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Beograd na suvom
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Beograd na suvom

Author(s): Saša Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

Beograd danas nema ništa od onog što je davnog 12. aprila 2012. Aleksandar Vučić prvi put najavio u svom predizbornom obećanju, lansirajući ideju o urbanističkoj formaciji koja bi u bliskoj budućnosti mogla da ispuni Savski amfiteatar. Umesto blistavog Beograda na vodi, prestonica je dobila dva betonska kolosa, koji su kao tumor iznikli nauštrb urbanističke okoline. Od silnih najavljivanih objekata projektovani Belgrade Waterfront dobio je samo tzv. Kulu A. I ta Kula A dobila je prve stanare, koji su predstavljeni građanstvu kao mnogočlane porodice srpskog porekla, koje su u interkontinentalnom biznisu zaradile velika sredstva, koja su sa zadovoljstvom uložile u stambene jedinice na obali Save. Bilo je samo pitanje vidika, hoće li gledati na reku ili na devastiranu Savamalu, na sravnjene zgrade u Hercegovačkoj, na počupane objekte bivše Lastine autobuske stanice, na Beogradsku autobusku stanicu u terminalnoj fazi raspadanja ili možda na avetinjske pejzaže bivše Glavne železničke stanice.

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Ministarska parnica
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Ministarska parnica

Author(s): Vesna Rakić Vodinelić / Language(s): Serbian

„Policajci su zveri u uniformi. Oni su se sveli na mentalni stepen novorođenčadi, zahvaljujući zahvatu `španska kragna`, koji uče i praktikuju sa brutalnom spontanošću, umesto da se prema ljudima odnose razborito i brižno”. „Njihovo ponašanje je tako tipično za ono što postepeno postaje javni imidž policijskih snaga, od koga se brane maltretiranjem, lažiranjem, protivpravnim akcijama, sujeverjem, prenagljenošću i neukošću.“ Ne, ovo nije izrekla niti napisala Vesna Pešić, novinarka ovdašnja. Ne, ove rečenice nikad do sad nisu bile objavljene na sajtu Peščanika. Njih je zapisao književnik Thorgeir Thorgeirson, građanin Islanda. Objavljene su u dva članka dnevnog lista Morgunbladid od 7. i 20. XII 1983. (videti presudu Evropskog suda za ljudska prava, pritužba br. 13778/88 od 25. VI 1992, §§ 14. i 15). Zbog ovih rečenica Thorgeirson je bio optužen i konačno osuđen da plati novčanu kaznu. Odluku je potvrdio Vrhovni sud Islanda. Ali Thorgeirson (da li zbog prirođene protestantske etike, da li od duga vremena, ili usled lične upornosti) se sa osudom nije pomirio, već se obratio Evropskom sudu za ljudska prava.

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Tužba
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Tužba

Author(s): Dejan Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

Ministar policije i Nebojša Stefanović tužili su Vesnu Pešić i Peščanik zbog teksta „Dosoljavanje“ od 14.05.2016. Ministru policije, Vesna Pešić i Peščanik povredili su „poslovnu čast i ugled“, dok je Nebojša Stefanović zbog objavljivanja „neistinitih informacija“ pretrpeo „duševni bol, zbog povrede ugleda, časti, slobode i prava ličnosti“, te „zbog stvaranja neistinite i pogrešne predstave o njegovoj ličnosti“. Tako su Vesna Pešić i Peščanik ministru policije i Nebojši Stefanoviću „pričinili štetu najvećeg stepena“. Kao tužilac se ipak potpisalo samo privatno lice Nebojša Stefanović (treba se nadati da ministar policije ima preča posla od podnošenja tužbi protiv građana), iako je Vesna Pešić pisala isključivo o ministru policije (dakle, i kada je pominjala Stefanovića, pominjala ga je jedino kao ministra policije).

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№08 Kosovo 2020: A Complex Agenda for the New Government
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№08 Kosovo 2020: A Complex Agenda for the New Government

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The new government that takes office, whatever its colour will inherit a long list of issues from its predecessor. Dysfunctional healthcare and education systems, an untaxed shadow economy, a slow and often ineffective judiciary, weak public administration all require major interventions. The failure of public services is graphically illustrated with the high number of patients being treated abroad and the regular enrolment of politicians’ children in private and international schools.17 To further complicate the matter, despite the generally cordial campaign that preceded the elections, relations between key political actors remain tense; leaders do not trust each other and basic norms of cooperation between actors are still missing. That is especially true for the case of Albin Kurti, the leader of Vetëvendosje, who has spent much of his time in opposition (and before that, as an activist) attacking other parties, including his current potential partner LDK. If Kurti aims to secure the premiership and stay in power he will have to build some relations with both his coalition partner and the opposition, with whom he never tried to reconcile. Any new government will have to create a favourable climate to enact the promised reforms. In the case of Kurti, especially, that would entail making a U-turn and engaging with the opposition from day one. These priorities for the new government listed in this report do not intend to be comprehensive, but to present an outline of the more pressing issues the government will need to work on to ensure progress is made. The composition of the government, domestic politics and international developments can also influence how a priority is defined. Yet, these issues require careful attention and will not disappear from the public agenda in the short term.

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№11 The Brussels Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia. Achievements and Challenges
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№11 The Brussels Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia. Achievements and Challenges

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

This report describes the dialogue process in detail; the achieved agreements, their implementation or lack of thereof, and the impact of these agreements. The report treats both technical and political agreements as part of a single process eased by the EU’s involvement. Since the government and other institutions do not have complete information regarding the entire dialogue, this report will serve to create a better institutional memory system for the Government. These descriptions are also significant for the new dialogue phase with Serbia.

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Repere constituţionale pentru depăşirea crizei politice în Republica Moldova: Argumente teoretice şi Soluţii practice
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Repere constituţionale pentru depăşirea crizei politice în Republica Moldova: Argumente teoretice şi Soluţii practice

Author(s): Victor Popa / Language(s): Romanian

This study is an attempt to signal a situation of constitutional conflict, manifested by the accumulation of incompatibilities of holding political and administrative mandates, in the context of the crisis after the elections of April 5, 2009. Reactions to events and legal nihilism of some high state officials have produced effects, which the Constitutional Court, together with the political class of the Republic of Moldova, must resolve, at this moment, in order not to turn the mistakes committed, rigorously analyzed in the following, into a dramatic episode, denial, or even suspension of the Constitution. // In particular, this study shows the existence of effects produced by the adoption of unconstitutional decisions, including related to the election of the President of the Parliament, and at the same time, the retention of the position of President of the Republic of Moldova by one and the same person, coming in flagrant contradiction. with the provisions of the Constitution and the law on the status of the deputy in the Parliament. In particular, the author considers it opportune to annul the decision to validate the elections for the position of President of the Republic of Moldova on 3.06.09 and the second round in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and the Law on the procedure for electing the President of the Republic of Moldova.

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Bilten tranziciona pravda: Presuda Škorpionima je politički motivisana
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Bilten tranziciona pravda: Presuda Škorpionima je politički motivisana

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

The verdict of the War Crimes Chamber of the Belgrade District Court against Scorpios accused of killing six Bosniak civilians in Trnovo, BiH, in July 1995, issued on April 10, 2007, is not based on law and facts established during the evidentiary proceedings. It seems that the court was guided by political and not legal reasons, in order to adjust to the attitudes of the Serbian authorities regarding the responsibility for the Srebrenica genocide in the context of the International Court of Justice ruling and show understanding for the patriotic orientations of some Scorpios.

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Iznevereni
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Iznevereni

Author(s): Charles Simic / Language(s): Serbian

Kad god vidim gomilu naroda na televiziji ili u novinama kako demonstriraju protiv neke autokratske vlade, osećanja su mi pomešana: divim se njihovoj spremnosti i hrabrosti da podignu glas, i ujedno se bojim da od toga ništa neće ispasti. Do ovog tužnog zaključka došao sam godinama gledajući silne plemenite ciljeve i masovne pokrete kako se gase. Ali čak i pored ove mračne realnosti, poraz demokratskih pokreta širom Bliskog istoka i Severne Afrike, nakon protesta koji su izmamili milione ljudi na ulice, upravo je zaprepašćujući. Nisu to bile jedine zemlje gde je narod zahtevao promenu. Bilo je masovnih demonstracija u Grčkoj, Bugarskoj, Meksiku, Brazilu, Peruu, Španiji, Portugalu i mnogim drugim državama, izazvanih svetskom ekonomskom krizom i nametanjem mera štednje, ali ono što se dogodilo u zemljama poput Sirije i Egipta, sada i u Ukrajini, mnogo je ozbiljnije, jer su demonstranti doveli u pitanje legitimitet države i postavili zahteveza korenitu reformu ili obaranje ljudi i institucija koji stoje na putu narodnoj volji.

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Drž’te Pekića!
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Drž’te Pekića!

Author(s): Zlatko Minić / Language(s): Serbian

Aleksandar Vučić razotkrio je globalnu kriminalnu mrežu koja je pustila pipke u stotine zemalja, aktivna je u regionu, a naročito u Srbiji. U gostovanju (od 35:45) na RTS-a (ili primerenije njegovom maniru, dok mu je u studiju gostovala Olivera Jovićević), na primedbu voditeljke da je Transparentnost Srbija tražila da se objave podaci o nabavci medicinske opreme, Vučić je mehanički povikao ono što viče već osam godina – „Drž’te lopova!“ Naime, odgovorio je: „Pa to polaze od sebe, znaju kako bi oni krali pare na narodnoj muci“.

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100 evra za šoping u Milanu
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100 evra za šoping u Milanu

Author(s): Slobodan Prvanović / Language(s): Serbian

I ranije smo bili svedoci podmićivanja glasača, ali ovako nešto, ipak, još nismo videli. Davali su sirotinji brašno, ulje i šećer, davali su najuticajnijima u selu traktore, nudili su zapošljavanje bliže i dalje familije… Ko zna kome i ko zna šta su davali kako bi kupili glasove. Bilo je i otvorenih plaćanja „glasačkih usluga“ – jedna crvena i sendvič za dekorisanje trgova ili solidna plata za botove. Ali, nikada nismo bili svedoci ovakve banalizacije podmićivanja glasača i prinudnog izjednačavanja baš svih građana u toj banalizaciji. Do sada je ono bilo makar prividno na dobrovoljnoj osnovi. Međutim, ova mera nas praktično sve primorava na primanje takve velikodušnosti – davanja novca svih građana svim građanima.

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Srbija – zemlja bez čuda
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Srbija – zemlja bez čuda

Author(s): Dejan Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

U Savamali mogli su rušiti ili sami policajci ili kriminalci pod zaštitom policije. Šta bi za režim bilo bolje: da je policija umesto da štiti pregazila zakon ili da su kriminalci kršili zakon, kao što inače rade, dok ih je štitila policija? Pitanje nije retoričko, iako se čini da su obe mogućnosti podjednako loše po režim. Nisu: bolje bi za režim bilo da je u Savamali kuće rušila policija. Sve i ako bi to značilo da su baš policajci iz čista mira vezali nesrećnog noćnog čuvara i oduzeli mu telefon. Jer, da su rušili policajci, sve bi još ostalo unutar sistema, iako bi se sistem tako izvrnuo naglavce.

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Pet godina
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Pet godina

Author(s): Rodoljub Šabić / Language(s): Serbian

Poziv za jučerašnje gostovanje na TV-u podsetio me je na blog koji sam napisao pre pet godina 25. maja 2016. Taj blog je izazvao nervozne reakcije nekih ljudi na vlasti, ali nisam tada ni pomišljao da će biti potrebe i smisla da blog ponovim. Nažalost ima ih. Taj stari blog je glasio: „Prošlo je tačno mesec dana od događaja koji je kao retko koji u poslednje vreme zatalasao našu javnost, a o čijim akterima je nažalost izostala bilo kakva ozbiljna, relevantna informacija. Isto kao i o aktivnostima nadležnih, čiji bi rezultat trebalo da bude rasvetljavanje ovog mračnog događaja.

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National Security & Defence, № 005 (2000 - 05)
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National Security & Defence, № 005 (2000 - 05)

Author(s): Andriy Bychenko,Ihor Koliushko,Viktor Tymoshchuk,Mykola Melnyk,Viktor Olshevskiy,Oleksandr Morozov / Language(s): English

ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM IN UKRAINE: WILL IT BE POSSIBLE TO BREAK THE CLOSED CIRCLE? // 1. REASONS THAT CONDITION THE NEED FOR ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM IN UKRAINE // 2. THE RESULTS OF IMPLEMENTING ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM IN UKRAINE: 1997-2000 // 3. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS // ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM IN UKRAINE: AN EXPERT VIEW // ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM: SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE POPULATION // ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM IN UKRAINE: STATE AND PROSPECTS // THE AUTHORITIES AND CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: WHO WILL TAKE THE UPPER HAND? // ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM: DEFENCE ASPECTS // THE AUTHORITIES AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ANALYTICAL STRUCTURES

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Hungary Turns its Back on Europe 2.
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Hungary Turns its Back on Europe 2.

Author(s): / Language(s): English

With this volume, we continue our "Hungary turns its back on Europe" report, which was finalised in autumn 2019 and published in January 2020, "prepared by independent Hungarian intellectuals who wish to inform the Hungarian and international public as well as European institutions about the severe harm that the Orbán regime governing Hungary since 2010 has caused in the fields of education, science, culture, and the media." The reason for carrying on with our work is that, in the mean􀀐me, the situation in Hungary has exacerbated: the authoritarian features of the Orbán regime have been further strengthened, dismantling of the rule of law has continued, and the government's "cultural warfare" has moved up a gear and is increasingly destructive in the domain of culture. It is our common experience that Hungary, using European Union funds, has built an openly anti‐European, 21st century autocracy, which has taken the state captive, dismantled the checks and balances essential to the rule of law, turned democratic institutions into an empty shell, invaded the media and made corruption systemic.

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Háttal Európának 2.
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Háttal Európának 2.

Author(s): Oktatói Hálózat / Language(s): Hungarian

With this volume, we continue our "Hungary turns its back on Europe" report, which was finalised in autumn 2019 and published in January 2020, "prepared by independent Hungarian intellectuals who wish to inform the Hungarian and international public as well as European institutions about the severe harm that the Orbán regime governing Hungary since 2010 has caused in the fields of education, science, culture, and the media." The reason for carrying on with our work is that, in the meantime, the situation in Hungary has exacerbated: the authoritarian features of the Orbán regime have been further strengthened, dismantling of the rule of law has continued, and the government's "cultural warfare" has moved up a gear and is increasingly destructive in the domain of culture. It is our common experience that Hungary, using European Union funds, has built an openly anti‐European, 21st century autocracy, which has taken the state captive, dismantled the checks and balances essential to the rule of law, turned democratic institutions into an empty shell, invaded the media and made corruption systemic.

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UNDP - HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2010 – ALBANIA. Capacity Development and Integration with the European Union
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UNDP - HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2010 – ALBANIA. Capacity Development and Integration with the European Union

Author(s): Richard Flaman,Remzi Lani,Paul Stubbs,Mansour Farsad / Language(s): English

The report takes a comprehensive look at the country’s capacity developmentprocesses, at the set of successful policy choices and specific capacityinvestments, with a focus on the role of investments in knowledge, humanresource development, public governance and public accountability for thecountry to be better prepared to face the increasing challenges of EU accession.NHDR Albania 2010 provides also an updated map of human development inthe country. The report makes use of data from Living Standards MeasurementSurvey 2008 to calculate the new human development indicators—HumanDevelopment Index (HDI), Human Poverty Index (HPI), Gender-relatedDevelopment Index (GDI) and Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM).

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Procurement in Montenegrin municipalities
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Procurement in Montenegrin municipalities

Author(s): Jovana Marović,Stevo Muk / Language(s): English

A year-long research on the risks of corruption in public procurement procedures in Montenegrin municipalities was conducted within the project Corruption at the Local Level- Zero Tolerance. Among other things, the project entails monitoring of local action plans for fight against corruption in 14 municipalities, as well as development of a study of practical policies in six areas of high risk for corruption. The analysis Procurement in Montenegrin municipalities represents both a continuation of the research activities of the Institute Alternative in the field of public procurement during which several practical policy proposals have been made in the light of improving the legal and institutional framework and overcoming the problems in practice, as well as a guide for a more effective monitoring of public procurement by the Parliament of Montenegro.

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URBAN PLANNING IN MONTENEGRO: CONSTRUCTION AND PAYOFFS?
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URBAN PLANNING IN MONTENEGRO: CONSTRUCTION AND PAYOFFS?

Author(s): Boris Marić,Mirko Bošković,Borislav Vukičević / Language(s): English

The analysis “Urban planning in Montenegro: construction and payoffs” has been prepared in the framework of the project Corruption at the local level- zero tolerance!, in order to reveal one of the cornerstones of corruption at the local level- urban planning and to encourage decision makers to take concrete actions so as to protect the public interest. Therefore, this analysis presents a set of causes and effects due to which this area is still normatively unfinished, deficient in human resources and represents a high risk for the occurrence of corruption, and at the same times gives illustrative examples of individual cases and practices of local self-governments which have led and still lead to budgetary imbalances, inadequate management of urban construction land, as well as unsystematic dynamics of adoption and harmonization of planning documents which are under the jurisdiction of the local self-governments.

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Through participation against corruption! – Anti-corruption mechanisms at the local level
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Through participation against corruption! – Anti-corruption mechanisms at the local level

Author(s): Dina Bajramspahić,Jovana Marović,Milica Milonjić / Language(s): English

Corruption in local self-government is in direct correlation with the weaknesses of administration, from organizational to technical, managerial and human resources. Municipalities have a monopoly position in relation to providing of certain services, which represents a suitable frame for acts of corruption. Opportunities for corruption at the local level are broad, since almost all of the employees – from the ones occupying the lowest positions to the highest level of authority have direct contact with the beneficiaries. The most common forms of corruption in local self-governments are connected to exemption from paying of utility bills and taxes, financing of projects, works or services which should not be supported, or the provided support is much higher than is actually needed. Acts of corruption could also be linked to non-transparent recruitment in local self-government bodies or public institutions founded by the municipality; selling or leasing municipal land, procurement of goods or services conducted contrary to established rules or public procurement procedures, etc.

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Influence of political corruption on the decision making process at the local level
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Influence of political corruption on the decision making process at the local level

Author(s): Nikola Djonović / Language(s): English

The project Corruption at the local level- zero tolerance aims at strengthening the role of civil society organizations, local self-government and competent state bodies in development of policies, monitoring and implementation of campaigns for reduction of corruption in local communities of Montenegro. In line with the principle of balance representation of the northern, central and southern parts of the country, the project encompasses 14 Montenegrin municipalities: Bar, Budva, Cetinje, Danilovgrad, Herceg Novi, Kolašin, Kotor, Mojkovac, Nikšić, Pljevlja, Plužine, Podgorica, Rožaje and Tivat. The intention of the authors of the analysis „Influence of political corruption on the decision-making process at the local level” is to examine one of the six identified areas2 - political corruption, through the role of political parties, i.e. its representatives and local self-government bodies. Existing legislative and institutional framework governing this area, media archives and examples from practice have been taken into account during collection of information. Local self-governments are facing a number of risks for emergence of corruption, whereas political corruption produces the most severe systematic consequences for the community. Aside from the fact that it has an adverse effect on the political system, making it dysfunctional, political corruption incites emergence of illegal corruptive (in)actions in many other fields, such as employment, public procurement procedures, concluding of public-private partnerships, in the field of spatial development and work of the local assemblies. Special problem for establishment of a more effective fight against corruption is indolence of the Supreme State Prosecution (SSP) in the cases where there is a reasonable doubt of elements of political corruption, i.e. that the actions of some councillors and party officials are in the zone of criminal liability. The fact that competent institutions, with emphasis on SSP failed to prosecute actions that had led to changing of the electoral will and inexistence of continuous fight against political corruption represent a serious constraint for democratization of Montenegrin society.

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