Opinion: Bulgarian Discovers a Third Sex
How a ratification debate, a translation misunderstanding, and social prejudices set the country on fire.
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How a ratification debate, a translation misunderstanding, and social prejudices set the country on fire.
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In our article we considered the variability of equity principle in different historical periods. The principle of equity does not have an unambiguous interpretation. We are analyzing its new meaning according to the social needs. We are researching the maintenance of this fundamental principle in context of negative forms of the basic rules of morality to the forms of positive understanding of moral law; from the equity like a morality "for yourself" to gaining the meaning of universal moral and ethical principles. Thus, the Old Testament equity is written drawn clearly, unambiguously and has the form of law, but does not provoke the reflection on the act. Determinism of cause-effect relation is clearly detected in pairs "act- award" or "done- punishment". In moral action, based on the own understanding, there is no need. By the Gospel the reasonable for the personal moral responsibility is not regulatory opposition of evil and good, but an absolute imperative of own conscience. Blind imitation of the God’s Laws is not a moral act. Such acting are moral just in form, it can’t exist out of individual morality. Moral philosophy turns to the free of will, to the freedom of choice between good and evil. Classical understanding of equity was developed by Aristotle. The ancient Greek philosopher came out of the fact that the basis of equity is in the definite reward for the merits of everybody. The equity had a meaning of taming of the one individual ambitions and to get what belongs to another. So, in basis of European civilization is a system of individual interconnection between the person and its social environment that combines individualism of interests and common human values. In modern times, the equity is considered as a political and juridical, that is realized in principle of equality of civil right and freedoms and form the basis for bourgeois and liberal implemented in the of civil rights and freedoms, the foundations for bourgeois-liberal principle of "equality of possibility" and provides for equivalence of goods and services exchange. The equity within social and conventional understanding at first was regarded as a social phenomenon. It helped further development of this theory of equity in context of social regulation. The government should guarantee the maintenance of moral duty to eliminate actual inequality and equity in the distribution of public goods. A new form "social morality" was formed during this period in the society of Modern age. The social interaction is the basis of "social morality". The major social institutions appeared at the period of formation of industrial market economy. Regulation standards were aimed to achieve the individual aspirations, new forms of interaction between the individual and society. A new social experience needed the new methods of regulation of social relations. The competitors on the market had to coordinate the adverse interests, find the common values. The interests of market relations came together in common things: tolerance appeared profitable for all competition sides. A regulation of social relationships contributed to public organizations. Legislation was written that took into account the real needs of society. The citizens unions got a power to control the government. An important achievement of that time was the understanding of individual freedom and its reasonable restriction for the harmonious social interaction. Economic prosperity guarantees political, civil and social stability. Interested in it a state authorized itself to control the maintenance of equity and legality. In fact, Aristotle’s’ understanding of equity changed from the entities’ ownership to the social institutions, as mentioned J. Rawls in his "Theory of Justice". We analyzing the Rawl’s concept of justice. He considers the theory of justice as the theory of fairness. According to J. Rawls, a cooperation on mutually beneficial terms would become more effective, to ensure the welfare of all people. So, personal life plans of individuals should be consolidated because their activity is common. A level of the social collaboration can guarantee just socially oriented state with a democratic organization of all institutions and systems. Ethics occurred with the task to open its potential on the empirical level. A pace of life is accelerating: before the society appeared new and new challenges. Yesterday's rules are not always effective. Economic, industrial, political, medical, scientific, educational practice expects its moral standards which can quickly react on the change of social and cultural context. As for social equity today, we mean the basic foundation of any society – its economic success. Thus, there is a need of normative partnerships between business and civil society; measure of moral responsibility of the government to ensuring fair conditions for business; giving social defense of workers, and so on. The state, social institutions and business should be interested in formation of the culture of social relations. It was showed in the experience of advanced countries. The moral of which is "live", involved in the structure of industrial relations. It is noticed, that with its modern context like a "social equity", this principle is obliged to the development of business relations, formation of civil society and their interactions.
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The article is devoted to the problem, which has put the issue of awareness of the importance of national interest in the process of modern nation. The basis of article consists of scientific approaches to understanding the concept of"national interest", defined by the signs of national interest, which include political, geographic, economic and cultural characteristics. In author’s opinion, the feature that defined in the article allows to isolate the state of the overall picture of the world, defining its uniqueness and individuality. Special attention is drawn to the author's definition of the main factors determining the national interest, the basic elements that have an impact on the calculation of national interest. The article reveals the essence of strategic culture, which includes historically-formed method of solving vital for the country's problems. In my opinion it is the strategic culture driven by national traditions, spatial, geographical location, outlook and worldview, historical experience. Strategic culture determines behavior of a country, management style, ability to mobilize in the event of protecting national interests. This paper analyzes the general theoretical aspects of the concept of national interest as defined by (William Gladstone, Hans Morgenthau, A. Thierry). The author emphasizes that it is due to the fact that in Ukraine there is no clear understanding of national interests, their fixed and variable components, there is an urgent need for understanding the national interest in the theoretical and practical levels (as informed public opinion concept). The author emphasizes that it is the formation of civil society in Ukraine, updates the consideration of the national interest in a new perspective. Given the purpose of the article, the author refers to the practice of forming national interest in Western Europe. The author believes that the approach to the definition of national interest depends on the logic of the West, which is the next logical chain: the public interest – the social interest – the national interest; Ukraine in the chain, according to the author has the following logic: state and national interests. Therefore, the author stresses the importance to incorporate the wishes and interests of different groups of civil society. The article reveals the needs of social development, which in author’s opinion is the basis of national interest. The main task in this context is a task that is associated with the transformation of the interests of individuals, social groups and groups that are interested in the aggregate national interest. Special attention is focused on the author's specifications of Ukrainian reality. The author notes that the time of independence allowed greatly expand the actual content of the culture, the value in the national interests of Ukraine. The factual material of citizens’ cultural interests, their place and role in the formation of national interests of Ukraine has been determined. The role and place of ideology in the national interest has been revealed. National interests in its essence must be higher than any ideology, as most serve as an ideology, taking over the functions of the latter. Analysis of the specific source base allowed the author to isolate certain number of components of the national interest in Ukrainian culture. This article analyzes the Ukrainian realities defined by their influence on the formation of national interest. According to the author it is essential to have consolidation of all interested parties of Ukrainian cultural state subjects to solve the problems. Activity of various actors who are interested in the development of Ukrainian culture is intended primarily to influence the conduct of the actual policy in the country, to promote coordination among all participants culturally creative process. The author says, there is a need to develop common organizational and legal principles with the general trends in the regulation of relations in the cultural politics of other countries. According to the author, the basis of government guarantees of the preservation and development of culture is public funding and therefore their legal regulation. The article ends with fundamental conclusions which allow determining the practical significance of theoretical positions discussed in the article. The author claims that, the formation of national interests is a long historical and evolutionary process that is carried out in a complex interplay of economic, social, national, mental and other factors that are combined to determine the content and nature of the cultural and historical experiences of the people. As such, the national interest is a socio-historical phenomenon and can not exist independently of the cultural awareness of their speakers. They have the closest relationship with the cultural identity of a particular nation. In order to build a democratic state and the realization of the above objectives, national interests must take into account not only the representatives of civil society, and most importantly – government agencies and officials. This activity should be aimed at improving the state mechanisms that would allow the foundation of any business to put national interest in priority.
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His primary source, as a multimeaning word, term " violence" owes its roots in the audio – visual media from the definition of "culture war." Incorporating all the contradictory experience of mankind, its transformative lessons, it is no longer uniquely opposite category to the "culture of peace". Its philosophical and conceptual dimension is contradictory dialectiction, the transition from one quality to another, the dynamics of many aspects. Sociopsychological and socio- ethical aspects of these unilateral form cons screen "hero" with the aggressive nature,militaristic spirit, stereotyped image of the enemy. Concept of "culture war" was created with UNESCO Declaration on the culture of peace, the Programme of Action in the field of culture of peace. Their aim – to promote a global movement of transition from a culture of war and violence to a culture of peace. Calls to non-violence in the third millennium able to generate values such as peacefulness, peace, tolerance, non- aggressive thinking and non-aggressive behavior. This new understanding of latitude amplitude of peacekeeping, not only between the public, but also socio-cultural group of countries with the highest regard first of all cultural and national characteristics. Staying within the human society, violence successfully took its place in the mass media content. Especially the "winner" of its location appears in audiovisual production. And not only the saturation of "pictures" on the screen, and the power of this form of human activity. Unfortunately, catharsis did not sacrifice public acquisition. It is a tribute to old versions mythologizing violence. However, against the fierce mythological character "naturalization ofaggression and violence", modernity is characterized by specific manifestations of human cruelty. Erich Fromm called this situation "human passions", which are inherent to the social determinants of human being – violence. Multidirectional forms of violence caused by multitheoretical approaches to its understanding. There was some violence classification offered by Russian scientist G. Kozyrev: on violent forms of interaction, created loss, conflict subjects. Scientists identify as cultural violence "aspect of culture that can be used to legalize violence in its direct and structural forms". The genesis of the problems of violence clearly traced in the direction of contemporary audiovisual media content. The historical part of modern society, unfortunately, undoubtedly provided a constant value known as philosophical statements of Heraklit: " War – [polemos] – the father of all, the king of all: some it makes the gods, others – people, creates some slaves and some free ones", and according to Aristotle: "The violence is a coercion, and this is something that hinders and interferes in anything contrary to the wishes of necessity, so it is also harder". Political traditions, in particular, facilitate the transition to the monopolization of violence from government and law. The modern theory of violence makes an emphasis in the field of political philosophy. The world has embraced as a solid social arrangement. The philosopher Hobbes talks about the impossibility of peaceful coexistence of human existence by virtue of the nature of enmity to one another. This essence of human nature itself lies at the genetic, instinctive level. The idea that human existence is its natural law philosopher John Locke argued in "Two treatises of government". By "social contract" J. J. Rousseau theoretically grounded civil society, making an emphasis on the legal rights of the individual. Made by legal philosophers the foundation of violence laid today as the basis of the constitutional rights of many social groups. Only Kant was proclaimed the eternal law of peace and creation on the basis of its allied relations between people and nations. Here, "even the smallest state could expect their security and rights not from their own forces, but only from a great union of peoples". Dissonant sound of another philosopher actually equates the balance of world postulates on this topic: Hegel wrote: "The war keeps healthy morality of the people in relation to their indifferent certainty to their familiarity and rooting, just as the motion of the wind prevents the lake from the decay that threatens them with long-term comfort, as well as people – long, or, worse, eternal peace". J. Sorel in "Reflections on Violence" talks about proletarian violence: humanity and kindness is the promotion gimmicks that dominate market relations in society. Today, as reflected in the media and on video – modern society distinguishes its violence essence. But in fact the traditions are immutable: change only the type of offenders and their type of crime. Mass encountered in craftiness, they deserve in society more forgiving attitude. There is "a film adaptation of " artistic, journalistic, documentary works with a clear preponderance of violence in the images of intense creative images. Such "intellectuality" of the criminality was not yet known in the history of mass media, but now is widely seen in wars, terrorist attacks, social "squares". The sad conclusion of F. Furet, French historian: " If you add up the total list of famous authors who at different times were communists or sympathized with communism were the nazis or sympathized with fascism, then we get the current Gotha almanac of intellectual, scientific and literary elite". Everyday life is not worth to deduct to the dissatisfaction of culture. The new phenomenon is that modernity created between violence its hero.
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This paper analyzes the theoretical views of scientists that had influence on formation of the content and functionality of the social policy, defined methods and principles of the investigation in the context of historical transformation, discloses a methodology of social policy in the partnership between the state and civil society.
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The article contains an analysis of differences in the understanding of state power andlaw in the West and in the Islamic region. Its purpose is to find the reasons for theMuslim societies' particular propensity for autocracy and theocracy. Historical politicalchanges in Europe and in Muslim countries were examined, with particular reference toSudan. Then, the processes that led to the development of fundamentalism and theradicalization of Muslim communities in Europe as well as in the Arab states wereinvestigated. Ineffectiveness of the European Union's policy aimed at popularizingdemocracy in the Islamic region was found. In conclusion, it was stated that the basicproblem and primary source of difficulty is the inviolability and dogmatic character ofKoranic law.
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International migration is the international movement of people into a destination country of which they are not natives or where they do not possess citizenship in order to settle or reside there. Individuals immigrate forced or voluntary, they migrate from one place to another throughout their lives. Voluntary migrations are often caused by reasons such as education, job change, employment or marriage. The reasons for forced migration are internal confusion, various oppressive practices, terrorism or war. This study aimed to investigate social policies of the forced immigrants and proposed some suggestions. For this reason, statistics, reports and publications of various institutions were used. In this study, education, healthcare and other relevant problems of the immigrant who were examined in the social policy framework by using the literature review method.
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In the article the state of scientific discussion in the works of Ukrainian scholars on determination of priority factors of forming of civil society in Ukraine in the frameworks of main problems of foundation of Ukrainian political nation and Ukrainian independent state. An important role of nationalism and national identity as socio-cultural factors of forming of civil society in Ukraine is shown.
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Delegitimization of the political system could be a strong factor leading to disruptions of the social and political order, including political violence. In order to measure the potential of this phenomenon an original measurement tool was created. The tool is based on the concept of ideal types and empirical types introduced by Max Weber and Georg Jellinek. Quantitative empirical data was provided by the Polish General Election Study (2011). Using this data, analyses of intergroup differences of selected sociodemographic and psychographic variables were carried out. The following groups emerged from the analyses: legitimizing the political system, ambivalent towards the political system, delegitimizing the political system (completely or incompletely), and several groups of moderate potential to delegitimize (for instance people rejecting democracy, but expressing satisfaction with the institutional aspects of its functioning in political practice). The gathered results confirm a moderate but noticeable potential for delegitimization of the Polish democracy; several extracted social categories may be a potential threat to internal security
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Ukraine headed for European integration in 1998 when the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine came into force. In the following years the Ukrainian society has been preparing to the state’s prospective accession to the EU. However, on 21 November the course of Ukraine drastically changed and the Ukrainian society exploded. The lack of efficient communication policy, specifically close cooperation between the state authorities and the public, absolute disregard for Ukrainians’ interests and requirements became the catalyst of mass protests. The aim of the article is to study the evolution of the development of communication interaction between the authorities and the civil society, to research the reasons of challenges Ukraine has faced in the past years. The article focuses on the legal grounds and the mechanisms of development of Ukraine’s communication policy directions.
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Vaclav Klaus is an example of a politician who can combine liberal and conserva¬tive ideas. The division line goes between an economic sphere and a political and so¬cial one. In the economic sphere, Klaus supports a free market which functions on the basis of economic rights only. He emphasizes a fundamental meaning of private prop¬erty and the freedom of business activity. He also indicates that satisfying your indi¬vidual needs and ambitions, and not an altruistic activity in favour of other people, is the base of progress. However, he presents his conservative opinions in social issues and those related to the philosophy of life. Klaus is an adversary of the so-called civ¬ic society, because he thinks that in a democratic order the citizens’ activity should be organised within the frameworks of a party system. He criticises non-governmen¬tal organizations, especially ecological movements, which he accuses of the desire to stop progress of civilisation and economic development. In case of Klaus, we do not deal with an effort to "liberalise” conservative ideas but with equal co-existence of liberal and conservative views within the frameworks of one attitude. It should be emphasised that views presented by Klaus since the beginning of his public activity have been constant and - which is rare in case of an active politician - they seem not to be subject to a political situation.
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The article is dedicated to the philosophy and history of the Old Right movement in United States of America. At the beginning, author discusses the historical roots, ideological structure, and principles of the Old Right with important figures behind it. The next part of the article is devoted to the presence of the movement in the American political arena: it’s alliances, enemies, and political representation. A substantial part of the article is based on the Old Right’s arguments against President Roosevelt’s New Deal in all it’s aspects. The consequent anti-interventionist position of the Old Right pushed them to opposition to the US military presence in World War I and World War II. That unique but ideologically coherent standpoint is discussed in the later part of the article. It shows the popular perception of the anti-interventionist arguments, revealing not widely known facts about it. The question of the American military interventions reflected by the classical liberal principles, dominates the last part of the article. Author discusses the theory of the cold war and emerge of the New Right as a cause of the Old Right’s defeat. Finally, he summarizes the Old Right’s political positions, and predicts possible developments of that ideas in future.
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In light of a new low in EU-Turkey relations, it is urgent to formulate a new stance. The article sketches a new approach to Europeanization, suggesting that we must change our perspectiveon the relation between politics and society and privilege an organic bottom-up Europeanizationin Turkey over a Europeanization ‘from above’. That is because a top-down Europeanization wholly driven by EU conditionality is unsustainable in the long run since reforms are not passed for intrinsic motives. Instead, the incentive of EU membership should be removed for Turkey in order to enable a fully value-rational commitment to implementing EU standards irrespective of gains from EUmembership. To facilitate this process, the EU should strengthen Turkey’s civil society and foster bottom-up change through transnational exchange by implementing visa liberalisation for Turkish citizens. Also considering the political consequences for the EU, the article concludes that an end of the accession talks may, in fact, allow for a more sustainable EU and a more sustainable Europeanization in Turkey.
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Despite expectations, fake news appears to have played a relatively minor role during the recent Czech presidential elections. But that doesn’t mean the popularity of such “alternative” sites should be ignored or the reasons why so many Czechs are willing to take the bait.
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The Critical Mass bicycle movement, whose main aim is to reclaim cyclists’ right to use city streets freely, safely and proudly, is arguably the single most powerful grassroots movement that has emerged in Hungary since the 1989 change of regimes. While Critical Mass is a critique of today’s dominant motorized transportation practices as well as a celebration of alternative modes of transportation, it is not only about the environment. The Budapest Critical Mass can be read as the spatialized enactment of a direct and embodied form of democratic participation that goes beyond and at the same time transforms representative democracy. In the context of growing political apathy and widespread disillusionment with the formal public sphere in post-socialist Hungary, Critical Mass has emerged as a unique and powerful channel of citizen participation by forging a new kind of relationship between citizens, civil society and the state.
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This paper broadly compares environmentalism in Hungary and Slovakia, with a specific focus on Slovakia’s green movement under late-socialism and after. Nature activism in both countries was not directly controlled by the Party, and in each case individuals pushed the boundaries of activism and redefined notions of protest and dissent. But the way these two movements emerged were quite different from one another. In Hungary, the movement coalesced around a big “international” Soviet-style mega-project. This was the flashpoint. In Hungary, the Nagymaros dam project was an infringement – a monument of unhappy partnerships, and a symbol that fueled nationalist rumblings. In Slovakia, the whole notion of megaworks was not an unwelcome idea. But the differences between Hungarian and Slovak greens are more than the story of a dam controversy. While Hungary’s movement had its origins in the Danube River, Slovak greens emerged from the conservation of folk dwellings in the mountains. In Slovakia – the weekend amateur, the Catholic, the writer, the sociologist – instead found traction in the notion of human conservation. I explore these differences and examine how things change in the post-socialist period.
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A typical dance house evening is characterized by an exuberant mood among young people, a sense of community and active participation in the reproduction of folk music and folk dance. Young intellectuals, in particular, were dissatisfied with the state-directed "socialist folklore" in their own way with Hungarian folk culture. Since the first event in 1973, the Hungarian dance house has evolved from a partially politically motivated movement to a dance scene, which is today firmly established in the Hungarian entertainment culture. In modernity characterized by progressive thinking and fast-moving modernity, Tanzhaus enthusiasts consciously draw on the goods of Hungarian folk culture. Thus, a novel, experimental exploration of traditional music and the corresponding dances is promoted. The Hungarian dance house as a retro-culture unites the traditional with the new and thus represents a form of folk culture care adapted to modern requirements. Thus, the special role of the Tanzhaus movement and of today's dance scene for popular culture in the modern age is that at the events Folk culture is not something past or perishing, but something present.
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In his article János Zolnay assesses the factors behind the failures of government’s anti-segregation and pro-integration educational policies in the last six years. The performance of children at schools and chances for entering higher education is determined by early school choice to a much greater extent in Hungary than in most OECD countries. Decentralization of the centralized educational system already began before political transition and the process was accomplished by 1993. The new system was based on a more liberal curriculum and output-regulation, normative funding and diversified school structure. Local municipal councils became responsible for maintaining public schools. Funding for maintenance from state budget is normative and non ear-marked. The government’s integration policies intended to stop and reverse segregation tendencies between schools, branches and classes, but despite the considerable efforts these goals could not have been achieved. The fundamental dilemma is whether opportunities in the sphere of public education can be made more equal while leaving the current system untouched. The problem is that there is no agent at the decision making nor at the executive level which would be willing and/or capable of implementing governmental measures targeted at providing for more equal opportunities. Undoubtedly the policies applied by the local governments enhance inequalities. It is also true however, that parental choices also count and thus unequal distribution of educational services is both a result of the choice of influential parents and the existence of attractive schools.
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The ancient constitution of Hungary consisted of the mutually recognised rights and obligations of two actors: the Crown and the nobility. The reformers aimed at creating a Hungarian civil society through legislation. Conversion meant the replacement of the constitution, based on rights, by another system, based on statute laws. The April Laws broke the back of the old social order based on hereditary right and laid the foundation of the new Hungary.
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In political practice of democratic states at certain points it is difficult to reconcile the interests of the citizens and the will of the state government. Moreover, it of tenhappens a kind of paradox, produced by misinterpretation of the right to freedom of assembly and association that democratic government guarantees its citizens. In such a controversial notion of freedom of assembly, the borders between nonviolent activity and political violence in democratic regimes authorities are lost. Itcan spark violent protests of citizens against state authorities. When civil disobedience grows in political violence, it always leads to the decline of the democratic process. Abuse of the freedom of assembly can permanently destabilize the political order and produce the fear of violence by the crowd. Violent protests of citizens in democratic countries are often covertly directed by competing political groups in order to realize their particular demands or exact the dismissal of the elected government and bring an early election. However, in the era of polycentric politics, we cannot regard political parties any longer as only sovereign representatives of the will of citizens, since there are other actors of political process which appear as representatives of particular interests of citizens.. The Public activity of social movements and interest groups in contemporary politics has very much strengthened the overall power and influence of citizens and expanded the milieu of fundamental political freedoms, but – simultaneously- it has so greatly increased antinomical tension between the needs of the citizens and the will of the authorities.
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