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Integrácia ľudí s medzinárodnou ochranou na Slovensku. Hľadanie východísk
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Integrácia ľudí s medzinárodnou ochranou na Slovensku. Hľadanie východísk

Author(s): Miroslava Hlinčíková,Martina Sekulová / Language(s): Slovak

Miroslava Hlinčíková a Martina Sekulová v texte analyzujú integráciu ľudí s medzinárodnou ochranou v kontexte integračných programov vytvorených štátom, ktoré sú určené na podporu procesu začleňovania tejto skupiny do spoločnosti. V deviatich kapitolách pozorne sledujú reflexie verejných inštitúcií, mimovládneho sektora a utečencov a na ich základe formulujú odporúčania pre každú z oblastí integrácie. Snažia sa tak odpovedať na otázku, ako by sa dal integračný program nastaviť tak, aby mal na každodenný život a integráciu utečencov čo najpozitívnejší vplyv a aby dorovnal ich často ťažké začiatky na Slovensku. Publikáciu vydal Inštitút pre verejné otázky (IVO), s podporou vedeckého projektu ÚEt SAV Občianske aktivity ako determinant udržateľného rozvoja mesta (etnologický pohľad), VEGA č. 2/0024/14.

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ISOLATION CONFIRMED. How the EU is undermining its interests in Kosovo
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ISOLATION CONFIRMED. How the EU is undermining its interests in Kosovo

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

This report highlights the discriminatory treatment of Kosovars – whether they are Kosovo Albanians, Kosovo Serbs, Kosovo Roma, Kosovo Bosniaks, or Kosovo Ashkali and Egyptians – by the European Union in the context of the EU‟s visa policy. || This paper explores what has happened in the last twelve months in detail. It argues that the EU has demanded things from Kosovo to be allowed to start a visa liberalisation process than it had not demanded from all other Western Balkan countries. Importantly, our analysis shows that in fact Kosovo has met even those additional demands. Nevertheless, it is still kept out in the cold.

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SAVING VISA-FREE TRAVEL. Visa, asylum and the EU roadmap policy
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SAVING VISA-FREE TRAVEL. Visa, asylum and the EU roadmap policy

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Since the visa requirement was lifted for Western Balkan countries in 2009, there has been a sharp increase in claims for political asylum by citizens of the region. Barely any of these applicants qualify for asylum. Rather, they are benefitting from national asylum rules that provide relatively generous benefits during the application process. || This paper proposes two possible solutions. One is to address the problem at the national level. Those states that have seen a sharp increase in applications from the Balkans could radically shorten their procedures. They could follow the example of Switzerland, which has recently introduced a 48-hour procedure for applicants from safe European countries like the Balkans. The other option is to tackle the problem at the EU level. The EU should label countries that have completed a visa liberalisation process as “safe countries of origin”, allowing for lighter and quicker processing procedures. We believe that the ideal response would be to pursue both solutions in parallel.

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MONTENEGRO: DEUTSCHLANDS BALKANSTIPENDIEN – Asyl und der Rožaje-Exodus
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MONTENEGRO: DEUTSCHLANDS BALKANSTIPENDIEN – Asyl und der Rožaje-Exodus

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): German

In 2015, many Montenegrins went directly to the Braunschweig reception centre; when an NGO visited it in June it met hundreds of people from northern Montenegro. There, Halima and her relatives filled out a form. They provided personal data and fingerprints. They did not have to explain then why they applied for asylum (they did this in an interview a few weeks later, referring to their desperate economic situation). They spent the first three days in the reception centre, before being taken to a hostel. Two weeks later, they were assigned a house in a village near Bremen. A social worker visited them regularly to see how they were doing; there were bikes provided for them to move around. In late August, they were allocated a house with two floors in a small town closer to a kindergarten for Halima’s daughter. “It is equipped with modern household appliances and there is even a garden,” they told relatives in their village. In addition to free housing and health care, the five receive a total of € 1,290 per month. This is more than five times the monthly salary in the private sector in their municipality. It means even more for them; in their village, almost nobody has a job and many households do not get any social aid.

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MONTENEGRO: GERMANY’S BALKAN STIPENds – Asylum and the Rožaje exodus
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MONTENEGRO: GERMANY’S BALKAN STIPENds – Asylum and the Rožaje exodus

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

In 2015, many Montenegrins went directly to the Braunschweig reception centre; when an NGO visited it in June it met hundreds of people from northern Montenegro. There, Halima and her relatives filled out a form. They provided personal data and fingerprints. They did not have to explain then why they applied for asylum (they did this in an interview a few weeks later, referring to their desperate economic situation). They spent the first three days in the reception centre, before being taken to a hostel. Two weeks later, they were assigned a house in a village near Bremen. A social worker visited them regularly to see how they were doing; there were bikes provided for them to move around. In late August, they were allocated a house with two floors in a small town closer to a kindergarten for Halima’s daughter. “It is equipped with modern household appliances and there is even a garden,” they told relatives in their village. In addition to free housing and health care, the five receive a total of € 1,290 per month. This is more than five times the monthly salary in the private sector in their municipality. It means even more for them; in their village, almost nobody has a job and many households do not get any social aid.

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EGE’DE SEYRÜSEFER. AB’nin Mülteciler ve Yunan Adaları Hakkında. Bilmesi ve Söylemesi Gerekenler. Bir Siyaset Önerisi
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EGE’DE SEYRÜSEFER. AB’nin Mülteciler ve Yunan Adaları Hakkında. Bilmesi ve Söylemesi Gerekenler. Bir Siyaset Önerisi

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Turkish

This paper has one simple purpose: it is an appeal to European institutions to improve their reporting on what is actually happening on Lesbos, Chios, and other Greek islands. The information that is needed to assess the implementation of the EU-Turkey agreement is straightforward and should be presented in a weekly update. The fact that this does not exist yet is troubling. It raises the possibility that European institutions do not have this information. It also suggests that the implementation of the EU-Turkey agreement is not proceeding as foreseen, and that the EU support mission to Greece resembles a vessel sailing in the dark, without instruments, without a captain, which might hit a rock at any moment.

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Citizenship and Naturalization Among Turkish Skilled Migrants
9.99 €

Citizenship and Naturalization Among Turkish Skilled Migrants

Author(s): Deniz Yetkin Aker / Language(s): English

This study focuses on three main questions: What does citizenship mean for immigrants? Why do some immigrants decide to acquire host countries’ citizenship while others do not? Do citizenship and migration policies of countries (such as Canada and Germany) are related to the decision-making process of immigrants? More specifically, the objective of the study is to investigate high-skilled and business Turkish immigrants (HSBTI) who moved to Germany and Canada between 2000 and 2010. It is expected that immigrants’ naturalization decisions and conceptualization of citizenship are related to countries’ migration and citizenship policy approaches (such as restricted or multiculturalist). With respect to high-skilled and business Turkish immigrants, this study put forwards the view that host country citizenship and migration policy (whether it is restricted or multicultural); economic, social and political benefits and costs of host country’s citizenship; and individuals’ conceptualization of citizenship (as a sense of belonging or commodity) influence their naturalization decisions.This study focuses on three main questions: What does citizenship mean for immigrants? Why do some immigrants decide to acquire host countries’ citizenship while others do not? Do citizenship and migration policies of countries (such as Canada and Germany) are related to the decision-making process of immigrants? More specifically, the objective of the study is to investigate high-skilled and business Turkish immigrants (HSBTI) who moved to Germany and Canada between 2000 and 2010. It is expected that immigrants’ naturalization decisions and conceptualization of citizenship are related to countries’ migration and citizenship policy approaches (such as restricted or multiculturalist). With respect to high-skilled and business Turkish immigrants, this study put forwards the view that host country citizenship and migration policy (whether it is restricted or multicultural); economic, social and political benefits and costs of host country’s citizenship; and individuals’ conceptualization of citizenship (as a sense of belonging or commodity) influence their naturalization decisions.

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Elite Migrants: South Asian Doctors in the UK
9.99 €

Elite Migrants: South Asian Doctors in the UK

Author(s): Yasmin Ghazala Farooq / Language(s): English

This book makes a major contribution to the community cohesion literature and adds a new dimension to our understanding of community cohesion in the UK. Previous research in this area has remained overly focused on the experiences of low/semi skilled migrants. The author provides an analysis of her funded empirical research that investigated the first time the integration experiences of overseas-trained South Asian doctors in three different UK geographical locales. She reflects on their experiences from the point of migration to settlement in the UK society and describes this elite group as existing somewhere between privilege and marginalisation. The book highlights how identities are more plural than discourses of belonging often allow.

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Refugee Crisis in International Policy - Volume III: Refugee Policies of the International Organizations
12.00 €

Refugee Crisis in International Policy - Volume III: Refugee Policies of the International Organizations

Author(s): / Language(s): English

This six-volume book series titled “Refugee Crisis in International Politics” are prepared with the aim of clarifying concepts and challenges in this field. The role of the international organizations in formulation, development and evolution of refugee policies is the focus of the contributions in the third volume. We have eight chapters presented as follows: Doğan Şafak Polat “United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and its Relations with the other United Nations’ Organs”; Ebru Gür and Soyalp Tamçelik “Interagency Cooperation between UNHCR and ILO (International Labour Organization) on the Promotion of Refugees Right to Work”; Ebru Gür and Soyalp Tamçelik “Demographic Reports of UNHCR for Refugees”; İsmail Melih Baş “The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and Migrants / Migration”; Dinçer Bayer “Refugee Policy of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)”; Adnan Seyaz “NATO and the Current Refugee Crisis Prospects and Challenges”; Furkan Yıldız “Refugee Policies of Council of Europe”; and Hazar Dördüncü “The Impact of International Trade Organizations on the Refugee Crisis”.

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Il fenómeno migratorio in Puglia
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Il fenómeno migratorio in Puglia

Author(s): Michela C. Pellicani / Language(s): Italian

"Non migrano i più deboli, non solcano i mari lasciando dietro di sé la Patria e la famiglia, i più pavidi, ma, nella grande generalità, coloro per i quali la vita è battaglia e l’animo è abbastanza forte per combatterla anche nelle più difficili condizioni."

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Religion, Religious Groups and Migration
12.00 €

Religion, Religious Groups and Migration

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The relationship between religion, religious groups, and migration is an important topic of recent social science debate. Migration affects all aspects of the lives of those who have left their homes, including facets characterized as religious. Religion and religious identity are linked to social, cultural, and political issues, including integration, identity negotiation, diasporic community formation, interreligious dialogue, and religious pluralism. On the one hand, migration can change religious cultures, rituals, and traditions through the experience of mobility and the response of the host country. On the other hand, religious groups can encourage migration. In this context, new forms of transnational interaction and organization have emerged that contribute to the reformulation of community and identity. In some cases, such changes can lead to new conflicts and even trigger religious radicalization. This edited book consists of essays that bring together various perspectives on religious groups and their migration processes in different geographical regions. The aim is to empirically analyze the discourse and practices of national and transnational religious groups while investigating the relationship of religion and migration to political, historical, cultural, and social transitions. The book brings together academics and practitioners from different countries through interdisciplinary approaches that will be of interest to a wide readership of scholars and practitioners.

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EU Response to the Migration Crisis: Too Little, But Not Too Late - As it faces mounting criticism over its lacklustre response to the migration emergency in the Mediterranean, the EU needs a plan to address causes as well as symptoms of the crisis
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EU Response to the Migration Crisis: Too Little, But Not Too Late - As it faces mounting criticism over its lacklustre response to the migration emergency in the Mediterranean, the EU needs a plan to address causes as well as symptoms of the crisis

Author(s): Benjamin Tallis / Language(s): English

The causes of the migration crisis in the Mediterranean are multiple and complex. Rather than just attempting to alleviate its symptoms, the EU must address them to protect migrants, safeguard the Schengen zone and act as a force for good in the world. Large flows of refugees and economic migrants who are unable to enter the EU through regular routes seek the help of people smugglers to enter the EU. Smugglers have been able to operate with impunity in the wake of Libyan state collapse and operate dangerous routes and dangerous practices of travel. Incoherent EU policies on Schengen solidarity and refugee resettlement have lead to a muddled and ineffective response, which is informed by xenophobic discourse and is an insult to the EU’s history and values. Failure to establish offshore asylum-processing and inadequate Search and Rescue (SAR) efforts have compounded the situation. After a disappointing first response, the EU needs to formulate short, medium and long term plans to address the causes of the crisis.

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Exil a identita: Posrpnový exil v Rakousku a Švýcarsku
29.34 €

Exil a identita: Posrpnový exil v Rakousku a Švýcarsku

Author(s): Ondřej Haváč / Language(s): Czech

Is it possible to feel oneself to be a member of a nation after living half a century in a foreign country? This book, which deals with Czech exiles in Austria and Switzerland after 1968, answers the question and describes how the integration of Czechoslovak refugees in host countries manifests in their perceptions of national identity. The monograph is based on archival and oral sources acquired during field research in Austria and Switzerland conducted from 2011 to 2015. The analysis focuses on the description of the process of integration of newcomers in the host countries as well as on the understanding of changes in the refugees’ identification with the Czech nation.

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Women, Peace and Security in the Western Balkans : Independent review of translation of UNSCR 1325 in to the policies in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia
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Women, Peace and Security in the Western Balkans : Independent review of translation of UNSCR 1325 in to the policies in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The adoption of UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security was heavily influenced by the experiences of gender-based violence, exclusion of women-led peace initiatives, and the reinforcement of traditional gender roles during the Yugoslav wars. Women’s civil society organizations (CSOs) and the international community spearheaded efforts to increase women's roles in conflict resolution and security governance. Despite the resolution's adoption, it took over a decade for its principles to be integrated into national policies in the Western Balkans. Women's CSOs played a critical role in advocating for human security and gender equality, although they were often marginalized and labeled as adversaries by nationalist political regimes. Momentum for mainstreaming UNSCR 1325 only grew after international actors supported its agenda in the region, particularly during the resolution's tenth-anniversary preparations. Governments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, Macedonia, and Kosovo developed National Action Plans (NAPs), while Montenegro and Albania chose alternative approaches. These efforts primarily focused on internal reforms aimed at gender equality and security sector transformation, rather than addressing the legacies of conflict or prioritizing foreign policy. This study reviews the initial implementation of UNSCR 1325 in selected Western Balkan countries, analyzing the effectiveness of NAPs and alternative strategies. It highlights the challenges and opportunities encountered in aligning gender equality with security reforms. The findings offer insights for countries in the region and beyond as they continue to develop or refine their approaches to the Women, Peace, and Security agenda.

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PrEUgovor : Report on Progress of Serbia in Chapters 23 and 24
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PrEUgovor : Report on Progress of Serbia in Chapters 23 and 24

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Over the past six months, the coalition PrEUgovor has been monitoring the state of play regarding the key policy areas in the process of Serbia’s accession to the EU. These areas include the political criteria and policies covered under chapters 23 and 24 of the European acquis in the negotiation process. The monitored period was marked by two key events: the release of Screening Reports for chapters 23 and 24 by the European Commission, and drafting of the Action Plans for these two chapters. Additionally, the Progress Report for Serbia for 2014 was released by the EC in October, so this report is envisaged as a commentary and an update to this document. This report presents concrete case studies, well researched and documented by the coalition’s members, in order to illustrate problems in the areas covered. Lastly, it also contains comments on the Action Plan draft for chapter 23. Generally, the progress in the areas covered by the PrEUgovor report can best be described as uneven and erratic. When it comes to normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo no progress was achieved, mostly due to elections and the inability to form the government in Pristina. Although there was change in legislation regarding civilian oversight of the security sector, the opportunity to systematically regulate this area was missed. The area of the fight against corruption witnessed partial progress with the adoption of new regulations, although the opportunity was missed to fulfil anti-corruption goals to a greater extent. In the area of the protection of women from gender-based violence, protection of children and protection of the victims of violence there was no further progress. In the migration and asylum policy areas no substantial progress was achieved. The same goes for the fight against human trafficking where there still exist numerous obstacles on the path towards full harmonization of domestic legal system with the European standards.

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CSD Policy Brief No. 83: Standards for Forced-Return Monitoring in Bulgaria.
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CSD Policy Brief No. 83: Standards for Forced-Return Monitoring in Bulgaria.

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The issue of forced-return monitoring is a constituent part of the common European return policy, which is regarded as one of the highest priorities of the common EU migration policy. A primary objective of the EU return policy is to scale up return rates in proportion to the total number of return decisions issued through strengthening the Member States’ return capacity, as well as in cooperation with and by providing support to the countries of origin and transit.

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What price do Serbia and Macedonia have to pay to save the EU?
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What price do Serbia and Macedonia have to pay to save the EU?

Author(s): Michal Vít / Language(s): English

The Balkan route used by migrants coming to Europe was closed in mid-March 2016 with a stricter regime placed for border protection between Greece and Macedonia, Bulgaria and Serbia, and between Serbia and Hungary. In order to limit the flow of migrants on the external border of the EU– in Serbia especially - and to some extent between specific EU states, Serbia and Macedonia were put into an unenviable situation. Even though the route is officially closed for those who do not have guaranteed the right of asylum, the Arbeiter Samariter Bund (ASB) estimates that the number of migrants crossing the border into Serbia still grows daily by about 100 people. These people were detained by the Serbian police and army or, decided to register themselves in one of the Serbian asylum centres; there are also some who decide not to register with the Serbian authorities and to stay in a “grey zone”.

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Nový pakt o migraci a azylu a budoucnost migrační politiky
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Nový pakt o migraci a azylu a budoucnost migrační politiky

Author(s): Christian Kvorning Lassen,Vladimír Bartovic / Language(s): Czech

The New Pact on Migration and Asylum represents a paradigm shift in the EU's external and internal approach to migration. The proposal recognises the need to restore trust in the asylum and migration system while stimulating fair responsibility-sharing and solidarity, while externally focusing on a stronger focus on protecting the EU's external borders and a more effective return policy. Home Affairs Commissioner Ylva Johansson preemptively stated that no one would be satisfied with the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, but that "failure is simply not an option". She also stressed that migration is necessary and has always been and will always be part of Europe's heritage. Despite this softening of expectations, the initiative was generally welcomed by Member States. However, fundamental differences persist between Member States in their perceptions of migration and its management, in particular in the area of a fair balance between solidarity and responsibility. However, inaction would allow a repeat of the migration crisis, which would be unsustainable from both a humanitarian and political perspective. The new pact essentially seeks to reconcile the duty to protect with security concerns alongside humanitarian principles, without losing the domestic political capital of EU member state leaders, dilemmas that threatened EU cohesion during the migration crisis.

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Položaj i potrebe dece i majki migranata iz Rusije u Srbiji
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Položaj i potrebe dece i majki migranata iz Rusije u Srbiji

Author(s): Tanja Pavlov,Vladimir Petronijević / Language(s): Serbian

Serbia is traditionally a transit country for child and adult refugees and migrants seeking safety and a better life in Europe, traveling along the so-called Balkan route, which is evidenced by the small number of asylum seekers in Serbia. However, Serbia is increasingly becoming a destination country for foreign nationals. During 2023, more than 52,000 work permits were issued to foreign nationals, which is a jump of almost 70% compared to the previous year. The most numerous immigration to the Republic of Serbia in 2022 and 2023 were citizens of the Russian Federation - 22,351 and 41,644 persons, of which 45.6% were women in both years.2 In 2023, 24,068 citizens of the Russian Federation received approval for temporary residence for the first time, which makes up 53% of the approvals issued. Of the total number of approvals issued for the first time to citizens of Russia, 10,768 are on the basis of family reunification, which makes up 78.5% of certificates issued on that basis. Precisely because they are the most numerous immigrant group in Serbia and the largest percentage of all immigrants obtain temporary residence based on family reunification, our intention was to determine to what extent they exercise their basic rights and what is the quality of their integration in Serbia, with a focus on women and children. The research findings should contribute to the improvement of integration mechanisms for all children and adult foreigners in key spheres of social life in Serbia.

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A Regional MIPEX Assessment of the Western Balkans
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A Regional MIPEX Assessment of the Western Balkans

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) is a comprehensive, interactive tool that measures and compares integration policies in 40 countries, assessing how well immigrants are given equal rights, opportunities, and support. It uses 167 detailed indicators based on public laws and international standards, providing policymakers and civil society with insights to evaluate and improve their integration strategies. MIPEX findings reveal that while some countries, especially newer immigration nations like those in the Western Balkans, have made legal progress, they still face major challenges due to discretionary procedures and limited access to full societal participation.

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