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Aim of this article is to analyze politician Bernie Sanders, who tried win nomination of theDemocratic Party to the White House. Sanders autoidentity is democratic socialist, he is admirer ofFranklin Delano Roosevelt presidency. This persona is strictly connected with an alter-globalistmovement, especially Occupy Wall Street. Sanders made great effort to promote in Americasocialdemocratic ideas.
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Immediately after the end of World War II, Western Allies organized refugee camps in their occupation zones in Austria, Italy and Germany which existed until early 1950s. Foreign citizens, such as forced laborers and prisoners of concentration camps, who had been found mostly in Germany and Austria after the collapse of the German Reich, were placed in those camps, as well as military and civilian post-hostilities refugees fleeing from the Red Army and partisan-communist forces from Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. A great number of persons were extradited to their countries of origin on charges of war crimes. Among them were many Croats, primarily members of the Croatian armed forces and the Ustasha movement. The remaining refugees are displaced around the world especially in countries of South and North America and in Australia.
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After the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's Sokol organisation was legally established in December 1929 and after the gymnastic organisations that refused to join the new Sokol organisation were abolished, a founding session followed, where the statute had to be confirmed and the Sokol organisation brought to life. In the following article we will analyse the formalisation of the new Sokol organisation in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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In her paper, the author deals with the interethnic relations in Yugoslavia and the phenomenon of Yugoslav integralism in the 1950's. This decade saw the resurfacing of the national question, essential for the preservation of Yugoslavia, which had been underestimated and ignored by the communists for over a decade. This attitude was partly rooted in their conviction that the question bad been definitely resolved with the revolution and the formation of a federal slate, and partly in the fear that a reopening of I be national question might provoke internal conflicts and a disintegration of Yugoslavia. Infatuation with workers' internationalism also played its part. In order to smooth over the interethnic differences they recoursed to the magic formula of "brotherhood and unity" to which was added, in the mid 1950's, the promotion of "Yugoslavism" i.e. an attempt to fashion a (super)ethnic, Yugoslav conscience.
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After World War I the so-called "Sokoli" (Falcons) as a national defence and gymnastic movement with its idea and education clashed with the positions of the traditional tutor - the Roman Catholic Church - and was thus involved in the cultural struggle. The founder of the Sokoli idea and gymnastic activities was Miroslav Tyrš, a Czech who defined the basic guidelines and tasks of the Sokoli movement in his article Our Task, Direction and Goal, published in 1871. The author of the following contribution shall define the Sokoli education and idea on the basis of Tyrš's article. Within the Slovenian Sokoli movement, this idea was introduced by Viktor Murnik.
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The paper aims to provide an analysis of the politics of two local interest groups of Prešov, the so-called city parties, as specific forms of middle class dissatisfaction in the interwar period. Based on contemporary election results and archival sources, the first part of the study examines the political behaviour of the inhabitants of Prešov between 1920 and 1935, which helps to determine to what extent the city parties were popular among the multilingual and multi-religious voters. The second part investigates the social composition and the political discourse of the city parties. These local political groups were supported by 10-12% of the voters. Most of their followers were organized among the liberal middle classes, who were not able to identity with the politics of the big parliamentary parties. Their members defined themselves mainly against the Communist and Catholic movement. However, they also criticized the measures of the Czechoslovak government. And at the level of discourse they expressed dissatisfaction with the domestic policy of Czechoslovakia in the form of a virtual community of city burghers, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. It is argued that because of the high percentage of Hungarian and Jewish intellectuals and entrepreneurs among the leaders and supporters of the local parties, this type of local politics might have been an alternative to the Jewish and Hungarian national politics at a local level.
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In recent years, the trade policy of various countries has become an important topic, both for administration and business. The present paper aims at presenting the EU trade policy and some of its advantages and challenges.
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The article presents the results of an empirical study on the use of the term 'hybrid war' (and its analogs) in Bulgarian media. It is focused on the use of the concept in meanings and contexts different from those implied by the existing definitions. The study covers the first five months of 2019. The publications in Bulgarian online media are selected through the news aggregation and analysis system 'European Media Monitor' (EMM). The results show that, in certain cases, the concept is not only used with different meanings, but some derivative concepts are created by the media such as 'hybrid propaganda' or 'hybrid content'
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The current analysis depicts the major trends in and risks to the development of civil society in Bulgaria. Three groups of risks are identified related to the establishment of public-private partnerships, the capture of civil society by politicians at local and national level, and the nature of commercial activities performed by non-profit organizations. The suggested legislative changes and measures target state and municipal structures related to non-profit organizations. In addition, this paper outlines measures aimed at self-regulation and greater transparency in the "third sector".
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The phenomena of radicalisation today develop and change at high speed, with their extreme forms manifested globally. The destructive dimensions of (violent) Islamist or right-wing radicalisation have become dramatically visible in Europe posing serious challenges to European societies at large. This report aims to address a knowledge gap with regard to how and to what extent internationally observed radicalisation processes are manifested in Bulgaria. Four different forms of radicalisation are investigated, including Islamist radicalisation, right-wing and left-wing radicalisation, as well as football hooliganism. The report provides policy makers and the expert community with a systematic overview of the main risks to which the Bulgarian society is exposed, as well as of the main actors and ideas, the repertoire of actions and the groups at risk associated with radicalisation. The report outlines recommendations for improvement of the policy and institutional response with regard to radicalisation by way of monitoring and prevention measures as well as multi agency collaboration and community engagement.
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How much does European citizenship cost in the EU? This was the question that has raised so much controversy over the Maltese citizenship-for-sale programme. The outright selling of Maltese nationality to rich foreigners led to unprecedented responses by the European Parliament and European Commission. This paper examines theaffair and its relevance for current and future configurations of citizenship of the EU. It studies the extent to which member states are still free to lay down the grounds for the acquisition and loss of nationality without any EU supervision and accountability. It provides a comparative overview of member state schemes and the exact pricefor buying citizenship and a residency permit in the EU. It is argued that the EU’s intervention on the Maltese citizenship-for-sale affair constitutes a legal precedent for assessing the lawfulness of passport-for-sale or golden migration programmes in other EU member states. The affair has also revealed the increasing relevance of a set of European and international legal principles limiting member states’ discretion over citizenship matters and providing a supranational constellation of accountability venues scrutinising the impact of their decisions overcitizenship of the Union.
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The Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is a policy area particularly evocative of the ‘politics of numbers’. The European Union has at its disposal a wide array of sources providing detailed information about its member states’ asylum systems’ capacities and pressures. This paper discusses thecontent of asylum data and the evolving interaction between its different sources, ranging from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to the European Commission’s EUROSTAT and DGHOME, the European Asylum Support Office (EASO), FRONTEX, the European Migration Network (EMN) and national databases. However, the way in which such data are often misused, or even omitted,in political debate exerts a strong impact on the soundness of policy decisions in the CEAS.
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Within the European Union (EU), much progress has been made over the past years with regard to the collection of comparable and reliable information on the regulations with regard to the acquisition and loss of nationality in the Member States of the EU. The ILEC project provides much-needed additional information on the regulation and administrative practices on involuntary loss of nationality in the EU. While EU and international law provide important normative standards for the evaluation of these regulations and practices, in order to understand their practical relevance it is also important to have an insight in how many people are affected by such rules and practices.
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Are the Member States of the European Union (EU) free to take their own decisions concerning the acquisition and loss of nationality? European citizenship has progressively become the fundamental status of Member States’ nationals.Holding the nationality of a Member State constitutes the ‘master key’ to European citizenship. While the conditions for the acquisition and loss of nationality fall formally within member states’ national competences, their autonomy has been progressively remodelled as a result of international and European Union cooperation.
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This policy brief deals with loss of citizenship ofthe European Union (EU) due to the loss of nationality of a Member State. To hold nationality of an EU Member State is the master key to European citizenship. Only the nationals of a Member State possess European citizenship. Consequently, the loss of nationality of a Member State also implies the loss of European citizenship.
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This paper deals with loss of citizenship of the European Union (EU) due to the loss of nationality of an EU member state. Only the nationals of a member state possess European citizenship; the loss of nationality of a member state thus also implies the loss of European citizenship. Member states are in principle autonomous in nationality matters, which means that their rules on loss of nationality, and loss of EU citizenship, differ considerably. But member states must respect international law and the general principles of European law when dealing with loss of nationality. This report aims to provide a comprehensive and systematic comparative analysis of existing regulations and procedures in EU member states with regard to the involuntary loss of nationality.
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Statistics can provide a useful perspective when assessing the practical relevance of varying rules and practices on the involuntary loss of nationality across EU Member States. Yet while much progress has been made in the EU in recent years with regard to the collection of comparable and reliable information on the acquisition of nationality, statistics on the loss of nationality are hard to find and, where available, difficult to interpret.In this comparative report, the authors explore the landscape of existing statistical data on loss of nationality in the European Union. The report identifies challenges to the existing methods of data collection and data interpretation and introduces an online statistical database, bringing together all existing statistical data on loss of nationality in the EU.
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The text suggests an analysis of the “culture of protest“ within the time frame of the “protest year of 2013“ in the cultural and social context of Bulgaria. The basis of the study – inscription (“thick description“) and specification (“diagnosis“) in the sense of Clifford Geerz (1971) – is a “microscopic“ social fact, namely the book Smilov, Daniel and Lea Vaysova (eds.). #Theprotest: Analyses and Positions in the Bulgarian press, the Summer of 2013. Sofia, “Iztok-Zapad“, 2013 (Смилов, Даниел и Леа Вайсова (съст.). #Протестът: анализи и позиции в българската преса, лято 2013, София, „Изток-Запад“, 2013). The publication which collects and (re)frames selected media stream within particular period of time, i.e. the book as an abstract collection of words/images (text) existing in a material form, is here understood as a social fact in the sense of Emile Durkheim. The adoption of such approach allows the comment to acquire specific outlines – the study of this „text-as-a-book“ neither brings to the fore the abstract dimensions (the text) of the book, which is usually the field of the literary critique and the text hermeneutics, nor focalizes exclusively the material dimensions, which is reserved for the history of the book and the analytical bibliography. The aim here is to describe and understand society and the social by examining and tracing the connections which exert an influence and exist between the simultaneous engagement of the abstract and the material side of this book as a social fact, as well as the social activities within it.
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