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Justifying Democracy and Its Authority

Author(s): Ivan Mladenović / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2016

In this paper I will discuss a recent attempt of justifying democracy and its authority. It pertains to recently published papers by Niko Kolodny, which complement each other and taken together practically assume a form of a monograph (Kolodny 2014a, Kolodny 2014b). It could be said that Kolodny’s approach is a non-standard one given that he avoids typical ways of justifying democracy. Namely, when a justification of democracy is concerned, Kolodny maintains that it is necessary to offer a kind of an independent justification. It is not so much that he insists that the usual approaches are wrong as much as that an independent justification is necessary in order to discern what it is that gives them their significance. Kolodny’s independent justification of democracy is based on the idea of social equality. In this paper I will try to reconstruct and critically assess Kolodny’s approach by paying special attention to the question of democratic authority.

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Nature, Civility and Eschatology: Thomas Hobbes’s Progress in Three Acts

Author(s): Marko Simendić / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2016

This paper argues that Thomas Hobbes’s theory contains an account of progressive defragmentation and unification of power, accompanied by the progression in human reasoning capacities. If the consequence of human nature is abandonment of natural condition and subjection to a sovereign, then similar principles should apply to the sovereigns themselves, since Hobbes sees them as continuing to exist in the state of nature. In turn, the relations between sovereigns must also lead to defragmentation of political authority, either by conquest or through peaceful submission. Total defragmentation of power might also have eschatological consequences, as the unified power of one human being over the whole world would remove “external violence” as a cause of “the dissolution of a commonwealth” while the perfection of reason would progressively remove the “internal” causes. This is a hypothetical situation that could relate Hobbes’s description of the Kingdom of god from Leviathan to his wider political theory by marking the single sovereign representative of now immortal all-encompassing Leviathan as the Antichrist and thus announcing the second coming of Christ.

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Levinasian perspective of political value commitment: antidote to African emancipation

Author(s): Victor Ogheneochuko Jeko,George U. Ukagba / Language(s): English Issue: XXVIII/2016

This paper has the sole objective to critically examine the implications of Levinas’ ethics as applied political philosophy. This involves a critical examination of the concept of dialogue in African political value and African emancipation, from the purview of Levinas’ moral obligation as the debt we owe to the Other. Levinas’ ethics is the philosophy of Otherness; the humanism of the other human person. It is radical humanism or radical openness of our socio-political world. Freedom is not just the absence of impediments or constraints but obedience to the universal law of reason. This paper shall analyze the notions of Levinas’ political theory relative to the face of the other and the politics of difference and otherness. This paper appreciates and appropriates the deep logical insight offered by Levinas’ contemporary political philosophy into African emancipation, ethics, politics, African political value, the problems of the ethics of global peace which has been distorted by violence. Violence has been antithetical to global order and it disrupts the projects of our humanity. We have lose every sense of our humanity which has put our contemporary social world at a cross road. Africa, as a continent is not immune from the current global violence and crises facing the world. Levinas’ ethics is the ethics of the good life. Levinas’ ethics is ethical metaphysics and it reminds us of human moral universe; it reflects on the fact that we as humans are inextricably governed by the web of network of cosmic order and social order. Levinas’ ethics reveals the crucial importance of ethics, politics, history, culture to human society. Africa can learn from this Levinasian tradition of the cosmic network of social process.

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O filozofii polityki i filozofii politycznej

Author(s): Eryk Maciejowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 20/2016

Artykuł podejmuje problem obecnego w polskim piśmiennictwie sporu dotyczącego znaczeń pojęć „filozofia polityki” i „filozofia polityczna”. Są one przez niektórych autorów używane w charakterze synonimów, inni natomiast stanowczo oddzielają je od siebie, twierdząc, iż nie są one ze sobą tożsame. W artykule wskazuje się, że istnieją dwa sposoby odróżniania filozofii polityki od filozofii politycznej. Pierwszy, językowy, odwołuje się do znaczeń – jedno z pojęć jest uznane z jakichś powodów za niepoprawne, gdyż odnosi się do rozmaicie definiowanych dziedzin niefilozoficznych. W drugim wyróżnia się dwie osobne dziedziny refleksji o charakterze filozoficznym. Oba sposoby zostają odrzucone; wykazane zostaje, że może istnieć tylko jedna dziedzina filozoficzna dotycząca polityki, która może być poprawnie nazywana zarówno filozofią polityki jak też filozofią polityczną.

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Kraj povijesti (prev. A. Baketarić)

Author(s): Francis Fukuyama / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1+2/2016

Pogledom na tijek događaja u prošlom desetljeću ne može se izbjeći dojam kako se u povijesti dogodilo nešto od velike važnosti. Prošle godine je lavina članaka slavila kraj Hladnog rata i promjene, jer se činilo kako će u mnogim regijama zemlje izbiti “mir”. Mnogim takvim analizama nedostaje onaj širi pojmovni okvir, kako bi se razlikovalo što je to važno u svjetskoj povijesti, a što slučajno te one na taj način ostaju površne... Dvadeseto stoljeće vidjelo je potop razvijenog svijeta u vrtlogu ideološkog nasilja kada se liberalizam najprije morao boriti s ostacima apsolutizma, kasnije s boljševizmom i fašizmom te konačno s moderniziranim marksizmom pri čemu je prijetila apokalipsa atomskog rata. No, čini se da se stoljeće na kraju opet vraća onamo gdje je počelo, neosporivoj pobjedi gospodarskog i političkog liberalizma.

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Хајдегерове метаполитике

Author(s): Rastko Jovanov / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 155-156/2016

This paper examines Heidegger’s political engagement on the basis of the concept of meta-politics, which Heidegger for the first and only time introduced in his so-called “Black Notebooks”, written during his 1933/34 Rectorship at the Freiburg University. Through the concept of “metapolitics”, Heidegger attempts to deconstruct the modern politics by demanding that the theoretical reflections after Hitlerʼs takeover of power in national socialist Germany give priority to the (spiritual) action. Philosophical concepts thereby operate as a “weapon” in the struggle against modern democracy and are put into service of the German people, understood as “true community”, which is the only one capable to ask the question of the Being from the horizon of the “metaphysics as metapolitics”. Heidegger labelled his political engagement as a “spiritual National Socialism” and tried to implement it through the reshaping of the German educational institutions. Thus, one part of the paper will also examine his understanding of the education as a means of his political engagement. In conclusion, this paper strives to show the ambivalence, agonism and the messianism of Heideggerʼs philosophical conception of the politics, but also the unavoidable Antisemitism of his theoretical and political engagement.

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La liberte, les philosophes et la creation des mentalites sociales

Author(s): Ana Guţu / Language(s): French Issue: 2/2011

Prezentul articol pune în valoare izotopiile-filosofeme care constituie sfera ideatică a preocupărilor filosofice-intelectuale. Autoarea examinează antinomia filosof angajat – filosof liber gânditor ca şi axă structurală a constituirii mentalităţilor sociale. Ideea motrice a articolului este primordialitatea patrimoniului spiritual în raport cu materialitate şi vanitatea lucrurilor triviale. Autoarea deplânge sărăcia spirituală a ţărilor în care aproape că nu au existat tradiţii filosofice, şi în plus, regimul sovietic a măturat orice conştiinţă identitară.

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Hegel i Carl Schmitt

Author(s): Henning Ottmann / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1993

The author analyzes the attitude of the lawyer Carl Schmitt towards the philosopher Hegel. He considers the way in which Schmitt relates to Hegel and believes his references to Hegel are not justified. Namely, Schmitt was not Hegelian. The author proves his theory with an analysis of the stance of each philosopher towards liberalism, political theology, the friend - enemy theory, and each one’s style of reasoning.

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Maclntyreov pojam nesumljerljivosti

Author(s): Zoran Kurelić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1995

The author writes about MacIntyre’s usage of the concept of incommensurability in the sphere of the philosophy of politics. The concept was first used by Feyerabend who based it his relativist attack on liberalism. MacIntyre also focuses on the criticism of liberalism, not from the anarchodadaist but from the neo-aristotelianthomistic perspective. The essay consists of four short sections: section A gives a short review of MacIntyre’s understanding of the concept of incommensurability in the books A fter Virtue and Whose Justice? Which Rationality? Section B compares MacIntyre’s thinking about the incommensurability with Kuhn’s and Fayerabend’s solutions of the same problem. Section C describes the use of incommensurability in the book Three Rival Versions o f M oral Enquiry, section D tries to see how dangerous MacIntyre’s criticism is when directed at nonuniversalistic liberals. If incommensurability is a fact, does that make it an unsurmountable problem for liberals? This text is an attempt to answer that question.

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Politika kao ozbiljenje čovječnosti. Jaspersova kritika političkih promašaja

Author(s): Richard Wisser / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1995

The author emphasizes the necessity of linking thought and action in order to avoid the dangers of calamitous abstractions of sheer philosophy and sheer politics. Only a tension between philosophy and politics can be fruitful both for philosophy and politics. Jaspers’s political writings, the author thinks, are not an appendage of philosophy but its component part. Philosophy is political in itself because it exists and functions solely in freedom. Nevertheless, Jaspers is not an acolyte of Plato’s thesis about rulers-philosophers but of Kant’s demand that philosophers have the right to speak in public. A man as a man is not only a political but also a philosophical being whose freedom depends on the encounter of philosophy and politics. This does not mean to neglect the fact that philosophers and politicians are faced with a different set of tasks.

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Kaivkino hobsističko prirodno stanje i zadovoljavajuća država

Author(s): Zoran Mimica / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02/1995

In the frame of this paper the author analyses and discusses the reinterpretation of the seventeenth century English political philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588— 1679) given by the contemporary American philosopher Gregory S. Kavka. The state of nature, the social contract (pact) and forming the very first state and the problem of complience to its new formed government are being discussed. The question arises how is it possible at all to make the social contract because it is still a “state of nature contract”, and in these conditions contracts do not oblige while there is yet no one to punish rebellion of disobedience. (Rather, the state should be a result of that contract.) The other question concerns the possibility of establishing morality in the state of nature, because no authority is formed there and therefore moral code or positive law system are nonexistent. The author claims (together with Kavka) that in spite of the fact that there exists no entire moral code, the possibility of elementar traces of morality exists, because morality and nature (from humanistic outlook) are timeless, as state of nature is, too.

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Seeking a Virtuous Patriotism: Considerations on Love for One’s Country

Author(s): Andrzej Kobyliński / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

This article aims not only to present a few philosophical concepts of patriotism, but to also outline the broader context of contemporary disputes taking place in many countries regarding the relationship between man and his nation, state, and homeland. Although philosophy had not considered the question of patriotism for many years, within the past century this situation has changed drastically. Moral, political, and philosophical thinkers such as Dolf Sternberger, Alasdair MacIntyre, Jürgen Habermas, and Igor Primoratz have taken up this issue. Political philosophy’s interest in patriotism is clearly evident in, among other things, the current dispute between communists and representatives of liberal thought.

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Realismul în filosofia politică: un moralism deghizat

Author(s): Eugen Huzum / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2016

The paper is an intervention in the dispute about the moralism of the recent realist trend in political philosophy. It is particularly focused on analysing the debate on this subject between Niklas Erman and Eva Möller (2015a; 2015b) and Robert Jubb and Enzo Rossi (2015a; 2015b). Examining the main arguments of both parties, I argue that realists (i.e., Jubb and Rossi) lost the debate, that realism is, in fact, moralism in disguise, and that its main methodological request – giving up „pre-political” moral principles and values in political philosophy – is „unrealistic” (i.e., unfeasible).

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Suveren totalitarizma s ljudskim licem: između nadčovjeka i zvijeri

Author(s): Ugo Vlaisavljević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2018

While searching for the essence of titoist socialism we will find, in renowned theoreticians of totalitarianism, that it is either an exception in the constellation of Soviet satellite states, according to Hannah Arendt, or a polity which needs to be exempted from reflection, as is the case in the analyses of Stalinism in Claude Lefort. Arendt dedicated only a short footnote to Titoism in her capital work, explaining it as a one-party military dictatorship such as Mussolini’s fascism. In Lefort, despite his silence, an important insight can be gained into the special role of the communist party which works as a device of homogenisation of society and state both from the outside and inside the polity. Only in Foucault do we have a position which includes all real-socialist systems, but just as a short remark which announces a future task: a fundamental, but not yet examined function of this polity type should at last be seen in concentration camps. We have undertaken such a task, trying to forebode a certain fundamental function of Goli otok for the entire Yugoslavian system in a time when it was, obviously temporarily, associated with cruel punishment of political adversaries. It has been shown that the camp opening is undistinguishably connected, as a parallel process, but also as a hidden flip side, of Tito’s apparition as an absolute sovereign, in a state of emergency prior to the Soviet invasion. We find this sovereign, in a time when he brings forth his decision of his undivided sovereignty, beyond the Law, the same as we find the prisoners of the concentration camp in the Adriatic archipelago. If we look from the position of convict islands, as a non-place of non-humans or beasts excluded from the system, we will clearly notice Tito’s displacement from the state authority. In this context, we will replenish the famous Lefort’s concept of an “empty space” of power relying on Schmitt, Agamben and Derrida, with a concept of another or displaced place of power.

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Cywilizacja łacińska kolebką współczesnej demokracji

Author(s): Wojciech Wojtyła / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2017

Niniejszy artykuł wyrasta z przekonania, że szukając owych wzorców, należy odwo-łać się do tych wartości i ideałów, które zrodziły się w starożytnej Helladzie w czasach Sokratesa, Platona i Arystotelesa, i które wraz z Ewangelią i prawem rzymskim stworzyły cywilizację europejską, która stała się kolebką współczesnej demokracji. Pierwszym kro-kiem na drodze do ukazania łacińskich korzeni demokracji będzie wyjaśnienie znaczenia samego słowa ,,cywilizacja”, odnośnie do którego istnieje wiele nieporozumień. Pomocne okażą się w tym miejscu analizy dwóch polskich myślicieli – Feliksa Konecznego (zm. 1949 r.) oraz Józefa M. Bocheńskiego (zm. 1995 r.). Następnie ukazana zostanie specyfi-ka cywilizacji europejskiej, zwanej również łacińską, chrześcijańską czy też łacińsko-chrześcijańską. Rozważania zawarte w niniejszym artykule zmierzać będą do ukazania, że największym osiągnięciem tej cywilizacji było wypracowanie pojęcia ,,osoby”, bez którego w ogóle nie można mówić o demokracji.

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Minimálna sloboda a ľudská prirodzenosť u I. Berlina

Author(s): Magdaléna Steinhauser Wesserlová / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 1/2018

The paper is focused on the issue of connecting the minimum freedom and human nature in the ideas of Isaiah Berlin. Its content is conceived as an attempt to express the position of minimal freedom in the Berlin concept and as analysis of the typology of human nature using the concept of R. A. Kocis. Since Berlin does not define the essence of human nature in his work, the aim of this study is to search for out a potential explanation of what can be understood under the concept of human nature and what role it fulfills in the need to secure an inviolable part of human freedom. For Berlin, the minimum freedom is a key aspect of promoting the idea of securing an area that no one has the right to interfere with. This is because the loss of this component would destroy human personality.

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Liberalizmi dhe Rënia e Filozofisë Politike

Author(s): Sheldon S. Wolin / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 4/2007

Në këtë punim trajtohet rënia e filozofisë politike si pasojë e zhvillimit të doktrinës liberale. Kjo doktrinë gradualisht e eliminoi apo e margjinalizoi rolin e politikës si proces dhe të politikës si dimension, duke e zëvendësuar atë me konceptin e shoqërisë. Në ndryshim me qasjet e mëparshme filozofiko–politike, në doktrinën liberale shoqëria i paraprin politikes, e cila është produkt i shoqërisë dhe jo anasjelltas. Implikimet e këtij transformimi kanë ndikuar thellë zhvillimet e shoqërisë moderne dhe vazhdojnë të ndihen edhe sot tek neglizhenca apo përçmimi ndaj politikës. Punimi përqendrohet kryesisht në mendimin e Xhon Lok, si një nga themeluesit më influencues të doktrinës liberale, duke ofruar një analizë që bie ndesh me portretizimin e liberalizmit si një filozofi optimiste që bazohet tek glorifikimi i racionalitetit. Përkundrazi, në këtë punim argumentohet si liberalizmi lindi si një reagim skeptik dhe pesimist ndaj mundësive të kufizuara të racionalitetit njerëzor.

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DURABILITATEA ÎN DEZVOLTAREA DURABILĂ

Author(s): Gheorghe Văduva / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 32/2017

Le développement durable d’une société implique un set de défis et même de menaces dynamiques, tout à fait différents, justement déterminées par un structure de résistance basée sur des composantes non-dégradable. Bien que la non-dégradation semblerait se positionner en contradiction avec la vocation du développement durable d’aujourd’hui et surtout de demain, qui, en conditions de la accélération des cycles de la société de consommation et même de la société post-consommation, suppose l’accélération des cycles de remplacement, resetassions de la durabilité en même temps avec la diminution de la durée de vie des produits, des services et même de l’action efficiente, le problème de la sécurité et de la défense des systèmes et de processus endogènes et exogènes, comme celui de la société en ensemble, se complique et s’amplifie. On le démilitarisera partialement, par l’implication de facteurs non-militaires dans les processus de la sécurité intrinsèque, de produit, de système et de processus, le facteur militaire, avec tout son univers de forces, moyens, ressources et actions, demeure l’un de piliers de résistance et de force active, réactive et dissuasive de la nation, a cote de la culture, notamment de la Croyance, et de milieu académique, le générateur d’éducation, des valeurs cognitives et de cogno-civilisation

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Frontieră utopică

Author(s): Emanuel Grosu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 16/2015

A utopia is, from a certain standpoint, a theoretical model. Like real political structures, utopian States cannot ignore the territorial boundaries separating them from neighbours, since borders contribute to a better defining of identity and alterity. Numerous examples from real history prove that, as a rule, the occupied geographic area is directly proportional to the power of a state. However, in the case of utopias, mapping and defending boundaries is rather a question of ideological identity than a question of economic or political power. In an utopian state, the boundary separates not just two models of state organization, but rather two worlds, one of which is well organized, prosperous and happy, while the other is a world of contrasts and deficiencies, if not an anarchic one. Does the geographic border always overlap the ideological border? Is geographical border a guarantee for the integrity of a State? Does the expanding of boundaries involve an export of ideology? In this article, I will try to provide answers to these questions and I will underscore certain characteristics and functions of State borders, as they can be pinpointed in the utopian writings mentioned in the References

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MIT O “MONDIJALIZACIJI” I EVROPSKA SOCIJALNA DRŽAVA

Author(s): Pierre Bourdieu / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2018

Svuda i po ceo dan se čuje - i to je ono što čini snagu tog dominantnog diskursa – da ne postoji ništa što bi moglo da se suprotstavi neoliberalnoj viziji, da ona uspeva da se predstavi kao očigledna, kao lišena bilo kakve alternative. Ako je ona na takav način banalna, to je zato što iza nje stoji čitav jedan rad na simboličkom usađivanju u kome učestvuju, pasivno, novinari ili obični građani a, pre svega, aktivno i određen broj intelektualaca.

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