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Rogues, published in France under the title Voyous, comprises two major lectures that Derrida delivered in 2002 investigating the foundations of the sovereignty of the nation-state. The term "État voyou" is the French equivalent of "rogue state," and it is this outlaw designation of certain countries by the leading global powers that Derrida rigorously and exhaustively examines.
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In this book Taylor observes the conservative-liberal debate in America from an outsider’s position. His concerns are threefold. First, radical individualism has disavowed most moral absolutes, eroded the meaningfulness of life, and resulted in a centripetal self-orientation that denigrates relational connectiveness. Secondly, Taylor is concerned that modern thought has become dominated by a reason that finds the highest good in the economic maximizing of ends. This »instrumental reason« demeans others as mere means to an end, disregards important perspectives that are not integral to the cost/benefit equation, and creates a technological supremacy that may cost us our humanity. Thirdly, Taylor is concerned that institutions have embraced instrumental reason as supreme and creating a power-base that may stand in the way of reform.
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In The End of Utopia, noted social critic and historian Russell Jacoby takes a sobering look at the future of politics and does not like what he sees. Jacoby points to the abandonment of utopian ideals that once sustained dissent and movements of social change; and he call for writers and critics to reclaim the vision and backbone they are losing.
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Isaiah Berlin nikada nije pokušao izložiti svoju misao kao sustavnu teoriju. Galipeau je ustvrdio kako Berlin nije sustavni mislilac, dok je Michael Walzer upozorio kako sustav jednostavno nije Berlinov stil (Galipeau, 1994, 165). Dva su razloga zbog kojih Berlin nije sebi zadao da sustavno izloži i poveže svoje glavne argumente. Prvo, kao autor bio je zaokupljen različitim temama – poviješću političkih ideja, pitanjem slobodne volje i determinizma, problemom političke slobode, temom nacionalnog i kulturnog identiteta, odnosom prosvjetiteljstva i romantizma, te vrijednosnim pluralizmom – za koje nije smatrao da ih je nužno podvesti pod zajednički nazivnik. S druge strane, nije bio sklon sveobuhvatnim teorijama koje žele objasniti sveukupnu povijest čovječanstva i sve društvene odnose. Za Berlina, takve teorije neizbježno simplificiraju kompleksnost ljudskih motiva i djelovanja, najčešće do te mjere da gube sposobnost valjano ih objasniti. To objašnjava i zašto je Berlin odabrao esej kao idealnu formu prezentiranja vlastitih ideja te stoga nije, osim rane studije o Marxu, nikada napisao knjigu.
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Here Sloterdijk analyzes some of the basic concepts of political philosophy. These are: origin of culture, and cultural conflicts in contemporary societies; the status of community, emergence of the people, of nation and nationalism, problem of the masses; question of humanism, etc. Entire analysis is carried out, as the author puts it, from the standpoint of “hyperpolitics”.
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After the communist system has collapsed, the socio-political and economical situation has changed in Central and Eastern Europe. In his essays Zádor Tordai is focusing on the analyses of the socio-political results of the system change in Central and Eastern Europe and its interpretation – from the view of a philosopher.
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States do have their own order, as cities have their own order as well. And all of them have backyards. You put everything in the backyard –according to the common sense, untidy and immoral -what does not fit into the general order, and in particular everything that does not want to fit in that order. In Europe, almost all countries have such backyards. It is true, that they are isolated from each other. But Europe as a whole has also its own backyard, which you can put under the category “the Balkans”.
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Czy dzisiaj – gdy kolejne odsłony totalności mamy już za sobą – zwycięska demokracja nie jest zagrożona? Autor kreśli scenariusz przyszłości zdominowanej przez sprawne i zamknięte systemy zorientowane na ekspansję, dla których e-cywilizacja stanowi nowe środowisko naturalne. Proces ten wymusza redefinicję sfery polityczności, obywatelstwa, lojalności, wreszcie totalności, po to by demokracja nie była instrumentalnie zracjonalizowanym algorytmem skuteczności formalnej – to ona jest teraz dla samej siebie największym zagrożeniem. Autor (…) zmusza czytelnika do zaakceptowania (…) niesłychanie skomplikowanego procesu – załamywania się starego porządku politycznego przy jednoczesnym powstawaniu całkowicie nowego, charakteryzującego się nie tylko nieustalonymi wektorami rozwoju, ale i kreacją nowych struktur o odmiennych od dotychczasowych mechanizmach funkcjonowania. /// z recenzji profesora Romana Bäckera
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The effort to make people equal in various important respects, e.g., wealth, health, education, burdens and advantages of all kinds, is the focus of criticism in this short work. I hold and argue that this effort is misguided, often very harmful and also frequently insidious, a guise for mischief by those who embark on the pursuit. The only valid form of equality pertains to people’s basic human individual rights—all who aren’t crucially incapacitated have these, so they are often called the equal rights of all persons. As regards politics and law this implies that no adult may be treated with special favor or disfavor by the legal authorities, whether in court or via public policy. Since the job of politics is to protect the equal rights of human individuals, everyone is equal under the law. But that’s the end of it, politically. Fairness is not a political good but one that has a role in various social contexts, such as family, teams, clubs, sport, beauty contests, and so forth. And fairness comes into play, other than in these areas, only when people voluntarily join some organization where they expect to be treated as all others who belong. Why so much fuss about equality and fairness? Some of the reasons have to do with the history of politics wherein kings and other rulers were expected to treat their subjects similarly, without favor to some of them and disfavor to others. And there is the tendency to extrapolate from family life, where parents are supposed to be fair to their children. Also, when teachers grade members of their classes, there is an implicit or explicit promise to do so unbiased, without special treatment of any (other than where justified, as when a student suffers from some impediment). But none of these imply or support the policies of egalitarianism. These and related topics comprise the content of this short volume and all egalitarians are invited to reflect on what is discussed here. In the tradition of classical political philosophy, this is not a technical, jargon-laden work, so any citizens can read it and gain food for thought.
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In this work I wish to present and defend ‘my’ philosophy or rather the philosophy that I consider sound. In addition, I will also answer a host of questions in the discipline put to me by people over the course of about 8 years as an ‘expert’ on Allexperts.com. The ethics I will be defending is concerned with guiding human living to be successful, to excel as human living in the particular instance of the individual agent. Some minimal general principles will be identified while the highly plural element of right conduct will also be made evident. After I consider ethics, I will turn to politics and explore what kind of communities are best suited for human beings. Such communities may well be highly diverse but arguably, since they are to be places for human beings to live and to flourish, they will have to have certain attributes or constitutive features (constitutions) that are best for people.
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From the end of the Middle Ages, the philosophy of international relations was dominated by three currents: realism, the law of the people and the criticism of the law of the people. These different approaches are opposed in the way of thinking human nature, legal rules and interstate relations. In order to understand how Rawls' political liberalism views the issue of extreme poverty in the world, let us return to the 1993 Law of the People. There is a conception of global justice that leads to the peaceful coexistence of nations. However, the goal of this research will be to go beyond this approach, because we will see later how perpetual peace is only a prerequisite for a just world. It will be necessary to reach a genuine Kantian ethics of duty, which should be able to respond to global inequalities by justifying the idea of a global redistribution. What we have to question about Rawls is how his conception of duty evolves: to remedy social inequalities in his Theory of Justice of 1971, he takes as a starting point the duty of justice that citizens have with respect to others.
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Moralna i politička vrednota tolerancije je središnja sastavnica liberalno demokratske političke kulture. Štoviše, stupanj zastupljenost tolerantnih praksi u javnome životu pouzdani je pokazatelj liberalne i demokratske zrelosti modernih pluralnih društava. Vrlina tolerancije ima različita teorijska utemeljenja i opravdanja. Značenja pojma tolerancije kreću se u širokom luku od pukog modus vivendi u održavanju zajedničkog životu, pa do raznovrsnih i složenih oblika priznanja vrijednosnih posebnosti društvenih skupina i pojedinaca. Jednako tako i tolerantne prakse, ovisno o različitim povijesnim i socijalnim konteksti¬ma te poljima djelovanja poprimaju različite oblike. Na toleranciju se danas pozivamo u privatnim, socijalnim i političkim odnosima.
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The three-volume monograph offers a comprehensive study of the category of freedom as it has been used in the legal and political doctrines by representatives of the western civilization since antiquity up to the present. The third volume contains analyses of political thought from the late nineteenth century to the present day. The publication reviews concepts put forward by Friedrich Nietzsche, Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky as well as interpretations of various aspects of freedom expressed in the propositions of Spanish traditionalist (Carlist) thought, German revolutionary conservatives and the doctrine of national socialism. The present volume also includes studies concerned with the idea of liberalism (Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich August von Hayek, Milton Friedman, Isaiah Berlin, James M. Buchanan, John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin), socialism (the history and ideas of the Prague Spring, the New Left movement), Catholic social teaching (John Paul II), libertarianism (Robert Nozick), republicanism (Quentin Skinner), feminism and communitarianism. Moreover, the reader will find here a cross-sectional analysis of the importance of the concept of freedom in contemporary democracy and two articles on the methodology and typology of the category of freedom. The comparison of the presented views reveals the scale of discrepancies in the perception of the issue of freedom not only in different periods, but also between representatives of the main political doctrines. The plethora of cited approaches unequivocally points to the interdisciplinary character of research on freedom as a philosophical category. Therefore, a presentation of the spectrum of differences through the application of scientific analysis seems a fundamental prerequisite for any attempt at arriving at a comprehensive and multilevel understanding of the idea of freedom.
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Any formation of thought is considered by Szende as an “Ideology” which exceeds, by interpretation, by conceptual definition, by intellectual converting, and by logical classification, simple human perception. It is the historical role of ideologies to bring individuals or masses, through psychological inducement, to either historical action or to passiveness concerning social order and its conservation or its reform resp. revolution. The main characteristics of ideologies triggering either conservative attitudes and passiveness or reform resp. revolution can be described as “Verhüllung” (disuise) or “Enthüllung” (unveiling). // “It is the essential feature of every revolution and crisis period that the social driving forces, which in less turbulent times are veiled, distorted, whitewashed, impetuously come to the surface from the depths, and are presented to human knowledge in an unadulterated form. Every revolution is the apocalypse of the unconscious, the real agents of events that have not yet been recognized at all or have been recognized in a different way. The potential energies of society - stored up since time immemorial - discharge themselves in grandiose shooting up, creating new things, destroying the old. The rate of the world clock is accelerated. A gigantic film shows the keen eye the biogenetic law of history; every stage of development in human society is shown to us in a flash of lightning.” (Paul Szende)
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In this issue of "Paryska Kultura," the magazine from the heart of Paris, readers are immersed in a world of Polish literature, culture and history. Through poignant essays, evocative poetry, and insightful discussions, the theme of nostalgia takes center stage as exiled Polish voices reflect on their homeland from afar, creating a rich tapestry of emotions.
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original published in 1931 by AMALTHEA Publisher
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