International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations

Author(s): Joanna Dobrowolska-Polak / Language(s): English

The moral obligation of solidarity – present in every religion – and the wayit functions in the relations between states, nations and people belongingto foreign ethnic, national and religious groups, have been discussed in theinternational arena for several years.The rule of solidarity is an ethical imperative that gives the right and imposesthe obligation to act whenever a human being experiences harm thataffects his mental and physical well-being or threatens his life. Accordingto John Paul II, “Solidarity is (…) a firm and persevering determination tocommit oneself to the common good; that is to say to the good of all and ofeach individual, because we are all really responsible for all”1. Tenzin Gjaco,the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet says that when people demand the rights andfreedoms they cherish, they should not also forget about responsibilitiesthey have towards other people. “If we accept that others have an equal rightto peace and happiness as ourselves do we not have a responsibility to helpthose in need?”2. He claims that if we close our eyes to the suffering of othersto enjoy our freedom and success, we reject the responsibility. That is why it isabsolutely necessary to develop interest in the problems of others - individualsand entire nations3.

Przyszłość NATO - trudne decyzje

Author(s): Jadwiga Kiwerska / Language(s): Polish

Is NATO, which has been in existence for over 60 years, still the fundamental political and military structure guaranteeing security and stability in Europe - as it has been for decades? To what extent should the Pact be an element and factor of security on a global scale - what do the challenges of today require? Can NATO still operate effectively and be a credible alliance in the current conditions and in the face of new threats? These are some of the questions that should be asked before we begin to develop a new strategic doctrine for the Alliance. This, in turn, must resolve several fundamental issues that are important for making NATO more dynamic and getting it out of a critical juncture.

Dubrovnik: “Rat za mir”

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

I nakon petnaest godina od višemesečne opsade Dubrovnika, u Srbiji još uvek nema spremnosti da se prihvati istina o učešću srpske strane u napadu na ovaj grad, posebno kada je reč o učešću JNA u njemu. Svako pominjanje razaranja Dubrovnika nailazi na rezervu i nevericu u pogledu razmera razaranja, a često sledi i sumnja da je to ipak bila “hrvatska ujdurma” koja je imala za cilj sticanje nezavisnosti. Zbog toga je ova knjiga namenjena, pre svega, srbijanskoj i crnogorskoj javnosti. Pred čitaocem je kompilacija tekstova koje je priredio Branko Vojčić, novinar iz Podgorice. Namera je izdavača da upozna čitaoca sa hronologijom i pripremama za rat, ne samo na dubrovačkom ratištu, već i u celoj Hrvatskoj. Krajem avgusta 1991. godine, JNA je zauzela Kijevo (hrvatsko selo okruženo teritorijom pod srpskom kontrolom u blizini Knina) i krenula ka Vukovaru. Hrvatska je, potom, blokirala kasarne i druge objekte JNA širom svoje teritorije. Zatim je JNA opkolila Vukovar i bombardovala ga dva meseca, dok nije pao, u novembru 1991. godine. Opsada Vukovara postala je simbol hrvatske borbe za nacionalno oslobođenje i privukla je pažnju međunarodne zajednice. Istovremeno, granatiranje Dubrovnika uzbudilo je celokupnu svetsku javnost. Reagujući na to, Matija Bećković na Drugom kongresu srpskog ujedinjenja u Čikagu kaže: “... iz oplakivanja gradova koji nisu postradali vidi se ravnodušnost prema hiljadama ljudi koji su pobijeni. Ispada da bi Hitler, da se sklonio u Dubrovnik, bio pod zaštitom UNESCO”.

Międzynarodowa pozycja Kanady (2006–2018)

Author(s): Marcin Gabryś,Magdalena Marczuk-Karbownik,Tomasz Soroka / Language(s): Polish

The book Międzynarodowa pozycja Kanady (2006-2018)] [International position of Canada (2006-2018)] consists of three chapters written by three different scholars. Each chapter identifies and analyzes specific factors that have determined the position Canada holds in the contemporary international relations. The first chapter is devoted to the assessment of Canada's foreign policy during Stephen Harper’s prime ministership (2006-2015). This part of the book distinguishes and analyzes four basic elements of Stephen Harper's foreign policy doctrine: the need to keep a broad conservative coalition and to include the values and interests of this group of voters (as well as the personal views of the prime minister) in the formulation of foreign policy; the emphasis on the need to increase the role of the military sphere in building the international position of Canada; the redefinition of Ottawa's attitude to multilateralism; the importance of the economic sphere of international relations, especially international trade and the export of Canada’s natural resources, particularly energy resources. The second chapter is focused on the most contemporary Canadian foreign policy, as it was conducted by the Justin Trudeau government in the years 2015-2018. The chapter presents both the main theoretical assumptions of the Trudeau foreign policy doctrine and its practical implementation in such spheres of external policy as Canada's activity in the fora of multilateral international organizations, particularly in the contexts of peace-building and peacekeeping, immigration and refugee policies and bilateral economic relations between Canada and the U.S. The third chapter analyzes Canadian foreign policy towards Central and Eastern Europe between 2014 and 2018. The chapter proves that firm attitude towards Russia (especially sharp rhetoric and imposition of economic sanctions), military engagement within NATO and its reassurance measures in promoting security in Central and Eastern Europe, political, financial and military support for Ukraine, and closer cooperation with Poland can be considered as good exemplifications of Harper`s doctrine in Canadian foreign policy. The large Polish and Ukrainian diasporas in Canada, and their influence on politics in Ottawa is a very important factor as well. The Liberal government of Justin Trudeau has different foreign policy goals – it regards the necessity of a political dialog with Russia in other fields. However, Trudeau declares willingness to prolong supporting measures for Ukraine and commitment to NATO.

China’s junior partner. Russia’s Korean policy

Author(s): Witold Rodkiewicz / Language(s): English

Russia’s long-term goal is to prevent the reunification of the Korean peninsula under the aegis of the United States and to weaken the US ’s position in the region. Its short-term goal is to avert the danger of an outbreak of armed conflict on the peninsula and the possible collapse of North Korea. Russia’s support for the reunification of the two Korean states is purely declaratory; in practice the Kremlin is striving to maintain the political status quo on the peninsula. At the same time, Russia wants to maximise its influence by developing economic relations and maintaining political contacts with both Koreas. Moscow does not view the denuclearisation of North Korea as one of its priorities. Its approach to Pyongyang’s nuclear programme is instrumental; in Moscow’s eyes, although the program poses certain risks for Russia, it also opens a number of opportunities. The course of the crisis so far has demonstrated that Russia does not have sufficient tools to influence the course of events. As a consequence, it has had to accept a role as China’s ‘junior partner’ in the Korean issue.

Ratni zločin na Kazanima – presude (2020)

Author(s): Ljubinka Petrović-Ziemer / Language(s): Bosnian

The Kazani case has been known to the Sarajevo public since 1993, when the independent magazine Dani wrote about the murders of the non-Bosniak population near Sarajevo. The number of people killed at Kazani pit has never been officially determined, and twenty years later is the subject of frequent debates. The key date on the issue of this war crime is October 26, 1993, when the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MUP) and the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBIH) organized the operation “Trebević”, with the aim of dealing with “criminals within their own ranks”, against the commander 10th Mountain Brigade Mušan Topalović Caco and the commander of the 9th Motorized Brigade Ramiz Delalić Ćelo. Topalović and his men killed nine MUP members during the arrest, and Topalović himself was dead a few hours after the arrest. The official version says: “killed while trying to escape”.

Priručnik svjetskog etosa za osnovne škole

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

„Priručnik svjetskog etosa za osnovne škole“ namijenjen je nastavnicima osnovnih škola s ciljem približavanja koncepcije svjetskog etosa učenicima na razumljiv i zanimljiv način. Iz tog je razloga posebna pažnja posvećena kontekstualizaciji svjetskog etosa u iskustveni svijet učenika da bi se u svim školskim predmetima i školskom životu općenito dodatno osnažile sastavnice etičkog učenja, mirovnog učenja, dijaloga kultura i religija, i to uz komplementarno korištenje nereligioznih i religioznih etičko-motivacijskih resursa.

Formy mocarstwowości we współczesnym świecie – studium przypadków

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

The monograph analyzes the military, economic and political power of selected countries. It contains case studies especially on those actors of international relations who either aspire to the role of great powers or have come to terms with their rank of "middle power". The potential of the European Union or India predestines them to strive for a place among the most significant actors on the international arena. Japan, Canada and South Korea, in turn, being aware of the limits of their power, focus rather on strengthening the existing international order or balancing between great powers.

Exploratory research report on the information environment in a political and security crisis context in the Sahel Region

Author(s): Adib Bencherif,Marie-Eve Carignan / Language(s): English

It can be daunting to describe media dynamics at the scale of a country, or even a group of bordering countries, such as those in the Sahel, given the profusion of what can be considered media productions and the complexity of the connections between them. The countries of the Sahel region are also strongly influenced by external media productions that are often locally accessible. Indeed, these external productions have an impact on the international understanding of the region’s issues. This fact in turn has a significant impact on the sources selected in the monitoring on the Sahel region. We are talking about a media ecosystem rooted in complex and fragile relationships of trust toward different epistemic sources and a relative understanding of the media world, characterized by practices of re-appropriation and information-sharing. Media systems in the Sahel did not wait for the emergence of the Internet to become decentralized, but intrinsically featured rumours and orality. The importance of local radio stations across the region is a manifestation of this today. Understanding this complex world requires an examination of the uses of the media, the messages they convey, the sources they utilize, processes of interpreting content, and the socio-political impact of the content in question.

Information Laundering via Baltnews on Telegram: How Russian State-Sponsored Media Evade Sanctions and Narrate the War

Author(s): Martha Stolze / Language(s): English

Information has long been used as a foreign policy tool by the Kremlin. Most recently the Russian attack on Ukraine has prompted a new wave of research into the way pro-Kremlin messaging is spread in Western countries and to what effect. This study examines a specific form of information influence campaigns (IICs): information laundering (IL). IL is a compilation of deception techniques and thus has the potential to change readers’ beliefs and attitudes. Overall, the study presents a refined, systematic, and reproducible way to identify which current IL attempts target the audience of a specific Telegram channel, and which networks of websites are behind these attempts. It also asks which potential framing biases the audience could be influenced by and with what strategic aim.

The Russian Catastrophe and Chances to Overcome It

Author(s): Andrey Borisovich Zubov / Language(s): English

I was asked to give a series of lectures on Russian history, which I did, uniting them under the general title of the “Reasons for the Russian Catastrophe of the 20th Century and Possibilities to overcome it”. I believed then, as I do now, that it is an essential topic to study in order to try to answer two closely related questions: Why in the twentieth century, after the Bolshevik coup, Russia has been a constant source of aggression? and Is there any hope that Russia can change radically, stop being an aggressor and become a peace-loving democratic nation like the EU and NATO countries? I tried to suggest my answers in the six lectures I gave in Brno between October and November 2022 in English. The university later proposed to publish them as a short book. I agreed with enthusiasm, hoping that my texts would contribute to a better understanding of the tragic fate of my people in past and present centuries, the processes that led to the war, and thus to the building of a more lasting peace once it is over.

Virtual Manipulation Brief - Verified Propagandists and the Hamas-Israel War

Author(s): Rolf Fredheim / Language(s): English

In this issue of the Virtual Manipulation Brief, we identified 117 pro-Kremlin accounts—including notorious Z bloggers—who purchased verified status on X. This meant they could monetise fake news through X’s ad revenue-sharing feature. It also boosted their visibility – the newly verified propaganda accounts received more than twice as many views per post, on average. In October 2023, Kremlin propaganda shifted sharply in response to the HamasIsrael conflict. Pro-Kremlin accounts played a significant role in propagating disinformation, weaving narratives that linked the conflict to Ukraine. The Russian operation adopted a strongly anti-Israeli stance. It advanced a narrative that the US-backed Israel is responsible for killing babies in Gaza. It was transparently aimed at rehabilitating Russia’s image on the global stage and diverting attention from Russia’s activities in Ukraine. In the six months spanning May to October 2023, the conversation surrounding NATO in the Baltics and Poland centred on the NATO summit in Vilnius, the reaction to Wagner troops deploying near the Belarussian border, and a drone attack in Pskov. We examine VKontakte’s evolution into a multi-purpose platform, the Kremlin’s ‘everything app’. VK has expanded to incorporate features mimicking major Western platforms. It aligns closely with governmental interests and has become an essential tool in Russia’s digital infrastructure. Autumn 2023 brought significant new potential for AI-driven social media analysis. New multi-modal AI can handle complex audio, image, and text input combinations. This makes it possible to do better in-depth meme analysis and analyse videos. In 2024, we intend to apply these tools to analysing content on TikTok and YouTube. We conclude with an overview of the latest developments in social media manipulation, from the deluge of fake photos claiming to show scenes of suffering in Gaza to the emerging trend of artificial audio content targeting political opponents.

Virtual Manipulation Brief - Hijacking Reality - The Increased Role of Generative AI in Russian Propaganda

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

More than two years after Russia began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, coordinated groups on social media continue to pose a significant threat, now compounded by the use of generative AI content, as detailed in this report. Our research highlights the mixed use of coordinated groups on social media, automated cross-referencing, and AI-generated content. We have identified 17 coordinated groups of accounts for 344 sources. The Virtual Manipulation Brief 2023/1 noted the limited capacity of social media platforms to manage coordinated inauthentic behavior and the increasing focus on AI in information operations. However, as of early 2024, various AI tools are widely used, potentially amplifying the effectiveness of information campaigns and reducing production and distribution costs. Large Language Models (LLMs) are actively used to create information threats. We have identified automated groups leveraging LLMs to generate noise and scrape websites to repost political news content. These groups extend their activities beyond websites, incorporating social media accounts for broader content distribution. They employ automated dynamic cross-referencing of network accounts, significantly amplifying the reach and impact of their threats without requiring additional funds. AI-generated comments on Twitter (now X) and Facebook simulate political discussions on sensitive topics. Attempts to prompt LLMs to respond to visual content have seen some success, posing a growing threat as LLMs become more adept at responding to visual media, potentially overwhelming users who may not verify such content.

War on All Fronts: How the Kremlin’s Media Ecosystem Broadcasts the War in Ukraine

Author(s): Viktoras Daukšas,Laima Venclauskienė,Karina Urbanavičiūtė,Ofer Fridman / Language(s): English

Much ink has been spilled attempting to understand the Kremlin’s strategy in the media space, particularly in its domestic hybrid media environment since the beginning of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Despite this significant effort, much remains unclear about the Kremlin’s true intentions, capabilities, and strategies. Most importantly experts still disagree on whether the Kremlin truly controls the Russian domestic media ecosystem. On the one side of the argument, there are those who argue that the Kremlin, like many other contemporary ‘informational autocrats’, seeks to control Russia’s media space through ownership, censorship, and propaganda. On the other side, however, are those who claim that in the contemporary era of digital technologies and social networks, the Kremlin not only struggles to exercise control, but also understands its limitations and tries to adapt its strategy accordingly by demonopolising power ‘among a variety of actors who “think right”’. This raises an important question about Russia’s strategy in the media space: does the Kremlin truly control it? State-owned television has been serving narratives aligning with the Kremlin’s agenda for decades. Television gets the top spot as the most trusted information source in Russia and bypasses other means of communication. Notably, after the invasion, the broadcasting strategy was changed: informational TV shows became longer and the same messages were also repeated on programmes that are not inherently political—for example, relatives of soldiers or members of the Russian military are often featured in the weekly gameshow Pole Chudes (‘Field of Miracles’) to hone the perception of support for the ‘special military operation’. Such an approach to communication is not surprising, as repetition leads to familiarity, which then leads to acceptance.

Dosije: 43. motorizovana brigada VRS u Prijedoru

Author(s): Jovana Kolarić / Language(s): Serbian

Fearless Heroines of Peace: Publication of women’s individual stories about building peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina through personal and real struggles

Author(s): Jasna Pekić ,Tajma Kapić / Language(s): English

Even after the third decade since the end of the war, certain issues from the social sphere that were not properly addressed in the post-conflict period in Bosnia and Herzegovina leave their mark on the feminist aspects of the development of society, especially in the sphere of transitional justice. On the other hand, with various geopolitical events throughout Europe and the world, Bosnia and Herzegovina found itself in a position where conflicts from other countries are reflected on our society - whether through the participation of security forces from BiH in peacekeeping missions or through the reception of refugees, migrants and asylum seekers from conflict countries and other countries of the world.

The Never-Ending Quest for Sense: Women and Peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia

Author(s): Zlatiborka Popov-Momčinović,Adriana Zaharijević / Language(s): English

This writing was produced based on the results of reflection on the reach of women’s peace activism in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, as well as on interviews with activists of different generations, carried out during the summer of 2021. Even before we started the writing process, we knew that women peace activists should get the most of the credit for saving the “face and honour” – to use these words rarely associated with feminism – of both these countries. However, we also knew that the experiences of war and destruction, and ergo peace building, had been largely dissimilar in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Serbia, to the point where they were perhaps incomparable. Our aim was thus to try to explain the context in which we lived and acted, and to compare the reflections by those seeking for peace to be much more than the absence of war. This text is therefore, a chorus of women’s voices joined together, as in a Greek tragedy, to explain what is not there, even though it could and should have been attained.

Suočavanje s prošlošću i izgradnja mira iz perspektive postdejtonske žene

Author(s): Ajna Jusić / Language(s): Bosnian

„Suočavanje s nemirom i izgradnja mira iz perspektive postdejtonske žene“ donosi pričežena koje otvoreno, hrabro i iskreno govore o doživljenom i preživljenom, o onome o čemu većina žena još uvijek šutijer su naučene da ne govore, da ne otvaraju ni srce ni dušu. Petnaest žena svojim pričama mijenjaju perspektivu gledanja na ulogu žene u ratnom i poratnom vremenu. U kontekstu postdejtonske BiH, sadržaj publikacije je važan i koristan materijal za poticanje procesa izgradnje mira, konstruktivno suočavanje s prošlošću i ispisivanje jedne historije u kojoj ŽENA zauzima značajno mjesto. Publikacija daje značajan doprinos dokumentiranju rada na suočavanju s prošlošću. Publikacija šalje poziv za pokretanje dijaloga među pripadnicima različitih generacija i zajednica u regionu i ohrabrivanje mladih ljudi da nikada ne prestanu postavljati pitanja i tragati za odgovorima, da otvorenog srca i uma saslušaju lična svjedočanstva aktera s različitih strana. Poziv da se, kako navodi istraživačica Ajna Jusić, postavi pitanje ženskih prava i ženskih sloboda da budu aktivne učesnice u stvarnom kretanju države ka naprijed. Vidljiva je motivacija istraživačice Ajne Jusić dase sazna istina, da se izađe iz kruga negacije i emotivnog bola, da bude vidljiva borba žena, aktivistica, da se gradiprostor za nove i zdravije odnose.

Serbia and NATO: From enemies to (almost) partners

Author(s): Jelena Radoman / Language(s): English

This paper explores the ambivalence of current Serbia – NATO relations. The relationship features alongside Serbia’s ‘exceptionality’ in comparison to the relations of the other Western Balkan countries with the Alliance. In spite of this ‘exceptionality’ Serbia’s security policies have being brought in line with the prevailing security discourse and concept of NATO. The main event that has shaped Serbia – NATO relations is the 1999 bombing campaign of which its consequences and impact on current Serbia – NATO relations are described and analysed here. The central argument is that despite the experience of NATO’s hard power in 1999, Serbia’s security policies have been socialised through the post-1999 engagement with the Alliance as well as the perceived convergence of NATO’s and the European Union’s security policies. This case study contributes to the literature on socialisation by analysing an exceptional case of socialisation which took place without Serbia either being a member of the EU or NATO, or any sort of declared ambition to join the Alliance. It stands in contrast to the already explored examples of socialisation of the Central and East European, Baltic and Balkans states whose security policies have been socialised due to these countries’ open and undisputed ambitions to join both the EU and NATO and their following admittance into both of these organizations.

Arctic Narratives and Political Values: Arctic States, China, NATO, and the EU

Author(s): Troy Bouffard,Whitney Lackenbauer,Elizabeth Buchanan,Adam Lajeunesse,Marc Lanteigne,Sergey Sukhankin / Language(s): English

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which began in February 2022, has sent shockwaves across the Arctic. While Russia has not signalled any similar aspirations for military conquest in neighbouring Arctic countries, the world has witnessed further spill-over of international tensions into circumpolar affairs, and the Kremlin has shattered its credibility as a peaceful, law-abiding actor. Maintaining peace and stability in the Arctic, within a world of heightened uncertainty, has forced NATO Allies to re-evaluate threats, strategic responsibilities, and opportunities for deeper collaboration as Arctic partners.