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Nicolae Țimiraș. The voice of a diplomat regarding the issue of the Aromanians in Albania

Nicolae Țimiraș. The voice of a diplomat regarding the issue of the Aromanians in Albania

Author(s): Emanuil Ineoan / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

The present study tries to recover the biography of the diplomat Nicolae Țimiraș. Although hestayed only a few months at the Romanian legation in Albania, Nicolae Țimiraș was responsible for drawing up action strategies of the Romanian state in favor of the Aromanian communities in the area. His name thus remains emblematic for those representatives within the Romanian diplomacy, extremely important for what the orientation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from Bucharest meant in the matter of Romanians outside the borders

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Vasile Stoica, “The sorrows of Ardeal”. Reading notes

Vasile Stoica, “The sorrows of Ardeal”. Reading notes

Author(s): Narcis Rupe / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

The history of Ardeal (Transylvania) is still today a subject treated by both Romanian and Hungarian historians. Ardeal, one of the three Romanian provinces together with Moldova and Wallachia, has been a place where the history of the region has represented a continuous interaction between three forces: the Romanians, the Hungarians, and the Habsburg Dynasty. The idea is the work of Vasile Stoica (1889–1959), one of the most prominent Romanian diplomats of the interwar period, who died in the communist prison of Jilava. The interdependence of these three forces generated a historical series of sufferings and injustices for the Romanians of Transylvania, which the Romanian diplomat summarised and ordered chronologically in his work “The sorrows of Ardeal”. On their side were the Romanians of Moldova and Wallachia by virtue of their acts of solidarity. The Sufferings of the Romanians of Transylvania and the support received from their brothers across the mountains are two of the guiding ideas of the book. Both were the reasons for the entry of the Kingdom of Romania into the First World War. The book was a means used by the Romanian delegation to convince the North American opinion of the rightness of the Romanian cause. The honesty of the author, a Romanian originally from Ardeal, with his ability to synthesise, make “The sorrows of Ardeal” a representative work for the Romanian perspective on the history of this are.

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THE SZEKLERS AND THE SECUIZATION OF ROMANIANS

THE SZEKLERS AND THE SECUIZATION OF ROMANIANS

Author(s): Samira Cîrlig / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

The content of this paper is a review of G. Popa Lisseanu’s work The Szeklers and the Secuization of Romanians by G. Popa Lisseanu. The importance of this subject matter can hardly be overstated, since it deals with an issue that is less researched, although it affects the lives and existence of many present-day citizens of Romania and the very existence of some Romanian communities, namely the Secuization of Romanians. This is a sensitive issue closely linked to two other problems: the persistence of the Dacian-Romanian element in Dacia (especially in what is known as Transylvaniaand its eastern part, which constitutes a hindrance for the Hungarian politicians, men of culture, and so on, who dream about the utter assimilation and denationalization of the Romanian population) and the question of the origin of the Szeklers. The topic discussed is vital for Romania because of the Secuization of the Romanians, or more precisely, their Hungarianization since this process is still ongoing today employing church and school as tools. G. Popa gives a warning signal regarding this predicament of some parts of the Romanian population that, although it constitutes the majority in Romania, faces some serious troubles regarding its existence in some regions of the country. The authortries to raise the necessary awareness about this situation, hoping that the authorities in charge will take the required measures as soon as possible. The present review is useful because it presents, in asynthetic manner, a series of important information that clarifies a problem that is still having an impact and raises the issue of the denationalization of Romanians, as well as of the destabilization ofthe Romanian state.

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ECATERINA MADGEARU: O „ANCORĂ” A LUMII VECHI ÎN NOUA LUME A „FERICIRII” GENERALE

ECATERINA MADGEARU: O „ANCORĂ” A LUMII VECHI ÎN NOUA LUME A „FERICIRII” GENERALE

Author(s): Silviu Moldovan / Language(s): Romanian Issue: VI seria 3/2024

The widow of Virgil Madgearu and relative of Ion Mihalache's wife, Niculina, member of the National Peasant Party since 1932, Ecaterina Madgearu was involved in the activity of helping members of this party who had been arrested by the communist authorities. She led a special committee created to help the arrested people and that allowed her to visited them in prisons and to facilitate their connections and communications with those from outside of prison. She also coordinated the activity of helping the families of those imprisoned with food, clothing and medicine. For these actions, Ecaterina Madgearu was pursued by the Security bodies and became the victim of repeated repressive measures, obviously related to the charitable activity she carried outfor the benefit of political prisoners and their families.

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Turkish Cultural Legacy in the Balkans. From Empire to the Republic of Türkiye, Delia Roxana Cornea, Metin Omer, Emanuel Plopeanu editors, Editura Mega, Cluj Napoca, 2023, 349 p.

Turkish Cultural Legacy in the Balkans. From Empire to the Republic of Türkiye, Delia Roxana Cornea, Metin Omer, Emanuel Plopeanu editors, Editura Mega, Cluj Napoca, 2023, 349 p.

Author(s): Florin Anghel / Language(s): Romanian Issue: VI seria 3/2024

The value of the volume is revealed by the generous theme of historical memory (including its legacy), by the special approaches of most of the published research, but also by the professional competence of the authors from outside Romania (selected by Metin Omer and Delia Roxana Cornea) and those from the most important academic institutions of the country. The Ottoman and Turkish legacy in Dobrogea is a heritage that has been established and developed for more than half a millennium and on which systematic research is needed in all fields.

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Bistrița medievală – aspecte economice (Partea I)

Bistrița medievală – aspecte economice (Partea I)

Author(s): Dorin Dologa / Language(s): Romanian,French Issue: 38/2024

Depuis le début la cité de Bistriţa médiévale était considérée la ville de gildes et des commerçants ayant comme spécifique le petit atelier des artisans. Le plus de 32 guildes qui comprenaient environ 500 artisans étaient célèbres en Transylvanie grâce au savoir-faire des artisans et aux mesures des autorités pour les soutenir. Les guildes jouaient un rôle important au développement économique de la ville, mais aussi dans la société, dans le formation professionnelle, l’éducation, la culture, comme dans les constructions civiles et militaires des 18 tours de la cité de Bistriţa étaient défendues et protégées par les guildes les plus fortes. Ces guildes ont contribué au développement économique et culturel de la Moldavie.

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Casa capitlului Bistrița în secolele XV–XVI. O interpretare a mărturiilor arhivistice

Casa capitlului Bistrița în secolele XV–XVI. O interpretare a mărturiilor arhivistice

Author(s): Ștefania-Maria Ghișa / Language(s): English,Romanian Issue: 38/2024

The chapter, or deanery, comprising several parishes, was an administrative and ecclesiastical unit within the Saxon communities of Transylvania. The assemblies of the Saxon chapters and the locations where they were held are a specific research topic in the study of institutional and ecclesiastical structures in medieval and early modern Transylvania. This article includes the results of a study on the history and functions of the Bistrița chapter house. Rather than providing an exhaustive account, it represents a preliminary phase of a broader study that will eventually incorporate additional case studies. Chronologically, the analysis spans from the earliest documented references to the building up to the end of the 16th century. While previous research has focused mainly on architectural aspects, this study adopts a perspective grounded in the examination of written sources preserved in relevant archival collections, particularly the Fond Capitlul Evanghelic C.A. Bistrița. This approach complements findings derived from the material study of the building and sheds light on the historical use of the chapter house, particularly its role in hosting assemblies.The methodology involved identifying primary sources—whether original documents orsixteenth-century copies—followed by their critical analysis and interpretation. The findings reveal that the chapter house primarily functioned as a venue for chapter assemblies and related activities.Moreover, the house also functioned as a repository for documents. The study highlights the functional complexity of the chapter house, and its central role for the parishes in the Bistrița district, contributing to the understanding of the spatial dimension of the Saxon ecclesiastical institutions.Expanding the analysis through comparative case studies could provide further insights into the broader context of Saxon ecclesiastical practices in Transylvania.

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Notarii publici în Transilvania medievală. Cazul Bistriței în perspectivă comparativă

Notarii publici în Transilvania medievală. Cazul Bistriței în perspectivă comparativă

Author(s): Livia-Ioana Potop / Language(s): English,Romanian Issue: 38/2024

The article seeks to shed light on the notarial activity in Bistrița in the early 16thcentury and to initiate an analysis of the archival sources that have largely remained unexploredin the studies of notaries public in medieval Transylvania. The documents reveal the profile andbackground of the jurists, their networks of relationships, and interactions with community members, elements that contribute to the reconstruction of Bistrița’s medieval history. Among the six notaries identified (of which four are originally from Bistrița, and two of them are from Brașov and Austria/Slovakia), Lucas Duerner stands out as a legal professional illustrative of the mobility of the era. From his outstanding activity of ca. 20 years in Transylvania there were preserved over 40 documents. While in 1520 we also find him in Bistrița, Lucas’s presence here raises questions about his professional career and the relationships he had in this urban centre. That being the case, the 10 notarial documents issued in Bistrița in the first three decades of the 16th century and now preserved in the same archival collection intrigues a research that goes beyond the legal sphere and attempts to reconstruct the past of a community through a type of source used in the Middle Ages especially in courts of law.

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Linia Arpad și fortificațiile de la Ilva Mică. Conotații geoarheologice și relevanța cultural—istorică și turistică

Linia Arpad și fortificațiile de la Ilva Mică. Conotații geoarheologice și relevanța cultural—istorică și turistică

Author(s): Ioan Bîca / Language(s): English,Romanian Issue: 38/2024

On the peaks of the Eastern Carpathians there is a system of fortifications set up during the Second World War by Horty Miklos troops, to defend the eastern border of Hungary expanded after the Vienna Second Award. These fortifications are called the Arpad Line and join other fortified lines of Europe such as the Maginot Line, the Siegfried Line, the Stalin Line, the Mannerheim Line, and the Metaxas Line. Within this system of fortifications are trenches, firing positions, positions for artillery pieces, bunkers, casemates and concrete anti-tank bulwarks.In Bistriţa-Năsăud county, the Arpad Line is present in the mountain areas of Călimani, Bârgău, Suhard, Rodnei, but also in the Someșului Mare Hills and the Bistrița Hills. Among all the fortifications of the Arpad Line, present on the territory of Bistrița-Năsăud County, the most complex system is located at Ilva Mică, on Ponce Hill, being arranged underground and on the surface of the hill. As military and historical evidence, the fortifications within the Arpad Line are distinguished by geo-archaeological, cultural-educational and touristic value, which could be exploited by local communities. The present study attempts to inventory, evaluate and analyse the fortifications from Ilva Mică from a geo-archaeological and tourist perspective in order to include them in the attractive tourist resources of Bistrița-Năsăud County.

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У РИТМУ ПРОШЛОСТИ. КУЛТУРНИ ДОМЕТИ КРАЉЕВИНЕ СРБА, ХРВАТА И СЛОВЕНАЦА

Author(s): Larisa Kostić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2024

Review of: Bojan Đorđević, Letopis kulturnog života Кraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca: 1926–1928. Beograd: Institut za književnost i umetnost, 2023, 660 str.

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Polska droga. "Caritas" w myśli politycznej Pierwszej Rzeczypospolitej

Polska droga. "Caritas" w myśli politycznej Pierwszej Rzeczypospolitej

Author(s): Alina Nowicka-Jeżowa / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2024

This paper follows the idea of the Christian caritas in the writings of political authors of the late Middle Ages and the early modern era: Stanisław of Skarbimierz, Paweł Włodkowic, Jan of Ludzisko, Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski, Łukasz Górnicki, Wawrzyniec Goślicki, Protestant and Catholic authors arguing about the Warsaw Confederation, and Post-Tridentine activists, in particular Piotr Skarga. The dominant role of that idea is a distinguishing feature in the political discourse during the times of the Polish- -Lithuanian Commonwealth (the First Polish Republic). Rhetorical persuasion focused around the idea of love becomes strongly marked from an axiological perspective and brings political rhetoric closer to Christian anthropology. The tradition thus created, distinct and permanent, does not remain isolated, though, from contemporary cultural inspirations; it is linked with the 15th-c. conciliarism, the 16th-c. Renaissance humanism, Post-Tridentine Catholic universalism and the Marian religiousness of the 17th century.

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NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION, STRATEGIES, AND ROMANIA’S CASES

NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION, STRATEGIES, AND ROMANIA’S CASES

Author(s): Mihai-Vladimir ZODIAN / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2023

Vipin Narang, Seeking the Bomb. Strategies of Nuclear Proliferation, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2022, 400 pages; Eliza Gheorghe, “Atomic Maverick: Romania`s negotiations for nuclear technology, 1964-1970”, Cold War History, 13(3), 2013, DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2013.776542; Eliza Gheorghe, “Peace for Atoms. US Non-Proliferation Policy and the Romanian Role in the Sino-American Rapprochement, 1969-1971”, The International History Review, 40(5), 2018, DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2018.1425893.

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Czy Magdalena Hofdemel miała romans i nieślubne dziecko z Wolfgangiem Amadeuszem Mozartem oraz inne dygresje na temat niemoralnego prowadzenia się kompozytora

Czy Magdalena Hofdemel miała romans i nieślubne dziecko z Wolfgangiem Amadeuszem Mozartem oraz inne dygresje na temat niemoralnego prowadzenia się kompozytora

Author(s): Sławomir Zonenberg / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2024

The article focuses on the alleged affair between Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756–1791) and Magdalena Hofdemel (nee Pokorny, 1766 – after 1804), a Czech pianist and violinist, which purportedly resulted in her becoming pregnant and giving birth to an illegitimate child. onsequently, Magdalena’s husband, Franz Hofdemel (circa 1755–1791), a Viennese lawyer and court chancery clerk, out of jealousy, is said to have poisoned Mozart. This issue has long animated Mozart lovers. The community of writers on this topic can be divided into four groups. Some question the affair and thus Mozart’s poisoning. Conversely, others support the idea, with some even presenting intriguing additional information. Meanwhile, a third group argued that neither confirmation nor denial is possible, while some simply report the event without taking a stance. It can be said that the discussion presented in the article between supporters and opponents is often emotional, and evidence is generally not provided. It must be mphasized that there is no evidence for either the alleged affair or Mozart’s poisoning by Hofdemel.

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Urodzenia pozamałżeńskie w parafii Nowy Korczyn w latach 1751-1800

Urodzenia pozamałżeńskie w parafii Nowy Korczyn w latach 1751-1800

Author(s): Konrad Kołodziejczyk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2024

The article presents the issue of extramarital births in the parish of Nowy Korczyn in the years 1751–1800. The analyses were conducted using an aggregate method. In the birth records of the Nowy Korczyn parish, in the second half of the eighteenth century, 179 baptisms of illegitimate children were recorded, constituting 4.4% of all births. Such a percentage of births out of wedlock is similar to the results obtained for other urban‑rural parishes. Illegitimate births occurred significantly more often in the urban than in the rural part of the parish. In the Nowy Korczyn parish, there was a clear concentration of conceptions of illegitimate children in the spring and summer months. Twin births constituted a significantly larger percentage among illegitimate births than among legitimate births. Birth records do not contain too much information about the parents of illegitimate children, so the description of the social environment of people having such offspring is quite difficult. Most often, the data recorded in the records are limited to the name and surname of the mother. Fathers remain essentially anonymous in the records. It is known that a significant group of mothers of illegitimate children were migrants, but their territorial affiliation in the records remains a mystery. The baptismal names given to illegitimate children did not differ from the names given to legitimate offspring, although it is known that the parish clergy often stigmatized illegitimate children by giving tchem unusual and rarely occurring names. The selection of appropriate godparents for a child played an important role at that time. However, given that the social environment of the parents of illegitimate children has not been precisely identified, it is not possible to analyze their selection. Giving birth to an illegitimate child did not condemn a woman to lead a solitary life, as some of them later entered into marital relationships. The records also noted that some women had more than one child out of wedlock.

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Uprzywilejowywanie i wykluczanie. Pozycja dziecka w rodzinie w Prusach w XIX w. w świetle Powszechnego prawa krajowego dla państw pruskich

Uprzywilejowywanie i wykluczanie. Pozycja dziecka w rodzinie w Prusach w XIX w. w świetle Powszechnego prawa krajowego dla państw pruskich

Author(s): Paweł Śpica / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2024

The article presents the position of the child in the family in the light of the General National Law for the Prussian States from 1794, seen from a historical‑pedagogical perspective. It discusses the rights and duties of children, the extent of parental authority, and the situation of children born in morganatic marriages, children of divorced persons, illegitimate children, adopted children, and so‑called wards, i.e., orphaned or abandoned children without parental care.The analyses conducted reveal a feudal mentality’s influence on the perception of the child through the lens of their position in social stratification and their birth circumstances. Prussian law clearly favored children born within legitimate marriages at the expense of offspring from other types of relationships. It also upheld a patriarchal family model with the father’s redominant influence on the direction of a child’s education and future.

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Status prawny dzieci pozamałżeńskich w II Rzeczypospolitej

Status prawny dzieci pozamałżeńskich w II Rzeczypospolitej

Author(s): Anna Fermus-Bobowiec / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2024

In the Second Polish Republic, the legal status of illegitimate children was still regulated by the legislation of the invading states. Mostly, these were the regulations of the great civil codifications of the nineteenth century: The Napoleonic Code, The ABGB, The BGB, and also of the Civil Code of the Kingdom of Poland or of volume ten of The Digest of Laws of the Russian Empire. The author describes the legal status regarding the subject matter, including not only similarities but also differences among the legislations. The common feature of the regulations discussed was far‑reaching discrimination against illegitimate children in family law and inheritance law. Therefore, the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic faced not only the unification of the civil law, including family and inheritance law, in order to suspend the binding legislations of the invaders, but also to equalize the legal status of illegitimate children and legitimate children. Unfortunately, it was not possible to finalize the codification work on family law and inheritance law in the Second Polish Republic. However, these efforts were taken into consideration due to their later usage in the process of unification and codification of the civil law after the Second World War.

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Spadkobranie nieślubnych dzieci w Polsce Ludowej – od dyskryminacji do równouprawnienia

Spadkobranie nieślubnych dzieci w Polsce Ludowej – od dyskryminacji do równouprawnienia

Author(s): Mariola Szewczak-Daniel / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2024

In the early years of People’s Poland, the field of inheritance was governed by the legislation of the partitioning states, as the legislative efforts on civil law, including inheritance law, undertaken in the Second Polish Republic, did not yield the expected results. The first legal act regulating inheritance issues in People’s Poland was the Decree on Inheritance Law from 1946. According to this decree, illegitimate children could inherit under the same rules as children born within marriage if they were entitled to inheritance as a result of their parents’ marriage, recognized as such or the equivalent of such. The significant change in the legal status of illegitimate children in inheritance matters came with the adoption of the Family Code in 1950, which took effect on October 1, 1950. Consequently, illegitimate children and children born within marriage were granted equal rights in the field of inheritance. From then on, an illegitimate child had the same inheritance rights as children born within marriage from both their mother and father, as well as their relatives. The Civil Code of 1964, currently in force, does not differentiate the legal status of children based on whether they were born within or outside marriage. Illegitimate children inherit under the same rules as children born within marriage.

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DŽONOTAN ODEL: AMERIČKI REVOLUCIONARNI RAT IZ PERSPEKTIVNE LOJALISTE

DŽONOTAN ODEL: AMERIČKI REVOLUCIONARNI RAT IZ PERSPEKTIVNE LOJALISTE

Author(s): Violeta M. Janjatović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 47/2024

Thanks to the theoretical framework of New Historicism, which views texts as embedded within the broader cultural context, the American literary canon has experienced significant expansion in recent decades. This expansion encompasses not only the inclusion of well-known works by established American authors but also previously overlooked or marginalized texts. Such diversification has sparked a renewed scholarly interest in numerous unjustly neglected and forgotten works. Given the lack of a clearly defined theoretical foundation in its nascent stages, New Historicism frequently sought validation from critical paradigms of other methodologies. This interdisciplinary approach is underscored by the insights gleaned from studies such as Vladislava Felbabov's examination of the impact of women's and feminist movements on cultural criticism, as outlined in New Historicism. Felbabov elucidates how these movements injected significant intellectual and social energy into cultural critique, prompting a shift in focus from solely gender and sexuality to encompass broader themes of class, ethnicity, and political affiliation within discourse analysis (12). Moreover, Stephen Greenblatt, in his seminal work The Forms of Power and the Power of Forms in the Renaissance, contrasts New Historicism with traditional historicism, highlighting its acknowledgment of multiple centers of political power and their interplay (see Greenblatt). This theoretical stance finds resonance in the context of the American revolutionary period, where competing political ideologies shaped historical narratives and cultural discourse. During the formative years of the new republic, official histories tended to lionize the patriots and the Whig movement, extolling the contributions of numerous writers, pamphleteers, poets, playwrights, and satirists who actively championed the cause of independence and played pivotal roles in shaping the political landscape. Conversely, scant attention was afforded to the loyalists or Tories, save for cursory mentions of their existence. Despite their significant numbers and the undeniable courage and intellect of their adherents, loyalists were marginalized in historical narratives, seemingly relegated to obscurity following the war's conclusion. However, archival evidence and historical records attest to the continued presence and influence of the loyalist movement. A comprehensive examination of loyalist perspectives offers a more nuanced understanding of the socio-political dynamics of the era, enriching our comprehension of the broader historical context and facilitating a more holistic reconstruction of historical circumstances. One of the poets who commanded a substantial readership during the Revolutionary War era, yet subsequently faded into relative obscurity, was Jonathan Odell. Born in 1737 into a family integral to the establishment of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, Odell's early life was marked by academic pursuits. He graduated from Princeton in 1754, briefly exploring a career in teaching before redirecting his focus to medical studies at Princeton, culminating in his graduation in 1757 (Edelberg 1983, 45). Embarking on a brief tenure as a surgeon in the British army stationed in the West Indies, Odell's disillusionment with the medical profession, steeped as it was in archaic practices of herb collection and leech application, prompted him to seek alternative paths. In 1763, a pivotal juncture emerged in Odell's trajectory with the patronage of William Franklin, then serving as the royal governor of New Jersey. Recognizing Odell's potential, Franklin facilitated his transition to theological studies, envisioning his ascent to the esteemed position of an Anglican priest and potentially the first Anglican bishop on American soil (Rendall 193). Against the backdrop of the Anglican Church's burgeoning influence in the colonies, particularly in the southern regions, Odell embraced his new role with fervor. Collaborating with Anglican clergy in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, Odell immersed himself in a milieu of intellectual and ambitious individuals, poised to leave an indelible mark on the religious and cultural landscape of colonial America (Edelberg 1987, 3). Amidst escalating unrest concerning the new colonial policy, Jonathan Odell embarked on a prolific venture of writing and publishing poems championing the cause of the Anglican Church. Swiftly, his name became synonymous with loyalist ideology. Nevertheless, it would be erroneous to attribute the genesis of this ideology solely to his 1774 poetic endeavors. Loyalist sentiments permeated the 1770s and early 1780s, with prescient warnings of impending anarchy materializing in the mid-1780s. Odell's poems during this epoch serve to corroborate these apprehensions (Potter 24). In his poem "A Certain Indian, in a Dream," penned in 1768, Odell unveiled his perspective on colonial events, notably the contentious Townshend Acts. Venturing to defend the Anglican Church amidst tumult, Odell delineated the strife fomented by Whigs, particularly concerning ecclesiastical matters. By elucidating the tensions inherent in colonial society, he underscored the apprehensions of Congregationalists regarding the advent of Anglican bishops in the colonies. The presence of Anglican clergy, with their established ties to Parliament and the monarch, assumed a menacing guise in colonial eyes, imperiling the religious and social liberties of the colonists. In this climate of uncertainty, Odell and fellow loyalists found their allegiance to the crown bolstered, prompting him to articulate his concerns and critiques through his poetic oeuvre (Bailyn 57). With the convocation of the First Continental Congress, the landscape of colonial life underwent a profound transformation. Colonists found themselves compelled to take sides in the increasingly inevitable conflict, facing the stark choice of remaining loyal to the king or aligning with the rebels. For an Anglican priest, this decision ostensibly bore less weight, as allegiance to the crown was presumed unless explicitly disclaimed (Calhoon 5). Yet, Jonathan Odell's trajectory was fraught with uncertainty and complexity. Some of his peers, previously allied with Washington or sympathetic to Whig sentiments, encountered ostracism within their ecclesiastical circles, prompting several to hastily retreat to England following the outbreak of unrest. Those who remained recognized their precarious reliance on Great Britain's assistance and the protective mantle of its military might. Nonetheless, Odell's verses poignantly depict the fragility and unpredictability of such support (Gould 7). In early 1774, the looming civil war between loyalists and patriots intensified as loyalists faced growing injustice from colonial authorities and angry mobs. Odell initially hoped for British victories under General William Howe, but eventually realized missed opportunities would lead to defeat. He suspected Howe intentionally avoided action due to rebel threats to sever trade ties. Odell's belief in negotiating with patriots cost loyalists dearly (Edelberg 1987, 37). Two years into the unrest, loyalists in Burlington, including Odell, faced mounting concerns over conflicts in the civil war and between colonies and Britain. Inspired by Governor Guy Carleton's success in expelling rebels from Quebec, Odell penned "The Tory Hunt," his first political poem in years (Cafferty 100-101). The poem underscored loyalists' reliance on British protection and expressed hope in Carleton's support. It mocked a failed expedition against loyalists, revealing Odell's dual intent: to criticize while acknowledging loyalists' capabilities. In "Song for a Fishing Party Near Burlington on the Delaware in 1776," Odell cautioned against individuals leading others to ruin for personal gain (Anderson 22). Meanwhile, as the Continental Congress gained power and loyalist resistance waned, Odell remained active. He commemorated King George's birthday with "Birth-day Ode" in 1776, praising British aid in past conflicts. The following year, "A Birthday Song" reiterated loyalty and predicted British triumph, aiming to reassure the king amid rebellion (Ibid., 23-25, 33-34). Meanwhile, Governor William Franklin was arrested for advocating New Jersey's withdrawal from further collaboration with other colonies and independent peace negotiations with Great Britain. Congressional oversight extended to monitoring loyalist activities, including Odell's, restricting his movement. Odell pledged to confine himself to the east side of the Delaware River and refrain from venturing beyond an eight-mile radius from the courthouse in Burlington (Wells 69). Despite petitioning Congress for travel permission due to pastoral duties, Odell's request was denied. This led him to compose the poem "Tis Large Indeed – Tis Monstrous Large He Cried" in late October 1776 (Anderson 25-28). Through the character Jorick, Odell depicted the legitimacy of British law enforcement and the portrayal of loyalty to the king as a criminal offense by Congress. Jorick's dialogue highlighted the hindrance to Odell's clerical duties, the curtailment of his movement, and the breakdown of communication with rebels. Odell's intention in composing the poem was to address familial and societal divisions within his parish and the potential preclusion of loyalists' success. The British secured significant victories, weakening the Continental Army's survival chances. Some Americans, including Declaration of Independence signatories, pledged allegiance to the King of Great Britain. Burlington, strategically positioned between the occupied Delaware and Philadelphia, became tense. In December 1776, deliberations occurred on the British army's plan to attack Philadelphia. With the Continental Congress relocating to Baltimore, loyalists in Philadelphia and Burlington were left vulnerable (Pickering 2018). By February 1777, Washington issued an ultimatum to New Jersey residents, forcing them to choose allegiance. Odell, like many loyalists, faced a dilemma and sought refuge in New York, a key bastion. Odell spent the subsequent seven years in New York, contributing to the war effort through his compositions of poetry, odes, ballads, and satires dedicated to the British general and his army. These works found publication in Rivington's New York Gazette, one of the few periodicals that championed loyalist ideology (Traister 472). Among his early compositions was the straightforwardly titled "Song" (Cafferty 111), released on April 23, 1777, in commemoration of St. George's Day, the patron saint of the British nation. In the initial two stanzas, Odell articulates a serene portrayal of the might and grandeur of the British army, almost presuming its universal recognition and requiring no further validation. Yet, a sharp contrast emerges in the concluding portion of the poem, marked by his impassioned summons to these very military forces to exact retribution. As General Howe's strategy for the occupation of Philadelphia began to take shape, loyalists in New York could once again entertain prospects of a favorable outcome. Odell subsequently enlisted in the British military forces and, in their company, embarked on a voyage bound for Philadelphia (Middlecauf 368). When Hove's occupation of Philadelphia unfolded, New York loyalists saw hope as Odell joined British forces sailing towards Philadelphia (Middlecauf 368). However, General Howe's missed opportunity at Brandywine dashed expectations. Despite the Paoli massacre, Howe eventually occupied Philadelphia, boosting loyalist optimism. Odell, now military chaplain and editor in Philadelphia, discontent with Howe's policies, cautiously expressed his views through "An Answer to the Declaration of the General Congress" essays, some under the pseudonym "Britannicus" (Edelberg 1987, 73). With Clinton replacing Howe in May 1778, Odell migrated to New York to maintain his writing job. Though faced with a treason resolution in absentia, the case against Odell was dismissed in 1787. Between 1778 and his service in New York on January 3, not much is recorded about Odell. However, he and Seabury continued publishing essays for Rivington's Royal Gazette throughout 1779. Odell's satirical poem "The Word of Congress" ridiculed the Continental Congress and its leaders, particularly targeting Thomas Paine (Anderson 35-45). In September 1779, "The Feu de Joie" celebrated British victories, urging colonists to reconsider their allegiance (Anderson 51-56). His subsequent satire "American times" (July 21, 1780) presented a scathing critique of revolutionary America, likening its leaders to Milton's fallen angels (Blakemore xv). Odell condemned the Congress for economic turmoil and characterized Washington as responsible for leading the people into war. He portrayed loyalists as defenders of truth against the forces of democracy. Odell concluded his poem, by expressing regret for succumbing to emotional turmoil but reaffirming his loyalty to Britain (Anderson 139-160). Like in his previous poems, the primary goal of this one was not to criticize the time in which he lived but to locate the present moment within a specific literary-historical text (Wells 105-106). He was aware that poetry was different from other forms of political rhetoric because it had the power to control the emotions of the colonists. Poems often arose as a response to certain events, and poets used various forms to achieve their ideological goals. They often resorted to satire to undermine the influences of their opponents or to parody when they wanted to exaggerate or just mimic what they were doing (Janjatović 55). In 1783, the Treaty of Paris formally concluded the Revolutionary War and acknowledged American sovereignty. For Odell and his fellow loyalists, this heralded the stark reality of inhabiting a nation they had opposed. With the British withdrawing their military forces and loyalist refugees seeking refuge in Canada and other British territories, Odell was compelled to deliberate his next course of action. As a gesture of gratitude for his advocacy and reinforcement of loyalist principles, Odell was appointed as the secretary of the province of New Brunswick, formerly part of Nova Scotia until 1784. In the ensuing years, Odell dedicated himself to the advancement of Brunswick, undertaking administrative duties, overseeing land grants, and facilitating the establishment of an institution of higher learning, later evolving into the University of New Brunswick in 1859 (Edelberg 1987, 149-162). Driven by his allegiance to loyalist ideals and political convictions, Odell traversed various locales throughout his lifetime. Initially residing in Burlington with his family—a wife and four children—he later journeyed to England, spending three years in London to pursue ordination as a priest in the Anglican Church. Subsequently accused of treason and fearing for his safety, he sought refuge in New York, where he aligned with the loyalist cause during the conflict, ultimately finding solace in Brunswick, Canada, post-war. While he found a semblance of tranquility in this nascent province and resumed his literary pursuits after an eighteen-year hiatus, he lamented the perceived lack of significant events in Brunswick to inspire his creativity (Traister 472). Odell served as the provincial secretary until 1812. Upon the outbreak of war in the same year, he resumed writing satires after an eighteen-year hiatus, despite his advanced age. Alongside poems imbued with this thematic focus, his later works also bore traces of personal introspection and simplicity. This breadth of poetic styles attests to his adeptness, honed over six decades of experience, in wielding linguistic expression. The final six years of his life were notably enriching, albeit occasionally overshadowed by bouts of illness. He maintained a keen interest in humanity, societal progress, and cultural pursuits, even undertaking the study of Hebrew in his twilight years (Anderson xvi). Throughout his lifetime, amidst his clerical and political obligations, Odell consistently carved out time for writing. Though he is predominantly remembered as a satirist who championed loyalist causes and contributed to the periodicals of his time, his literary significance transcends mere satire. Scant traces in his pre-revolutionary works hint at the potency of his linguistic expression and stylistic prowess, both of which flourished during the American Revolutionary War. While many writers of the revolutionary era drew inspiration from figures like Pope and Dryden, Odell's forceful critiques3 positioned him as a poet and satirist who rivaled—if not surpassed—his predecessors. The extent of his literary output remains obscured by the anonymity or pseudonymity under which many of his works were published, yet analysis of extant pieces significantly enriches our understanding of the era, its cultural milieu, and the experiences of loyalists during the American Revolutionary War.

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EPISTOLARNO SVJEDOČANSTVO GARIBALDINCA ĐAKOMA VIVALDI PASKVE O CRNOJ GORI

EPISTOLARNO SVJEDOČANSTVO GARIBALDINCA ĐAKOMA VIVALDI PASKVE O CRNOJ GORI

Author(s): Slavko Burzanović,Olivera Popović / Language(s): Montenegrine Issue: 47/2024

The uprising of the Ottoman subjects in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the summer of 1875 and the resulting complications in the Balkans from 1876 to 1878, involving Montenegro, Serbia, Bulgaria, and later Russia and other major powers, were closely followed by the Italian public. In the Balkan peoples’ uprising, Italy recognized its own experience of the Risorgimento, or national unification. A part of the Italian public, imbued with liberal ideas derived from figures like Mazzini and Garibaldi, supported the involvement of Italian volunteers in the insurgent ranks. On the other hand, Italian governments not only refrained from supporting the departure of their citizens to foreign battlefields but also endeavoured to prevent this through various administrative measures, given Italy's sound political and economic relations with the Ottoman Empire. The Austrian authorities also intervened by arresting and extraditing Italian citizens who attempted to cross from Dalmatia and the Bay of Kotor to Herzegovina and Montenegro, that is, to the arena of battle. The precise number of Italian volunteers, Garibaldians, in the insurgent ranks is not accurately determined. Estimates suggest there were between several dozen and four hundred of them. According to the assertions of the Montenegrin Prince Nikola, there were fewer than 40 Italian volunteers in Herzegovina. He particularly valued the moral contribution of the Italians to the uprising. According to the testimonies of Garibaldians, their strong motivation to come to Herzegovina was fueled by the affirmative news about the uprising spread by the Italian press. Upon arriving on the battlefield, their enthusiasm diminished, although the insurgents provided them with better living conditions than they themselves had. The Italians distinguished themselves in battles at Zupa, Duga, and Presjeka, and particularly in the Battle of Muratovica, during which, according to some sources, the insurgents, Montenegrins, and Italians charged shouting Garibaldi’s name. The Italian volunteers displayed ideological diversity, with a notable presence of supporters aligned with the Democratic International current. This group distanced itself from Montenegro, viewing the state as autocratic and accusing it of exploiting the uprising for personal gain. Rather than directly participating in Montenegrin units, these volunteers preferred to associate themselves with Mićo Ljubibratić, the insurgent leader in Herzegovina, around whom other foreign volunteers also congregated. Another liberal faction advocated for their volunteer group, referred to as their legion, to align with Montenegro. Some Garibaldians signaled their preferences by unfurling a red flag and declaring a republic in Sutorina. Garibaldi opposed these exaggerations, considering them detrimental. He closely monitored the uprising's progress, maintained communication with its leaders, and offered encouragement. Initially, he believed that support should funnel through the insurgent leader Mićo Ljubibratić. However, subsequent reports from trusted individuals, particularly Giacomo Vivaldi Paskva and Evgenije Popović, led him to the conclusion that it should be directed through Prince Nikola. The Prince had been aiding and overseeing the insurgent movement even before Montenegro officially entered the war. Garibaldi’s emissary, Marquis Giacomo Vivaldi Pasqua (1844– 1893), joined Garibaldi at the age of twenty. This Genoese nobleman participated in military campaigns in Poland, France, and Italy. His house was a meeting place for Italian patriots and revolutionaries, including Giuseppe Mazzini. Giacomo Vivaldi Pasqua is mentioned in the diaries and memoirs of several contemporaries, including Arso Pejović, Gavro Vuković, Martin Đurđević, and Evgenije Popović. These references highlight his close relationship with Prince Nikola and his almost idealized bravery. Described as a highly educated man with exceptional intellectual abilities and manners, Vivaldi Pasqua received particular praise from the Spanish writer and politician Emilio Castelar. Castelar, who served as the head of the First Spanish Republic from September 1873 to January 1874, penned a sort of ode to this Garibaldian and his libertarian aspirations: The soul of a hero, the imagination of fire, the character of iron, he devoted himself to liberty like a knight of the Middle Ages to his lady. While still a child, he followed Garibaldi in his expedition to Sicily, fighting at his side with a heroism that revived the ancient legends of Greece. Since then, wherever there has been a people oppressed in pain and anguish, wherever the sign of liberty has been raised, wherever the right has been fought for, whether in the prosperous days of Naples or in the adverse days of Mentana, both in the plains of Dijon and in the gorges of the Dougas, this son of his century, without counting the number of his enemies, has endured the fatigues of battle and the perils of death, to break the link in the chain of a slave and advance one minute the work of man in the pursuit of progress and realization of justice. Before arriving in Montenegro, the activities of Vivaldi Pasqua had been closely monitored by the Italian authorities. The General Secretary of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Codronchi, in a letter to the Prefect of Venice, expressed a certain interest in him. The letter states that Vivaldi Pasqua met Garibaldi in Rome on November 14 and then travelled on to Venice and Trieste. On February 8, 1876, Italian diplomat Cesare Durando reported to Visconti Venosta, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Italy, about Vivaldi Pasqua. Highlighting the ideological differences among the Italian volunteers heading to the Herzegovina battlefields, Durando classified Vivaldi Pasqua as a representative of the Italian aristocratic faction. The leader of one of the last groups to arrive on the Herzegovina battlefield, Iacopo Sgarallino from Livorno, who carried Garibaldi’s message to Prince Nikola, received instructions from Garibaldi on February 16 to coordinate his actions with Giacomo Vivaldi Pasqua. Although the marquis from Genoa is mentioned as leading the Italian unit in Garibaldi’s dispatch, and despite being mentioned in that context by news sources, it might be inferred that it was planned that Vivaldi Pasqua lead a unit in formation, expected to consist of around four hundred volunteers. However, this unit was not formed due to discord among the Garibaldians. While Montenegro was still officially neutral in the war, despite providing material and military assistance to the insurgents, Vivaldi Pasqua unwaveringly supported Prince Nikola in the disagreements between certain leaders of the Herzegovinian insurgents and the Montenegrin ruler and his dukes. He was convinced that Prince Nikola represented a realistic force capable of unifying the combat efforts of the Montenegrin army and the insurgents. Advocating these views and the belief that Herzegovina could not survive as a republic, which was a too enthusiastic goal of some Italian volunteers, brought him into conflict with fellow countrymen who supported the insurgent leader Ljubibratić. The conflict was of such a magnitude that Vivaldi Pasqua was sentenced to the harshest punishment by his fellow Italians at the selfproclaimed War Court, which was later commuted to expulsion from the volunteer ranks. The verdict was issued in the name of the nonexistent Republic of Sutorina. Due to the dwindling numbers of Garibaldians and the fact that Garibaldi’s emissary was in the ranks of the Montenegrin army, accompanying Prince Nikola, the idea of his expulsion was also impossible to realize in practical terms. Vivaldi Pasqua advocated for the proclamation of Prince Nikola as the ruler of Herzegovina, primarily out of fear that Austria-Hungary might occupy the territoriy. At that moment, the Prince’s acceptance would have meant an open and formal confrontation between Montenegro and the Ottoman Empire, for which Montenegro was not yet ready. It can be assumed that such an act would also have caused dissatisfaction among the European powers, a concern Prince Nikola also had to take into account. With the direct confrontation between Montenegro and the Ottoman Empire in July 1876, Vivaldi Pasqua found himself once again in the ranks of the Montenegrin army. Alfredo Serristori, a member of the Italian parliament, who visited Montenegro in August 1877 and published his impressions in the book Le rive della Dalmazia e il Montenegro the same year, was often in his company. Garibaldi's emissary served as his informant and guide in the field. Vivaldi Pasqua was the last Garibaldian to leave Montenegro. Recognizing the contribution of this Italian, the Montenegrin ruler honored him in 1876 for his courage and merits. Vivaldi Pasqua also left testimony about his experience on the Herzegovinian battlefield and in Montenegro. Many of his letters were intercepted and never reached their intended destination. Of those that are preserved, three selected ones were published in a special edition on the occasion of the wedding of Crown Prince Victor Emmanuel of Savoy and the Montenegrin Princess Jelena Petrović Njegoš in 1896. Italian readers were drawn to this publication by the Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia, Storia e Letteratura, with an introductory note that revealed the name of the letter’s recipient – Ferdinando Rezzasco. The Italian journal's interest in this two decades old correspondence can be explained by the need to provide readers with more information about the country of their queen-to-be, which was almost unknown to them prior to the wedding. Vivaldi Pasqua’s correspondence was chosen as evidence of the ties and the solidarity between Montenegrins and Italians in the past. In these letters, Garibaldi's emissary brings details of his journey to Montenegro and shares his impressions of the country and its people during a crucial historical moment. The first letter introduces Montenegro and the Montenegrins; the second provides more information about his journey and meeting Mićo Ljubibratić, while the third describes the Montenegrins' fighting style and provides considerations on the possible direction of the Eastern Question. Vivaldi Pasqua's depiction of Montenegro in the letters is marked by a glorifying tone, emphasizing characteristics that make this Balkan country and its people an example to be admired. The Montenegrins are portrayed as exceptionally honest, brave, and devoted patriots. This Garibaldian also presents Montenegro as an egalitarian society without economic or class stratification, a land where everyone has sufficient means to live, and extreme wealth and poverty are almost nonexistent. The author attributes much of this state of affairs to Montenegro's ruler, Nikola I Petrović Njegoš. In his letters, the Montenegrin sovereign is portrayed as an educated man and a democratically inclined reformer who significantly advanced Montenegro's educational, legislative, and economic position. In the letter to Garibaldi dated December 30, 1875, Vivaldi Pasqua strongly advocates the stance that aid should be directed towards Montenegro, both due to the better military organization and capabilities of the Montenegrin Prince and for social, economic, and political reasons. While Herzegovina languished under Turkish rule, Montenegro, according to Vivaldi Pasqua, had made visible progress in recent decades, evident in the construction of roads, the establishment of telegraph communication, the founding of a printing press, and the "mandatory, secular, and free" education provided in Montenegrin schools. Vivaldi Pasqua was keen on Italians firing the first insurgent cannon shot in this war. In case there was not enough money for it, he was prepared to purchase a cannon using his own personal funds. This nobleman was particularly inspired by the patriotism of the Montenegrins. In the third published letter addressed to Rezzasco, he describes the enthusiasm with which Montenegrins engaged in warfare, vigorously attacking fortified Turkish positions. Like other authors reporting on this war, he underscores the involvement of women in combat operations, mentioning that they are responsible for transporting food and ammunition. The enthusiasm for the Montenegrin struggle and the support that Vivaldi Pasqua aimed to provide, both through his actions and his writing, led him to identify with his trans-Adriatic neighbours, experiencing their aspirations as his own: "The goals of the Herzegovinian insurgents must be our goals as well: I say 'our' because from this moment, and until events dictate a different relationship, I consider myself a Montenegrin." This approach sets Vivaldi Pasqua apart form the array of Italian visitors who stayed in Montenegro during the 19th century and left written testimonies about their experiences. In terms of informational value, Vivaldi Pasqua's correspondence is significant as a testimony from a participant in the military operations who shares his own firsthand observations. It also influenced Garibaldi's decision to support one of the factions vying to lead the Herzegovinian uprising. Apart from its factual value, Vivaldi Pasqua's correspondence is also noteworthy for its travelogue-style portrayal of his experiences in Montenegro. While in his initial letters, he exhibits characteristics of an exote, focusing on the peculiarities that deviate from his own cultural conventions, he soon transforms into an assimilated traveler, ready to fully adopt the values of the social community he describes and to become a part of it. His depiction of Montenegro is built on elements that will become dominant in presenting this country to the Italian public just before and in the years following the Savoy-Petrović wedding.

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A New Research Agenda in International Relations, Theories of Historical Sociology and Russian “Civilizationism”

A New Research Agenda in International Relations, Theories of Historical Sociology and Russian “Civilizationism”

Author(s): Mikhail Maslovskiy / Language(s): English Issue: 15/2024

This paper considers new perspectives in international relations, civilizational analysis in recent historical sociology, and their relevance for contemporary Russian studies. The new research programs in international relations regard civilizations as discursive constructs and focus on the ways of institutionalization of political imaginaries. Sociological civilizational analysis devotes considerable attention to the historical legacies of civilizations and empires. However, this paper proposes revising the list of historical sociologists whose ideas are highly relevant for the study of today’s international relations. In particular, the paper discusses Johann P. Arnason’s relational perspective in contemporary civilizational analysis. At the same time, it can be argued that sociological civilizational analysis has been employed insufficiently in the field of Russian studies. Current discussions of Russian “civilizationism” focus on ideological discourses and mostly neglect the issue of historical legacies. The paper stresses the need to reconsider civilizational aspects of Russian politics.

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