relations between people and nations. Here, "even the smallest state could expect their security and rights not from their own forces, but only from a great union of peoples". Dissonant sound of another philosopher actually equates the balance of world postulates on this topic: Hegel wrote: "The war keeps healthy morality of the people in relation to their indifferent certainty to their familiarity and rooting, just as the motion of the wind prevents the lake from the decay that threatens them with long-term comfort, as well as people – long, or, worse, eternal peace". J. Sorel in "Reflections on Violence" talks about proletarian violence: humanity and kindness is the promotion gimmicks that dominate market relations in society. Today, as reflected in the media and on video – modern society distinguishes its violence essence. But in fact the traditions are immutable: change only the type of offenders and their type of crime. Mass encountered in craftiness, they deserve in society more forgiving attitude. There is "a film adaptation of " artistic, journalistic, documentary works with a clear preponderance of violence in the images of intense creative images. Such "intellectuality" of the criminality was not yet known in the history of mass media, but now is widely seen in wars, terrorist attacks, social "squares". The sad conclusion of F. Furet, French historian: " If you add up the total list of famous authors who at different times were communists or sympathized with communism were the nazis or sympathized with fascism, then we get the current Gotha almanac of intellectual, scientific and literary elite". Everyday life is not worth to deduct to the dissatisfaction of culture. The new phenomenon is that modernity created between violence its hero.

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СОЦІАЛЬНА ПОЛІТИКА РОСІЇ: ТЕОРЕТИКО-МЕТОДОЛОГІЧНИЙ АНАЛІЗ ПРОБЛЕМИ

СОЦІАЛЬНА ПОЛІТИКА РОСІЇ: ТЕОРЕТИКО-МЕТОДОЛОГІЧНИЙ АНАЛІЗ ПРОБЛЕМИ

Author(s): S. Hrycaj / Language(s): English,Ukrainian Issue: 2/2014

This paper analyzes the theoretical views of scientists that had influence on formation of the content and functionality of the social policy, defined methods and principles of the investigation in the context of historical transformation, discloses a methodology of social policy in the partnership between the state and civil society.

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KONCEPCJA WŁADZY PAŃSTWOWEJ I PRAWA W PAŃSTWACH MUZUŁMAŃSKICH I DEMOKRATYCZNYCH

KONCEPCJA WŁADZY PAŃSTWOWEJ I PRAWA W PAŃSTWACH MUZUŁMAŃSKICH I DEMOKRATYCZNYCH

Author(s): Piotr Przybytek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 23/2017

The article contains an analysis of differences in the understanding of state power andlaw in the West and in the Islamic region. Its purpose is to find the reasons for theMuslim societies' particular propensity for autocracy and theocracy. Historical politicalchanges in Europe and in Muslim countries were examined, with particular reference toSudan. Then, the processes that led to the development of fundamentalism and theradicalization of Muslim communities in Europe as well as in the Arab states wereinvestigated. Ineffectiveness of the European Union's policy aimed at popularizingdemocracy in the Islamic region was found. In conclusion, it was stated that the basicproblem and primary source of difficulty is the inviolability and dogmatic character ofKoranic law.

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Potencjał delegitymizacji systemu politycznego w społeczeństwie polskim

Potencjał delegitymizacji systemu politycznego w społeczeństwie polskim

Author(s): Daniel Mider / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2016

Delegitimization of the political system could be a strong factor leading to disruptions of the social and political order, including political violence. In order to measure the potential of this phenomenon an original measurement tool was created. The tool is based on the concept of ideal types and empirical types introduced by Max Weber and Georg Jellinek. Quantitative empirical data was provided by the Polish General Election Study (2011). Using this data, analyses of intergroup differences of selected sociodemographic and psychographic variables were carried out. The following groups emerged from the analyses: legitimizing the political system, ambivalent towards the political system, delegitimizing the political system (completely or incompletely), and several groups of moderate potential to delegitimize (for instance people rejecting democracy, but expressing satisfaction with the institutional aspects of its functioning in political practice). The gathered results confirm a moderate but noticeable potential for delegitimization of the Polish democracy; several extracted social categories may be a potential threat to internal security

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Communication Policy Challenges of Ukraine in the Context of its European Integration

Communication Policy Challenges of Ukraine in the Context of its European Integration

Author(s): Natalia Karpchuk / Language(s): English Issue: 14/2015

Ukraine headed for European integration in 1998 when the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine came into force. In the following years the Ukrainian society has been preparing to the state’s prospective accession to the EU. However, on 21 November the course of Ukraine drastically changed and the Ukrainian society exploded. The lack of efficient communication policy, specifically close cooperation between the state authorities and the public, absolute disregard for Ukrainians’ interests and requirements became the catalyst of mass protests. The aim of the article is to study the evolution of the development of communication interaction between the authorities and the civil society, to research the reasons of challenges Ukraine has faced in the past years. The article focuses on the legal grounds and the mechanisms of development of Ukraine’s communication policy directions.

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Konserwatywny liberalizm Václava Klausa

Konserwatywny liberalizm Václava Klausa

Author(s): Marcin Czyżniewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 7/2012

Vaclav Klaus is an example of a politician who can combine liberal and conserva¬tive ideas. The division line goes between an economic sphere and a political and so¬cial one. In the economic sphere, Klaus supports a free market which functions on the basis of economic rights only. He emphasizes a fundamental meaning of private prop¬erty and the freedom of business activity. He also indicates that satisfying your indi¬vidual needs and ambitions, and not an altruistic activity in favour of other people, is the base of progress. However, he presents his conservative opinions in social issues and those related to the philosophy of life. Klaus is an adversary of the so-called civ¬ic society, because he thinks that in a democratic order the citizens’ activity should be organised within the frameworks of a party system. He criticises non-governmen¬tal organizations, especially ecological movements, which he accuses of the desire to stop progress of civilisation and economic development. In case of Klaus, we do not deal with an effort to "liberalise” conservative ideas but with equal co-existence of liberal and conservative views within the frameworks of one attitude. It should be emphasised that views presented by Klaus since the beginning of his public activity have been constant and - which is rare in case of an active politician - they seem not to be subject to a political situation.

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Indywidualizm amerykańskiej Starej Prawicy

Indywidualizm amerykańskiej Starej Prawicy

Author(s): Jacek Spendel / Language(s): Polish Issue: 6/2011

The article is dedicated to the philosophy and history of the Old Right movement in United States of America. At the beginning, author discusses the historical roots, ideological structure, and principles of the Old Right with important figures behind it. The next part of the article is devoted to the presence of the movement in the American political arena: it’s alliances, enemies, and political representation. A substantial part of the article is based on the Old Right’s arguments against President Roosevelt’s New Deal in all it’s aspects. The consequent anti-interventionist position of the Old Right pushed them to opposition to the US military presence in World War I and World War II. That unique but ideologically coherent standpoint is discussed in the later part of the article. It shows the popular perception of the anti-interventionist arguments, revealing not widely known facts about it. The question of the American military interventions reflected by the classical liberal principles, dominates the last part of the article. Author discusses the theory of the cold war and emerge of the New Right as a cause of the Old Right’s defeat. Finally, he summarizes the Old Right’s political positions, and predicts possible developments of that ideas in future.

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About

CEEOL is a leading provider of academic eJournals, eBooks and Grey Literature documents in Humanities and Social Sciences from and about Central, East and Southeast Europe. In the rapidly changing digital sphere CEEOL is a reliable source of adjusting expertise trusted by scholars, researchers, publishers, and librarians. CEEOL offers various services to subscribing institutions and their patrons to make access to its content as easy as possible. CEEOL supports publishers to reach new audiences and disseminate the scientific achievements to a broad readership worldwide. Un-affiliated scholars have the possibility to access the repository by creating their personal user account.

Contact Us

Central and Eastern European Online Library GmbH
Basaltstrasse 9
60487 Frankfurt am Main
Germany
Amtsgericht Frankfurt am Main HRB 102056
VAT number: DE300273105
Phone: +49 (0)69-20026820
Email: info@ceeol.com

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