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In this article, we analyze the process of development of philosophical ideas at Kazan University during the Soviet and post-Soviet period and their reflection on the pages of the journal Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta. We reveal areas of research carried out at the Department of Philosophy and make a conclusion that Uchenye Zapiski adequately reflected the level of philosophical thought at Kazan University in the given period.
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This paper investigates the managerial interpretation of the terms “error of judgement” and “white-collar crime” in relation to the evasion or negligence observed in administering occupational health and safety (OHS) provisions in the apparel manufacturing sector of Bangladesh. The research is qualitative in nature and follows an interpretivist paradigm. The questionnaire responses were collected from 20 mid- and top-level managers from 10 large apparel manufacturing factories located on the outskirts of Dhaka. The research reveals that all of the respondents have adequate knowledge about the relevant OHS provisions and safety protocols imposed on them by the local government and the global supply chain. They believe that the correct administration of the OHS provisions will reduce workplace accidents effectively. The research unfolds that the respondents interpret in different ways the terms "error of judgement” and “white-collar crime” in association with OHS negligence and evasion. Although empirical evidence shows that this type of negligence and evasion are considered as white-collar crime and punishable, most of the respondents in this research do not subscribe to this notion and alternatively believe that it is an “error of judgement” and therefore non-punishable.
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Conflicts are a part of daily life that people encounter at home, work, and in organizations. It is evident that organizational conflicts are becoming more complex. In this respect, it is important for senior executives not to disregard these conflicts and involve public relations professionals in the conflict management processes. Hence, it is expected that public relations professionals become participants in the strategic planning process and that senior management relies on their experience and talents during the strategic planning process of organizations and resolution of issues. Another definition of public relations has emerged over the past years, even though the recent definitions of public relations focus on developing mutually beneficial relationships between organizations and their publics. Glen T. Cameron from University of Missouri defines public relations as management of conflict and competition strategically for the benefit of one’s own organization and, if possible, mutual benefit of organizations and individuals. It is impossible to disregard the influence of public relations professionals on managing the conflicts between an organization and its peers, and hence it is important to conduct further research on their approach to conflict management. With this motive, research questions have been generated based on the data presented by Professor Kenneth Plowman as a result of his analysis of strategic management of public relations in conflict management. Using the semi-structured interview technique, public relations professionals in Turkey were asked to describe their approach to conflict management.
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The paper deals with the transformation of the French Christian democracy in the 1960s: the emergence of new structures, ideological evolution, and political strategy. The relationship between Christian democracy and the main political currents (Gaullism and Socialism), reaction of the Christian Democrats to the major political crises in France, role played by the center in political life, and inner problems in the functioning of Christian democracy are observed.
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The paper regards comparative studying of the semantic devices of euphemization used in Russian and German political texts. Based on the public speeches of the political leaders of Russia and Germany, the distinctive features and general functions of political euphemisms as effective means to conceal the genuine sense of utterances are revealed. The most frequent semantic means of negative meaning reduction are found in both languages. They are the usage of lexemes with diffusive semantics, metaphors, diplomatic clichés, and collocations, as well as the introduction of lexemes with positive connotations, etc. The differential and common for both languages tendencies of political discourse euphemization are determined.
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This paper focuses on two questions. Firstly, how the use of argumentative anaphora to express an opinion / truth dissociation (Perelman) should be described in terms of grammatical / lexical resources. The other question has a methodological dimension: in which aspects could this approach distinguish itself from linguistic or discursive studies?
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Today, the European Union seems to achieve the dream of its forefathers, that of a united Europe, on the foundation of long-term democracy and economic cooperation. Even if it is based on the perfect equality between the Member States, with similar requirements at national level, the voices of certain major actors seem stronger than others’ and, therefore, a question remains regarding the power poles within the Union. In the last few years, Germany has stood out as an important opinion leader at all levels, but also gave way to complex interpretations. Will it be the next primus inter pares – the hegemonic power of the 21st century Europe, still suffering after the economic crisis?
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The security dilemma today does not refer only to the threat of action from countries, but also the threat of unveiling information through biased media. Words can have equally negative effects as direct actions. The information disclosed by WikiLeaks in the last few years prove that certain protective measures must be developed, for a better control of websites.
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The paper focuses on the problem of constitution of our cognitive experience. Two approaches to this problem proposed by Ernst Cassirer and John McDowell are central for the analysis. Both authors use Immanuel Kant’s theory of cognition as a foundation for their own conceptions und they develop their independent interpretations of it according to the traditions they belong to. Although McDowell’s interpretation emerged within analytical philosophy, we can see similarity with Cassirer’s theory. Comparative studies of these theories will point out the convergences and divergences between them.
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Eastern European immigrants coming to the UK since 2004 (in 2/3 from Poland) by their amount of work have concurred to serious growth of the GDP. But simultaneously they have been burden for British welfare system (among others by taking benefits for family members living outside the UK) and taking job even for minimum salary what have caused growth of native British unemployment. In this situation Conservative-Liberal Government leading by David Cameron have decided to limit an access to the UK labour market by language knowledge tests and tightening social benefits policy to job seekers. With informal support of main opposition parties (i.e. the Labour Party and the UKIP) D. Cameron have taken risky game showing he has been able to fight for his nation’s interests even in spite of huge protests of Polish and other Eastern European countries politicians and against the European Parliament resolution of 16 January 2014. But when turning out into a defender of Britons’ rights he also has showed that there have been deep divisions between “old” and “new” Europe still after 10 years of the EU’s biggest enlargement in 2004.
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Remembrance is a powerful instrument of social mobilisation, identity construction and political competition. Its impact on individual and shared beliefs or attitudes makes it an object of government’s interest, because remembrance can be used to legitimise ideologies or policies. Theoretical considerations of a government’s role as a narrator lead us to the general definition of the government’s remembrance policy, which we understand as a complex of narratives and interpretations presented to influence citizens’ attitudes, behaviours, beliefs and identities. The paper develops the definition with five theoretical hypotheses on the effectiveness of remembrance narratives. It argues that the government’s remembrance policy is myth-motoric, non-scientific, emotional, based on commitment and that it is a type of social influence. The study is an initial verification of theoretical approach, and I believe that my arguments will motivate other researchers to investigate different aspects of a government’s desire to narrate past events.
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This article examines whether Willard Van Orman Quine’s indeterminacy thesis can be sustained. The argument from above, Quine argues, can derive indeterminacy as its conclusion. I will argue that the indeterminacy claim cannot be sustained. I further argue that Quine changed the formulation of the underdetermination of theory by evidence (UTE) argument from what Duhem said to the Quine/Pierce meaning verification view, in order use the new formulation of UTE to imply indeterminacy. Given all that, we see when we apply the old UTE argument we only arrive at underdetermination of theory by evidence, and that applies to all sciences, philosophy and knowledge, including philosophy of language. Quine’s argument of indeterminacy is one where the premises alone do not make the conclusion obvious, and further difficulty arises because he has not given enough examples of the indeterminacy in his writings. Given that, I will look at how can we draw the particular conclusion Quine maintains on the basis of the single fundamental premise he puts forward, bearing in mind Quine’s other philosophical views and background beliefs. I will look at further ways of approaching the indeterminacy argument, through which I shall try to examine whether Quine’s premise can derive the conclusion of indeterminacy, examining the role of the underdetermination of theories by evidence in the argument from above, and its relation to the indeterminacy thesis.
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As an universal value education is one of the most fundamental expession of society. It also appears as one of the fundamental human rights. Through education an individual not only gain knowledge about itself, but also meets and learn about Others. As the one of crucial fundaments of socialization, education is also important for its own characteristics such as creation and implementation of spiritual and material possibilities. In every sphere we can find human drive for bringing eduaction closer to the life and existential needs. Possible solutions for existential situations can be found almost in every period of human history, especially in the philosophical and sociological orientations. Those solutions have been given in the socialism also. The term socialism has its specific meaning, especially in the context of social relations and as an specific social order. In this article it will be presented specific understanding of the concept of education within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, especially in the framewoek of the Marxist's orientation. Freedom of individual meant also that academic freedom should be enabled. Within socialist character of education, academic freedom meant free discussions, but also presentation of new ideas and free opinions. However, in reality, realization of mentioned freedom had only formal character. Because, most educational institutions dependent economically and politically of the state authorities. It will also be shown what impact had this socialistic character of education on education in the society of 21st century in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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The parliamentary elections held in March 2016 led to the victory of Robert Fico’s SMER party and the defeat of the traditional right-wing parties. This earthquake-like electoral change altered the stable but otherwise diverse party scene in Slovakia. Besides addressing the general result of the elections, the paper also tries to explore the party preferences of ethnic Hungarian voters. It examines the share of the votes for the MKP, which is an ethnic Hungarian party and the Most–Híd (’Bridge’ in English), which is a liberal interethnic formation.
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The main aim of this paper is to give a general overview of diaspora policies with an emphasis on kin-state activism in Central and Eastern Europe. The first section of the paper will summarize the main theoretical approaches to diaspora studies, which are marked by the emerging tendency toward typology construction. In this part I will explore the most relevant typologies within this field of study from a critical perspective. The second section of the paper will turn to existing diaspora policies, offering a structural collection of the most commonly adopted diaspora engagement practices in Central and Eastern Europe. I will examine why and under what conditions kin-states in this part of Europe seek to engage co-national communities living beyond their borders, with special regard to the similarities.
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Palestinian-Israeli conflict is accepted as one of the most important and complicated problems of the Middle East. No doubt, Palestine and Palestinian-Israeli conflict was not immune to the wave of Arab Spring that began with the popular demands for justice and freedom in Tunisia in the late 2010. In this framework this study will examine the reflections of the Arab Spring on Palestine, UN recognition of Palestine as an “non-member observer state” as a result of Palestinian administration’s internationalization strategy, and the impact of all these developments on Palestinian Israeli conflict.
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November 8, 2016, marked the beginning of a new era in the American political setting. The Obama era was known as a period of great opening, minority-friendly approach and liberal vision. Of the two candidates that were running for office in 2016, Hillary Clinton seemed to have the most similar approach to the now former president of the USA, Barack Obama;Clinton was framed as the de facto carrier and enforcer of Obama’s legacy. Feminist approaches are not gender-determined; Obama himself has made a mark as a feminist leader. Clinton ran for the highest office as a pioneer of women’s representation in politics. The aim of this paper is to discover the similarities between Obama’s discursive style and Hillary’s approach. Through critical discourse analysis, we launch this research in order to emphasize gender negotiations, in terms of both content and style.
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