POLOŽAJ NEKONSTITUTIVNIH U SUSTAVU VLASTI REPUBLIKE SRPSKE

Author(s): Maja Sahadžić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Bez plediranja u korist ustavnih i poslovničkih rješenja prisutnih u manjem bosansko-hercegovačkom entitetu, zamjetno je da su Nekonstitutivni u RS-u, nešto više (p)ostali sastavni dio sustava vlasti, za razliku od FBiH, gdje su prominentno (za) ostali. Tako Nekonstitutivni u RS-u za malo prevazilaze ostavljenost u stanju potpunog trpljenja kakvo je prisutno u FBiH, te se mrvicu više prožimaju u sustavu vlasti u RS-u. Iako ne ostvaruju omniparitet, činjenice, ipak, zorno potvrđuju da je Nekonstitutivnima garantiran nešto veći normalitet u predstavljanju u vlasti, u odnosu na predstavljanje kakvo nemaju u FBiH.

Zaštita životne sredine u uporednom ustavnom pregledu

Author(s): Vladimir Mikić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Provisions of the constitutional documents devoted to environmental protection generally contain every individual’s fundamental right to a clean and healthy natural environment, defined in close correlation with an appropriate duty of public authorities. Operational protection of a constitutionalized right of an individual is conditioned upon the increased participation of the citizenry in its fulfillment, which may be seen as a direct product of and a necessary precondition for the exercise of collective sovereignty.

Sloboda veroispovesti i pravni subjektivitet crkava i verskih zajednica u zemljama bivše Jugoslavije

Author(s): Vladimir Đurić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Freedom of religion is not only individual right, but also freedom that is enjoyed in community with others. In this paper the author analyses the institutional or corporate dimension of freedom of religion, its constitutional and statutory regulation in the former Yugoslavia countries. In all constitutional systems, churches and religious communities are separate from the state. Legal regulation of the institutional dimension of freedom of religion is based on the notion that churches and religious communities are subjects of corporate religious freedom. Their legal identity is determined, inter alia, by their religious identity. The acquisition of legal personality of churches and religious communities is carried out through their registration in specific administrative procedure, but the continuity of action of some churches and religious communities and the special status of traditional churches and religious communities are recognized by the law in several countries. Legislations of the former Yugoslav republics recognize the special character of legal personality of churches and religious communities. That special character is in function of maintaining the cooperation between state and churches and religious communities which exists in the public domain and which is not excluded by the constitutional principle of separation of state from the churches and religious communities.

O izmeni makedonskog ustava od 7. decembra 2005.

Author(s): Branko Pavlica / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

On 7 December 2005, the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia adopted the fifth amendment to the Constitution since it had been passed on 17 November 1991. The amendments XX-XXX (eleven amendments) primarily refer to judiciary. Actually, as requested by Brussels the objective of the adopted amendments was to achieve depoliticisation of judiciary, what was a prerequisite for the future accession of the Republic of Macedonia to the European Union. As early as on 16 December 2005 Macedonia gained the status of EU candidate country although the date when the negotiations would commence “remained open”. In essence, the important new items that are aimed at depoliticising judiciary and facilitating fight against corruption imply the abolishment of immunity to numerous officials. Therefore, unlimited immunity in Macedonia is enjoyed only by the President of the State (in accordance with the Article 83), Prime Minister (Article 89, paragraph 3), members of the parliament (Article 64), judges (Article 100, paragraph 1) and judges of the Constitutional Court (Article 111, paragraph 2). By all this, it should be pointed out that the activities of the Constitutional Court are regulated by the special chapter IV of the Constitution (Articles 108-114), which are not included in the regulations on courts. Therefore, it enjoys a special status. All others that have been privileged so far – ministers, members of the Judicial Council and state prosecutors – do not enjoy immunity any longer. What is essentially new is that judicial immunity has not only been maintained but has even been strengthened by the introduction of indemnity – which is not time limited for their statements in theprocedure. Also, there are new things that concern the Judicial Council of the Republic of Macedonia, being “the personal management judicial body”. In the same way, “the Council of State prosecutors” has been established, and it is the personal management body for state prosecutors that is responsible to the Judicial Council. Therefore, the last constitutional amendments (XX-XXX) adopted on 7 December 2005 (Služben Vesnik 107/2005 – Official Gazette 107/2005) treat judiciary amending the Articles No. 13, 15, 84, 89, 91, 100, 104, 105, 106 and 108 of the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia.

Конституционното правосъдие – фактор за развитие на икономиката

Author(s): Hristo Dochev / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The Constitutional Court of Bulgaria has been in action for nearly 25 years. It has asserted its place among the most important and active state authorities by deciding many controversial political and legal cases, including presidential and parliamentary elections, defense of fundamental rights of citizens, etc. Over the last few years, its work has spread towards many crucial economic issues. The article focuses on some of the specific cases that outline the Court’s functions regarding the economic development.

The Pre-Accession Adaptation of the Polish Law to the EU Law

Author(s): Przemysław Saganek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Poland is a member of the European Union since May 1, 2004. It has to abide to the obligations connected with the membership, whether they stem from directly or indirectly applicable instruments, directly or indirectly effective ones and so on. That is why the topic of the pre-accession adaptation may seem to be a subject of historical importance only, not deserving special attention more than five years after the accession. That is true only partly. First, for the non-member states taking into consideration the perspective of possible future accession it is still important which instruments are to be adopted before the accession and which could be adopted on its day. Secondly, the appropriate adaptation is a deal made for the future, that is the moment of the accession and the time of membership. On the other hand, any mistake made at the occasion of the preaccession adaptation may have (and usually has) the tendency to persist and can give rise to the claims of the Commission, the other Member States before the ECJ and the private parties before domestic courts.

Pasivno biračko pravo (poslanička sposobnost)

Author(s): Marijana Pajvančić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Paper is focused to the passive voting right, i.e. Deputies’ capacity, as it is also called. The author discusses the contents and nature of passive voting right, as one of the the general citizens’ right to participate in the performance of public affairs and citizens’ right to the equal availability to public functions including the right of the citizens to retain and enjoy their office, under the same conditions as the other candidates, without any form of discrimination and the right of passive voting right protection. The subject of the analysis are also the objects of the passive voting right and the conditions for that right achievement, and parliamentary incompatibility.

Izborni sporovi u nadležnosti Ustavnih sudova

Author(s): Dragan Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the representative government the function of resolving disputes arising from electoral process is necessary. The settlement of electoral disputes is the primary jurisdiction of the regular and administrative justice, but to some extent, as an appellate or subsidiary competence is delegated to constitutional courts. Afther a comparative analyses of the competences of constitutional courts in resolving electoral conflicts, including disputes on termination of parliamentary mandate, the author presents the role of the Serbian Constitutional Court in this field. All forms of jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court which have direct or indirect effect on resolving the electoral disputes are analyzed, especially the normative control of the electoral rules, deciding on requests for enforcement of the decision which are issued in judicial review, as well as constitutional complaints lodged for violation of electoral rights guaranteed by the Constitution.

Izborna lista u srazmernom predstavništvu - iskustvo Srbije

Author(s): Irena Pejić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The model of electoral list in the proportional electoral system of the Republic of Serbia, which was applied in parliamentary elections until the change in the electoral legislation in 2011, is completely unknown in comparative systems. Pursuant to this model, the voters were obliged to vote for the list as a whole, without being able to express their individual preferences towards any candidate, whereas the political parties enjoyed absolute freedom in the personal distribution or allocation of individual seats by selecting candidates from the electoral list. This regulatory framework has created a deformed content of "free choice" (which is guaranteed to political parties but not to voters); consequently, the system assumed the characteristics of indirect elections. After nearly a decade of applying a surrogate of the closed electoral list in the constitutional system of Serbia, the amendments of the national electoral legislation instituted the traditional model of a closed electoral list, which provides minimum guarantees to citizens in terms of personal choice of representatives and the composition of the National Assembly. However, a new legal solution which stipulates that the mandates shall be allocated according to the established order of candidates on the electoral list may cause unfavorable effects in the proportional electoral system with a single constituency in the Republic of Serbia. In the current circumstances, the applied model of a closed electoral list is inconsistent with the principle of equal electoral rights of citizens because it lays down treacherous grounds for unauthorized entry of various unlawful instruments in the course of candidate nomination.

Zakon o izmenama i dopunama zakona o izboru narodnih poslanika od 2011 – da li je poslanički mandat konačno slobodan?

Author(s): Vladan Petrov / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Although very important, the Law on Election of Deputies is a plain, not a constitutional law. In the period since 1992. to 2003, this law had a peculiar purpose to enable the juridisation of relation between a deputy and a political party. Instead of the explicit proclamation of free mandate, as an essential principle of constitutional democracy, the Constitution of Serbia of 2006 has created a legal basis for establishing the party imperative mandate (Article 102, paragraph 2). The Law on Altering and Amending the Law on Election of Deputies of 2011, drafted on the basis of recommendations from the Venice Commission, is an attempt to “neutralize“ the bad solution of the Constitution. However, in order to “Gordian Knot“ of the nature of the mandate of deputy loosened, the Constitution must explicitly proclaim the free mandate. Until then, the dillema about the nature of parliamentary mandate in the Republic of Serbia will remain open.

Elektronsko glasanje

Author(s): Dragan Prlja / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

E-voting is a new and rapidly developing area of policy and technology. Standards and requirements need to keep abreast of, and where possible anticipate, new developments. Common law standards on e-voting, which reflect and apply the principles of democratic elections and referendums to the specificities of evoting, are key to guaranteeing that all the principles of democratic elections and referendums are respected when using e-voting, and thus to building trust and confidence in domestic evoting schemes. The set of standards consists of the legal, operational (mainly relating to organisational and procedural matters) and core technical requirements for e-voting. The legal standards are intended to apply the principles of existing Council of Europe (Recommendation Rec(2004)11 adopted by the Committee of Ministers on 30 September 2004) and other international instruments relating to elections, to e-voting.

Konstytucyjna pozycja Krajowej Rady Radiofonii i Telewizji a Rada Mediów Narodowych

Author(s): Katarzyna Todos / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The freedom of speech constitutes a fundamental value for any democratic system, while its proper functioning can be ensured only through particular, exclusive guarantees. One of such guarantees is founded upon Article 213 (1) of the Constitution. According to that provision, the National Broadcasting Council is a guarantor of the freedom of speech and press as well as the public interest in broadcasting. Under the Act of June 22, 2016, the government established the National Media Council—the competent authority regarding the appointment and removal of the members of the authorities of public broadcasting outlets and the Polish Press Agency. Thus, the competences of the National Broadcasting Council have been ceded onto a political authority. Due to that fact, it is necessary to analyze the regulations pertaining to the National Media Council with regard to their influence on diminishing the constitutional status of the National Broadcasting Council.

Prawa internautów w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

Author(s): Aleksandra Kacała / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The subject of the article constitutes an attempt at delineating the scope of protection of the constitutional rights of Internet users. The author analyzes the constitutional rights and freedoms belonging to the groups of personal rights, civil and political rights, as well as economic, social and cultural rights. Moreover, the author identifies potential sources for threats to those rights. The author shows that it is possible and justified to apply the rules of the Constitution to cyberspace. The universal character of the articles of the Constitution allows to apply those rules also in the virtual space. It is, however, a recommended course of action to further develop particular legal acts, which can be quickly amended to reflect the rapid pace of the technological progress. Moreover, there exists the necessity for the state institutions to develop technical tools which could provide increased safety in cyberspace.

Nullum tributum sine lege — konstytucyjna ochrona praw podatnika na przykładzie opodatkowania spółki komandytowo-akcyjnej

Author(s): Łukasz Samojłowicz / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The following article discusses the issue of constitutional sources of protection of the taxpayer rights in Polish legislature. The analysis focuses first and foremost on Article 84 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, which institutes the rule of general taxation, as well as Article 271 of the Constitution of Poland, which regulates the rule of statutory exclusivity in levy law. The article has been divided into two parts. The first part, taking into account the rule nullum tributum sine lege as well as the case law and doctrine of tax law, discusses the constitutional protection of the taxpayer rights at the level of legislation and application of the law. The second part of the article, in turn, presents the practical implementation of the abovementioned instruments, on the example of taxation of a limited joint-stock partnership, utilized commonly by the taxpayers (until October 2015) as a method of tax optimization. The author concludes that when it comes to tax law, the Constitution of the Republic of Poland protects the citizen both at the level of legislation and at the level of application. Nonetheless, the case study of the limited joint-stock partnership shows that these guarantees are often not respected by the public authorities.

WHERE THE LAW ENDS. The collapse of the rule of law in Poland – and what to do

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

No member state of the EU has ever gone as far in subjugating its courts to executive control as the current Polish government has done. The Polish case is a test whether it is possible to create a Soviet-style justice system, where the control of courts, prosecutors and judges lies with the executive and a single party, in an EU member state. || The Polish government’s assault on its judiciary represents a threat to the EU’s legal order and long-term political stability. The EU and national legal orders are now so intertwined as to make up a single patchwork quilt, from which so great a hole cannot be cut, without the whole unravelling. 328 years ago, the great English philosopher John Locke noted that “wherever the law ends, tyranny begins.” Poland is at this threshold now. The stakes could not be higher. The outcome of this conflict will determine whether the EU has a future as a community based on the rule of law.

Kvadratura antidiskriminacijskog trougla u BiH Zakonski okvir, politike i prakse 2016-2018.

Author(s): Dženana Radončić,Midhat Izmirlija,Edin Hodžić / Language(s): Bosnian

Ovaj izvještaj predstavlja nastavak kontinuiranih aktivnosti Analitike – Centra za društvena istraživanja na monitoringu i analizi primjene Zakona o zabrani diskriminacije (u daljnjem tekstu: ZZD), sa akcentom na funkcioniranje ključnih mehanizama zaštite i djelovanje ključnih institucija u sistemu borbe protiv diskriminacije. Prema ZZD-u, arhitekturu antidiskriminacijskog djelovanja u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) čine tri institucionalna aktera: sudovi, Institucija ombudsmena za ljudska prava BiH, te Ministarstvo za ljudska prava i izbjeglice BiH. Sudska zaštita od diskriminacije predviđena je prvenstveno kroz specifične antidiskriminacijske parnice, čija je osnovna intencija da u određenoj mjeri olakšaju položaj tužitelja u parničnom postupku. Institucija ombudsmena za ljudska prava BiH djeluje kao centralna institucija za zaštitu od diskriminacije, čije su nadležnosti u ovoj oblasti brojne i kompleksne. U skladu sa ZZD-om, Institucija ombudsmena, pored ostalog, rješava pojedinačne i grupne žalbe u vezi sa diskriminacijom, prikuplja i analizira statističke podatke o slučajevima diskriminacije, informira javnost o ovim pojavama, poduzima vlastita istraživanja u ovoj oblasti, daje mišljenja i preporuke organima vlasti, podnosi godišnje i vanredne izvještaje o pojavama diskriminacije parlamentima BiH, entiteta i Brčko distrikta, predlaže zakone i druge akte nadležnim institucijama u BiH, prati relevantno zakonodavstvo i savjetuje organe zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti, te provodi promotivne i aktivnosti podizanja svijesti u kontekstu borbe protiv diskriminacije. Na kraju, nadležnost Ministarstva za ljudska prava i izbjeglice BiH u ovoj oblasti odnosi se na prikupljanje podataka i podnošenje izvještaja Parlamentarnoj skupštini BiH o pojavama diskriminacije, uspostavljanje i vođenje centralne baze podataka za djela diskriminacije, te praćenje provođenja ZZD-a. Prema već utvrđenom metodološkom pristupu, ovaj izvještaj nastoji odgovoriti na pitanje u kojoj mjeri tri navedene institucije ispunjavaju svoje zakonom propisane nadležnosti u ovoj oblasti te, konkretnije govoreći, da li je od našeg posljednjeg izvještaja o ovoj problematici – dakle, u posljednje dvije godine – postignut napredak u njihovom radu. U prethodnom izvještaju konstatirani su brojni problemi u sva tri segmenta antidiskriminacijskog djelovanja, koji ozbiljno dovode u pitanje efektivnost zaštite od diskriminacije u BiH, pa i funkcioniranje ukupnog sistema. Kako je utvrđeno u prethodnom izvještaju, premda pokazuju trend blagog porasta, antidiskriminacijske parnice se još uvijek prečesto vode i okončavaju na način da se ne uvažavaju specifične procesne odredbe ZZD-a. Institucija ombudsmena za ljudska prava BiH suočava se sa ozbiljnim kadrovskim i budžetskim ograničenjima, koja, u kombinaciji sa brojnim i kompleksnim nadležnostima u ovoj oblasti, gotovo nužno vode do iznevjerenih očekivanja u ispunjavanju zahtjevne uloge centralne institucije za zaštitu od diskriminacije. Ministarstvo za ljudska prava i izbjeglice BiH također predugo kasni sa ispunjavanjem vlastitih obaveza iz ZZD-a, pa je procijenjeno da će sistem prikupljanja podataka i izvještavanje o pojavama diskriminacije biti operativan tek krajem 2018. i početkom 2019. godine. Stoga se, dvije godine kasnije, postavlja pitanje kakvi su trendovi kada je riječ o djelovanju navedena tri stuba antidiskriminacijske zaštite u BiH, te u kojoj su mjeri problemi identificirani u prethodnom ciklusu izvještavanja prevaziđeni. Odgovor na ovo opće pitanje koje se odnosi na sva tri institucionalna aktera nastojali smo dati analizom spomenutih aktivnosti iz njihove nadležnosti, s fokusom na ključne rezultate njihovog rada, ili nedostatak istih, po tim aktivnostima. Analizirani su dostupni dokumenti i drugi primarni izvori, a konsultirani su i relevantni izvještaji, članci i drugi sekundarni izvori iz ove oblasti. Po prirodi stvari, nalazi prethodnog izvještaja su korišteni kao referentni okvir. Na kraju, obavljeni su i intervjui s predstavnicima nekih od najvažnijih aktera u domenu antidiskriminacijskog djelovanja u BiH, uključujući i institucije o kojima je prvenstveno riječ, kako bi se dobila što potpunija slika. Prvo poglavlje izvještaja bavi se sudskom zaštitom od diskriminacije. Dok je fokus prethodnog izvještaja u tom dijelu bio stavljen na tada netom usvojene izmjene i dopune ZZD-a, u ovom ciklusu analiza je usmjerena prvenstveno na sudsku praksu – i to kako na kvantitativne pokazatelje tako i na kvalitativnu dimenziju antidiskriminacijskih parnica koje su odabrane za podrobniju analizu. Posebna pažnja posvećena je dokazivanju diskriminacije u praksi u svjetlu brojnih problema i nekonzistentnosti u razumijevanju i interpretaciji specifičnosti dokazivanja u antidiskriminacijskim parnicama, pa i potpunog ignoriranja ovih odredbi od strane sudova, a koji su uočeni u prethodnom izvještaju. U drugom poglavlju tematizira se rad Institucije ombudsmena za ljudska prava BiH. Ono što je svakako obilježilo protekli period jesu zakonodavne aktivnosti na izmjeni i dopuni zakonskog okvira koji regulira rad Institucije, pa je toj problematici posvećena dužna pažnja. Drugo bitno pitanje kojim se bavi ovo poglavlje jeste ostvarivanje balansa između različitih nadležnosti i obaveza Institucije ombudsmena, s posebnim fokusom na ulogu i značaj aktivnosti usmjerenih na promociju jednakosti i zaštite od diskriminacije u djelovanju Institucije. Budući da najbolje institucije ombudsmena za ljudska prava u pravilu dobro kombiniraju rad na individualnim žalbama, sa jedne, te sistemsko djelovanje, sa druge strane, ovo poglavlje nastoji utvrditi da li se i u kojoj mjeri Institucija pomjerila od gotovo isključivo reaktivnog rada na individualnim žalbama karakterističnog za prethodni period. Treće poglavlje posvećeno je analizi progresa Ministarstva za ljudska prava i izbjeglice BiH u uspostavljanju sistema prikupljanja podataka i izvještavanja o pojavama diskriminacije u BiH. Polazeći od pretpostavke da je ideal u ovom segmentu kreiranje svojevrsne “baze znanja” o diskriminaciji, ovo poglavlje nastoji utvrditi da li se Ministarstvo u proteklom periodu barem u određenoj mjeri približilo tom idealu. Pored toga, ponuđen je i kratak osvrt na aktivnosti Ministarstva na uspostavljanju strateškog okvira za djelovanje na suzbijanju i prevenciji diskriminacije u BiH. Izvještaj zaključuju preporuke upućene relevantnim akterima u sistemu zaštite od diskriminacije, sa ciljem njegovog unapređenja, naročito iz perspektive njegovog funkcioniranja u praksi. Činjenica da se mnoge preporuke u našim izvještajima u ovoj oblasti ponavljaju govori o tome da je potrebna kontinuirana aktivnost i kontinuirani pritisak širokog kruga aktera – od ekspertske i akademske zajednice, preko nevladinog sektora, do organizacija koje okupljaju marginalizirane grupe – kako bi se postigao stvarni napredak u pogledu efektivnosti sistema za zaštitu od diskriminacije u BiH. Monitoring i analiza našeg istraživačkog tima upravo je usmjerena ka tom cilju i slijedit će istu ideju i u godinama koje dolaze.

New/Old Constutional Engineering? Challenges and Implications of the European Court of Human Rights Decision in the Case of Sejdić and Finci v. BiH

Author(s): Nenad Stojanović,Edin Hodžić / Language(s): English

The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights on the application by Dervo Sejdić and Jakob Finci, issued on 22 December 2009, has been attracting wide media coverage and provoking academic and expert debates in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Yet the complexity of its execution seems not to have been adequately recognised in the rather intense debate that it triggered. This debate has been dominated by simplified interpretations that view the judgment either as a prelude to a gradual abandonment of ethnocracy and to the affirmation of citizens as individuals in the political system, or as an act opening up room for something akin to a pluralisation of ethnocracy simply by introducing the category of ‘Others’ into the tripartite structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state of constituent peoples. However, our research operates on the assumption that the possible approaches to the execution of the judgment, based on international and comparative law, are anything but simple. The main intention of this research project is to offer decision-makers, journalists and public officials, as well as the academic community and the wider public, a systematic overview of the conceptual premises, relevant international standards, comparative experiences (especially those from other divided societies) and the past political practice in Bosnia with regard to the political participation of both the constituent peoples and ‘Others’. This overview is necessary in order to identify potential directions that reform of the Bosnian Constitution and the amendments to relevant laws (above all, the Bosnian Election Law) could take in order to ensure the execution of the Sejdić-Finci judgment in ways that would not upset the system of power-sharing established between the three constituent peoples, while still ensuring the political participation of ‘Others’ on a non-discriminatory basis. Our analysis, conceived and implemented as described, has led us to make a number of recommendations that, with due regard to the particularities of the Bosnian context, suggest mechanisms that could potentially be used to execute the judgment in the case of Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina. As regards the actual substance of the constitutional reform that could be undertaken in light of the Sejdić-Finci case, the findings of our research are the following: - Bosnia and Herzegovina is not the only state exhibiting the conflict between specific consociational mechanisms and the imperative of ensuring equality and the full enjoyment of human rights in political and public life. For example, Italy has an almost equally problematic system of political participation in the province of South Tyrol, based on the principle of mandatory political ‘aggregation’ of individuals into dominant groups. - In other countries, the mechanisms for representation of ethno-cultural identities have mostly developed in the context of minorities, that is as an exception from the liberal-civic principle of the neutrality of the state and representation of citizens as individuals. Where elements of ethnic federalism exist, political representation at the state level is for the most part ensured based on the territorial principle (i.e. on the principle of representation through federal units), as is the case in Canada, for instance. Also, in contexts where identity as such plays a significant role in political life (e.g. in Belgium), the politically relevant identity is determined based on membership to linguistic groups. Such groups are, by definition, much more open and inclusive than ethno-cultural groups since they can encompass different identities, including ethno-cultural ones. - In view of the above, comparative experiences in the domain of political participation and identity representation certainly have some pertinence and importance when considering possible models for the execution of the judgment, but constitutional specificities of Bosnia and Herzegovina have to be taken into account. - Almost all of the proposals identified for the execution of the part of the judgment concerning the Bosnian Presidency, including the views of the Venice Commission, are not without flaws: Those who propose indirect election of members of the Presidency by the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina disregard the possibility of additional political manipulation and unprincipled bargaining by political elites, as well as the fact that not one representative of the ‘Others’ has to date been elected to this legislative body; proposals aimed at increasing the number of members of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina to four or five, as a rule, do not offer mechanisms to prevent majorisation and manipulation of identities in this context; those who advocate the creation of two electoral units in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a rule, do not take into consideration the additional polarising effect that this option might have on the country’s political life. - As for the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, proposals have mostly focused on mechanisms to elect delegates from the ranks of ‘Others’ to this legislative body. They have for the most part disregarded the question of the House of Peoples’ existing powers, which are, also according to the Sejdić-Finci judgment, one of the key considerations in establishing the discrimination of ‘Others’. - Most proposals for the execution of the Sejdić-Finci judgment that have come before the public do not adequately address this complex problem. Moreover, the solutions offered have rarely been accompanied by appropriate elaboration or argumentation. In particular, there has been a chronic lack of new, innovative solutions that could meet the two-fold demand of representation for ethno-cultural groups and respect for the principle of non-discrimination. - Political actors in BiH have not devoted the appropriate degree of attention to the execution of the judgment in the case of Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina. One proof of this inadequacy is the work of the Working Group set up by the Council of Ministers of BiH with the aim of executing the judgment: since its establishment in March 2010, it has yielded no results whatsoever. In addition, neither do the available platforms of political parties, even when they do address the issue, reflect or recognise its complexity, or offer appropriate elaboration and argumentation of their positions. Our interviews with some of the key actors in this process have for the most part also confirmed our assumption that there has been a lack of understanding of this complex issue and insufficient knowledge of the options available to decision-makers. - The media discourse on the judgment itself and its implications has been very limited and unvaried, almost entirely focusing on possible sanctions and the general consequences for Bosnia and Herzegovina for failure to execute the judgment. There has hardly been any media coverage – at least in print media – focusing on the substance of the judgment or the consistent promotion of equality in the enjoyment of political rights by all citizens of Bosnia. Combining descriptive, analytical, comparative and prescriptive elements, the present study concludes with four specific recommendations: – It is certainly necessary for experts in constitutional and international law, as well as experts in comparative political and electoral systems, to become more actively engaged in the public discourse on the execution of the Sejdić-Finci judgment. With a view to this, and as a modest contribution to the project and to increasing the number of available constitutional options, we have formulated a proposal for a mechanism to elect the Presidency of BiH based on the principle of the so-called geometric mean. This, in our view, adequately balances out the demands of identity politics and the principle of non-discrimination. In addition, the proposal encourages cross-entity and cross-ethnic cooperation, ensuring the introduction of a more moderate discourse in political campaigns and political life in general. – When it comes to the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, one should not look for relevant comparative experiences beyond Bosnia and Herzegovina itself: the House of Peoples of the Parliament of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Council of Peoples of the Republika Srpska are, in principle, models that can also be applied at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The underlying principle is the following: if the Bosnian authorities wish to continue with the practice of exclusivity in determining the structure of this body and keep its current status as a house of the constituent peoples, its powers need to be significantly reduced, that is, reduced to the level of the protection of vital national interests. In other words, in this case the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be equivalent to the Council of Peoples of the Republika Srpska. Conversely, if its current powers are to be kept, the House of Peoples must also be open to delegates not only from the ranks of minorities, but also to all other persons belonging to the constitutional category of ‘Others’. In other words, in this case the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina should replicate the model of the House of Peoples of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. – Intra-party ethno-cultural pluralism is a necessary condition for ensuring multiethnic governance at all levels. This problem is best illustrated by the utterly disregarded fact that, as we have noted, neither the House of Peoples nor the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina has ever had a member drawn from the ranks of ‘Others’ although the Constitution and the Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina do not contain any formal obstacles to such a genuinely pluralistic composition of the House of Representatives. It is, therefore, necessary to carefully consider the legal and institutional mechanisms for ensuring intra-party pluralism in this domain. – In view of all the problems, inconsistencies, inequalities and paradoxes inherent in the principle and practice of representing the constituent peoples and ‘Others’ as separate identities, which are unequivocally demonstrated in this report, Bosnia and Herzegovina needs, at least in the long term, to move from an ethnic federation to a territorial one that would introduce the principle of representation based on territory rather than based on ethno-cultural identities. However, reforms that would take the country in that direction are currently hampered by the prevailing approach and practice, whereby a territory is conceived of as a space of ethno-cultural domination and discrimination of all minority identities rather than that of openness, inclusiveness and equality, as is the case with most territorial federations, especially in Europe.

Novi-stari ustavni inženjering? Izazovi i implikacije presude Evropskog suda za ljudska prava u predmetu Sejdić i Finci prov BiH

Author(s): Nenad Stojanović,Edin Hodžić / Language(s): Bosnian

Presuda Evropskog suda za ljudska prava, po predstavci Derve Sejdića i Jakoba Fincija, donesena 22. decembra 2009. godine, već duže vrijeme puni novinske stupce i povod je za akademske i stručne rasprave u BiH. Pa ipak, čini se da kompleksnost njenog izvršenja nije adekvatno prepoznata u dosta intenzivnoj raspravi koja je uslijedila nakon objavljivanja presude. Javnom sferom dominiraju jednostavne formule: presuda se vidi ili kao uvod u potpuno napuštanje etnokratije i afirmaciju građanina pojedinca u političkom sistemu ili kao akt kojim se otvara prostor za svojevrsno pluraliziranje etnokratije jednostavnim uvođenjem kategorije „ostalih" u tripartitnu strukturu države konstitutivnih naroda. No, ovo istraživanje zasnovano je na pretpostavci da moguće, na međunarodnom i komparativnom pravu utemeljene formule izvršenja spomenute presude Evropskog suda za ljudska prava nisu jednostavne. Temeljna namjera ovog istraživanja jest da se donosiocima odluka, novinarima i javnim djelatnicima, te akademskoj i široj javnosti ponudi sistematičan pregled konceptualnih postavki, relevantnih međunarodnih standarda, komparativnih iskustava (naročito onih koja se odnose na druga podijeljena društva) i dosadašnje političke prakse u BiH u oblasti političke participacije i konstitutivnih naroda i „ostalih". Takav je pregled nužan kako bi se identificirali mogući pravci reforme Ustava BiH i izmjene relevantnih zakona (prije svega, Izbornog zakona BiH), koji bi mogli osigurati izvršenje presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci, na način da se ne narušava uspostavljeni balans političke moći (power- sharing) između konstitutivnih naroda, ali da se osigura politička participacija „ostalih" na nediskriminatorskim osnovama. Iz tako koncipirane i provedene analize proizašle su i određene preporuke vezane za specifični kontekst BiH i moguće mehanizme izvršenja presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv BiH. Kada je riječ o samoj suštini ustavne reforme u kontekstu predmeta Sejdić i Finci, nalazi istraživanja su sljedeći: BiH nije jedinstven slučaj kada je riječ o konfliktu specifičnih konsocijacijskih mehanizama sa imperativom osiguravanja jednakosti i punog uživanja ljudskih prava u političkom i javnom životu. Južni Tirol (Italija), npr., ima gotovo jednako problematičan sistem političke participacije, koji je baziran na principu političke „agregacije" pojedinaca dominantnim grupama u toj italijanskoj provinciji. Mehanizmi predstavljanja etno-kulturnih identiteta u drugim zemljama uglavnom su razvijeni u kontekstu manjina, odnosno kao izuzetak od liberalno-građanskog principa neutralnosti države i predstavljanja građana kao pojedinaca. Tamo gdje postoje elementi etničkog federalizma, političko predstavljanje na nivou države uglavnom je osigurano na teritorijalnom principu (tj. na principu predstavljanja federalnih jedinica) - kao što je, npr., slučaj u Kanadi. Također, u kontekstima gdje identitet kao takav igra značajniju ulogu u političkom životu (kao, npr., u Belgiji), politički relevantni identitet određuje se na principu jezičkih grupa. Tako koncipirane grupe su, po definiciji, mnogo otvorenije i inkluzivnije od onih etno-kulturnih, budući da mogu obuhvatati različite identitete, uključujući i one etno-kulturne. U skladu s navedenim, komparativna iskustva u domenu političke participacije i predstavljanja identiteta svakako imaju određeni domet i značaj kada promišljamo moguće modele izvršenja presude, ali se u obzir moraju uzeti ustavnopravne specifičnosti BiH. Gotovo svi identificirani prijedlozi izvršenja presude koji se tiču Predsjedništva BiH, uključujući i stavove Venecijanske komisije, imaju određene nedostatke: oni koji predlažu indirektni izbor članova Predsjedništva među zastupnicima u Predstavničkom domu Parlamentarne skupštine BiH zanemaruju mogućnost dodatne političke manipulacije i neprincipijelnog trgovanja političkih elita, te činjenicu da do sada u ovo tijelo zakonodavne vlasti u BiH nikada nije izabran niti jedan zastupnik iz reda „ostalih"; prijedlozi koji predviđaju povećanje broja članova Predsjedništva na četiri ili pet u pravilu ne nude mehanizme koje bi onemogućili majorizaciju i manipulaciju identitetima u ovom kontekstu; oni koji se zalažu za formiranje dvije izborne jedinice u FBiH u pravilu ne razmatraju dodatni polarizirajući efekat koji bi ta opcija mogla imati u političkom životu BiH. Kada je riječ o Domu naroda Parlamentarne skupštine BiH, prijedlozi su se uglavnom fokusirali na mehanizme izbora delegata iz reda „ostalih" u ovo tijelo zakonodavne vlasti u BiH, uglavnom zanemarujući pitanje postojećih nadležnosti Doma naroda, što je, i prema presudi u predmetu Sejdić i Finci, jedan od ključnih faktora utvrđivanja diskriminacije „ostalih". Prijedlozi za izvršenje presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci koji su se mogli čuti u javnosti uglavnom nisu na odgovarajući način tretirali ovu kompleksnu problematiku. Rješenja koja su ponuđena rijetko su bila praćena odgovarajućom elaboracijom i argumenta¬cijom. Ta konstatacija naročito se odnosi na hronični nedostatak novih, inovativnih rješenja, koja bi mogla odgovoriti na dvostruki zahtjev predstavljanja etno-kulturnih grupa i uvažavanja principa nediskriminacije. - Politički akteri u BiH nisu posvetili odgovarajuću pažnju izvršenju presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv BiH. Dokaz tome je rad i djelovanje Radne grupe Vijeća ministara BiH za provođenje presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv BiH, koja od formiranja u martu 2010. do danas nije dala nikakve rezultate. Pored toga, ni dostupne platforme političkih partija, čak i kada tematiziraju ovo pitanje, ne odražavaju niti uvažavaju njegovu kompleksnost, niti nude odgovarajuću argumentaciju. Naši razgovori sa nekim od ključnih aktera u ovom procesu također su uglavnom potvrdili tezu o nerazumijevanju ove kompleksne problematike i nedovoljnom znanju o opcijama koje donosiocima odluka stoje na raspolaganju. - Medijski diskurs o samoj presudi i njenim implikacijama bio je veoma siromašan i jednoličan, te gotovo u cijelosti fokusiran na eventualne sankcije i opće posljedice neprovođenja presude po BiH. Medijskih sadržaja fokusiranih na suštinu presude Evropskog suda za ljudska prava i konzistentno promoviranje jednakosti u uživanju političkih prava svih građana BiH, barem kada je o štampanim medijima riječ, gotovo da i nije bilo. Kombinirajući deskriptivne, analitičke, komparativne i preskriptivne elemente, studija završava sa četiri konkretne preporuke: - U javni diskurs o izvršenju presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci svakako je nužno aktivnije uključiti eksperte iz oblasti ustavnog i međunarodnog prava, te uporednih političkih i izbornih sistema. S tim ciljem, a kao skromni doprinos tom projektu i generalnom povećanju broja raspoloživih ustavnih opcija, formulirali smo prijedlog mehanizma izbora za Predsjedništvo na principu tzv. geometrijske sredine, koji, prema našem mišljenju, na odgovarajući način balansira zahtjeve politike identiteta sa principima nediskriminacije. Pored toga, taj prijedlog ohrabruje saradnju preko entitetskih i etničkih linija i osigurava uvođenje umjerenijeg diskursa u predizborne kampanje i politički život općenito. Kada je riječ o Domu naroda Parlamentarne skupštine BiH, relevantna komparativna iskustva ne treba tražiti izvan BiH: Dom naroda Parlamenta Federacije BiH i Vijeće naroda Republike Srpske, općenito govoreći, modeli su koji su primjenjivi i na nivou BiH. Princip je sljedeći: ako bosanskohercegovačke vlasti žele nastaviti s praksom ekskluzivizma u utvrđivanju sastava ove instance vlasti u BiH i zadržati njegov sadašnji status doma konstitutivnih naroda, njegova ovlaštenja trebaju biti bitno smanjena, odnosno reducirana na nivo zaštite vitalnog nacionalnog interesa. Drugim riječima, u tom bi slučaju Dom naroda Parlamentarne skupštne BiH trebao bit ekvivalent Vijeća naroda Republike Srpske. Ako se, pak, žele zadržat njegove sadašnje nadležnost, Dom naroda mora bit otvoren i za delegate ne samo iz reda manjina, već i za sve druge osobe koje pripadaju ustavnoj kategoriji „ostalih". Drugim riječima, u tom slučaju Dom naroda Parlamentarne skupštne BiH treba replicirat model Doma naroda Parlamenta Federacije BiH. - Unutarstranački etno-kulturni pluralizam nužni je uvjet osiguravanja multetničkog sastava vlast na svim nivoima. Ovaj je problem najbolje ilustrirat potpuno zanemarenom činjenicom da, kako smo već naveli, ne samo Dom naroda, već i Predstavnički dom Parlamentarne skupštne BiH nikada u svom sastavu nisu imali parlamentarce iz reda „ostalih", premda Ustav BiH i Izborni zakon BiH ne sadrže formalne prepreke za takav, istnski pluralistčki sastav Predstavničkog doma. Stoga je nužno pažljivo razmotrit zakonske i insttucionalne mehanizme osiguravanja unutarstranačkog pluralizma u ovom domenu. - Imajući u vidu sve probleme, nekonzistentnost, nejednakost i paradokse inherentne principu i praksi predstavljanja konsttutvnih naroda i „ostalih" kao zasebnih identteta, a na koje ova studija nedvojbeno ukazuje, za BiH je, barem na duži rok, nužan prijelaz iz etničke u teritorijalnu federaciju, čime bi se uveo princip predstavljanja teritorija, a ne etno-kulturnih identteta. No, reforme koje bi se kretale u tom pravcu trenutno su otežane vladajućim pristupom i praksom prema kojima je teritorija prostor etno¬kulturne dominacije i diskriminacije manjinskih identteta, a ne otvorenost, inkluzivnost i jednakost, kao što je to uglavnom slučaj sa drugim teritorijalnim federacijama, naročito u evropskim okvirima.

What is the EU Law Enforcement Directive? How Law Enforcement Authorities (Should) Protect Personal Data

Author(s): Jelena Pejić Nikić / Language(s): English

The legislative act is known as the EU Law Enforcement Directive (LED) (known also as the EU Police Directive), a twin sister to the far more widely known General Data Protection Regulation – GDPR). Both GDPR and LED are part of a new EU legislative package that has significantly improved personal data protection standards. They were adopted in the spring of 2016 and have been in force since May 2018. While the General Regulation has garnered most of the attention from the expert community, governmental and non-governmental sector, the business world and the broader public concerned with individual privacy, the Law Enforcement Directive is rather specific – for both the circumstances in which it applies and from the approaches it adopts.

PREDLOZI ZA PRIORITETE NOVE VLADE I NOVOG SAZIVA NARODNE SKUPŠTINE 2022–2026.

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Serbian