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Политика культурного плюрализма и язык

Политика культурного плюрализма и язык

Author(s): Basia Nikiforova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 126/2009

The aim of this study is to challenge the problem of the formation of national identity through a prism of language and language policy. Cultural basic models have been established for the language policy: common public language model, which views language policy as a primarily tool for nation building and views that common language to be shared by all citizens; and language maintenance model (public institutes recognize the right of separate groups to be able to use their own minority languages as a tool for the state dialogue). In the present paper, the policy dilemmas facing the European Union and the more important documents of the EU on problems of the rights of national minorities and its language policy are analyzed. The study includes a concise dictionary of multicultural policy.

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Indigenous Mechanisms of Transitional Justice as Complementary Instruments to State Justice Systems

Indigenous Mechanisms of Transitional Justice as Complementary Instruments to State Justice Systems

Author(s): Agnieszka Szpak / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

Transitional justice is resorted to within the framework of transition from armed conflict to peace and from authoritarian regimes to the democratic ones. To reach the aims of transitional justice and to better integrate the needs and perspectives of the indigenous peoples that very often are victims of serious human rights violations in the transitional context, as well as the colonisation context, indigenous instruments of justice may be utilised. As such they may be treated as complementary to other transitional justice mechanisms. The article aims to find a new perspective on the complementary role of the indigenous justice and the State justice systems within the framework of transitional justice as well as to take into account the indigenous peoples’ needs and customs. The overall aim of the paper is to answer the question whether it is desirable for such indigenous justice instruments to complement the State justice systems through a better integration of the needs and customs of indigenous peoples. In the concluding remarks, a model of complementarity model of transitional justice that includes indigenous instruments will be proposed.

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The Development of the Polish Party System

The Development of the Polish Party System

Author(s): Jerzy Jaskiernia / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

The author analyses the dynamics of the Polish party system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections in the Third Republic of Poland (since 1989). He exposes especially the last element of that evolution – the 2015 parliamentary election. It resulted in the victory of Law and Justice (PiS) party. For the first time in the history of democratic Poland, the victor was able to create a government without having to negotiate with coalition partners. The success of PiS seems to be a result of the combination of several factors. It would be mistaken to portray an emerging situation as a simple rightist win. PiS to some extent represents a social attitude, typical for the socialist (social-democratic) parties, with some part of the program including a populist message, but with the combination of a conservative approach to several issues and nationalistic stand on a perception of patriotic mood. The important meaning has a support of PiS by the Catholic Church, especially at the grass-roots level. The victory of PiS and forming of the majority government have an important meaning for the functioning of the political parties’ system in Poland. For the first time since 1989, there were not balancing of power situation which the coalition governments have brought about. The political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must offer a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, especially dealing with challenging the PiS policy to compromise a democratic system based on the 1997 Constitution, e.g. division of power, position of the Constitutional Tribunal and functioning of the judiciary.

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Роль еліт у формуванні культурної ідентичності

Author(s): Olga Rafayilivna Kopiyevska / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2015

In the article the interaction of state and culture in the context of political cooperation and creative elites. Actualized problem productive interaction of all stakeholders’ cultural life of the country. It is noted that Ukraine is a European orientation requires a gradual alignment of the democratic system in the country, the functioning of all spheres of public life on the basis of culture and law. Defined and analyzed in the article the problem of the national political elite, which is associated with the lack of what is called long planning horizon, the ability to create scenarios for the future, to choose the most appropriate, given the characteristics of internal and external circumstances, and develop strategic direction, build their models implementation. The article argues that from the contradictions that exist between the political and creative elite depend not only the fate of national culture and art, but also the fate of the political elite. In the context of the research attention paid to politics of identity in view of the importance of not only its practical implementation, but conceptualizing how important area of scientific knowledge, including cultural. Characterized terminology, historical reflection. We analyze the subject matter of identity politics, including cultural, that are functionally associated with the formation and reproduction of national, civic, regional, ethnic and religious identities. It is noted that the basis of identity politics is history and culture and formed on the basis of the concept of historical and cultural memory, which allows you to use all the resource potential of value-moral, historical and symbolic and emotional content. The study examined the article description also serves institutional mechanisms for the formation, preservation and transformation of identity through the cultural world view and value system of ideological and political views. Thus, it is noted that the mechanisms of identity politics should provide different social, ethnic and other groups that defend the right to their own identity in the community the opportunity to be different, but not alien or hostile and thus prevent xenophobia. Thus, the article examines subjects that affect identity politics. The latter is characterized as belonging to the different branches of government and civil society. Determine their role and importance in the implementation of national cultural identity. In particular, it is noted that identity politics has gained urgency in the European territory in connection with the creation of the European Union and its further expansion, which raised the question of the territorial identity population in different regions. The article also identifies the main challenges of cultural identity among which is focused on creating information and communication channels of distribution of state doctrine to identity formation and reproduction system of norms and values shared ideas on the prospects of social development. The role of cultural institutions, along with public television and radio and fulfill this role. The policy of cultural identity is seen from the perspective of ongoing state social ethnic, professional groups, practice formation (construction) identity that allows you to integrate cultural and educational practices significantly affects the formation of cultural environment determines the atmosphere in society and contribute to the spiritual development of the people; in response to one of the challenges of globalization – increased conflict between people who feel they belong to a global world, and people whose identity is inseparable from their authentic, local culture. Special attention is focused on the politics of cultural identity models, namely the conservative (or traditionalist) and innovation. It is reported that in the first model is the key "Conservative moralism" expressed in unambiguous interpretation of history, literature, historical and cultural heritage and is supported by an established set of symbols and rituals relevant. In turn, innovative model of cultural identity is an important resource of the country, the region and focused on meaningful intercultural dialogue in which basis tolerant, friendly attitude towards people of other ethnic groups, multicultural groups, and religious denominations. The opinion notes that effective and meaningful policy of cultural identity is the transition to a new phase of the relationship of the state and culture must be based principles of dialogue and civic participation in the formulation and implementation of cultural policies participatory, public-public-private partnership and civil solidarity. It is noted that it is common productive activity contributes to a positive consolidation that will resist the negative influence of popular culture, to prevent the erosion of national and cultural identity and formation, especially in young people a sense of responsibility for the fate of the country.

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PLACE RENAMING PRACTICES IN POST-WAR KARABAKH/ARTSAKH

Author(s): Artak Dabaghyan / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2011

The article touches a “flammable” cultural component in the conflict over NagornoKarabakh, explaining the value added to names for places as an effect of modernization, a legacy of the region’s imperial past and as a long-term impact on local human knowledge and humanities. Approaching the ethnographically recorded materials, mapping and renaming practices in the conflict area from a historical anthropological perspective, this author argues for the need for a more layered investigation and further comparative studies of the cases of “confronting symbolism”. The cascading character of such topographical measures as place (re)naming, overrides the current instrumentalist revitalizations as a belated form of Orientalism and gives opportunities for merging the unfairly diverged viewpoints in modern socialcultural anthropology.

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Africa de Sud, pol major de putere al continentului african

Africa de Sud, pol major de putere al continentului african

Author(s): Maria Cătălina Moisescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: I/2010

The study explores, with a lot of details, the power status of South Africa, in the new context after apartheid was completely abandoned and the country reintegrated itself within the regional / continental and global community. The author clearly states that she is going to extensively use the concepts of Realism in International Relations. She states that the new foreign policy of South Africa is based on massive changes within the framework of domestic political life. The most important part of the study is an interesting and detailed presentation of the elements of national power of South Africa, using the notorious list issued, several decades ago, by Hans J. Morgenthau, the founding father of modern Realism in International Relations. The study integrates many elements belonging to an extensive interview with the Ambassador of South Africa in Romania, who expressed his opinions on the 14th of June, 2010.

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The Hungarian Language After the Political Transition in 1989–1990

Author(s): Géza Balázs / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2010

The study deals with the phonetic, grammatical and lexical changes of the Hungarian language since the transition of the political and economic system in Hungary in 1990. The author believes that three causes are responsible for the changes: information technology, globalism and linguistic economy. The changes are examined along the dimensions of quality, quantity and society.

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Spracherneuerungen in Mitteleuropa im 19. Jahrhundert - Versuch der Herausbildung muttersprachlicher Terminologien in den mitteleuropäischen Sprachen

Author(s): István Nyomárkay / Language(s): German Issue: 2/2008

In Central and Southern Europe, conscious and planned language reform movements started to unfold in the late 18th century, culminating in the middle of the 19th century. The emergence of specialized terminologies of Czech, Hungarian, and Croatian (as well as, to some extent, of Serbian) shows a number of similarities. Their mental roots can be found in the ideas of the enlightenment. Their fundamental aim was to express, in the respective mother tongues, the new terms of civilization in the broadest sense. That aim was served by the language reform movements whose earliest significant results were embodied in German-based terminological dictionaries of the various Slavonic languages published in the mid-19th century. This paper deals with the reasons, antecedents, and results of those movements.

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Magyar-Ukrán kapcsolatok az egyén és a közösség szintjén, valamint a magyarországi támogatáspolitika megítélése

Magyar-Ukrán kapcsolatok az egyén és a közösség szintjén, valamint a magyarországi támogatáspolitika megítélése

Author(s): Krisztián Rákóczi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2017

Since the conflict in Eastern Ukraine has exploded, Hungary is constantly monitoring the situation of Transcarpathia and provides support not only for Transcarpathian Hungarians, but the entire population of the region. Within the framework of the survey TANDEM 2016 we tried to obtain a better understanding on how the local people evaluate Hungary’s policy towards Transcarpathia. The issue of simplified naturalization, interethnic relations and ethnocentrism were among our central interests during the investigation. The research shows that besides the Hungarians, the Ukrainians also evaluate positively the supporting policy of Hungary towards Transcarpathia. The relation of the two nations is reported positively by both groups. However, Hungarian respondents spoke more of conflicting relationships at the settlement, the county (Transcarpathia) and the country level than the respondents of the Ukrainian subsample.

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Elvágyódás, elvándorlás – migrációs folyamatok Kárpátalján

Elvágyódás, elvándorlás – migrációs folyamatok Kárpátalján

Author(s): Eleonóra Szanyi-F.,Julianna Faludi,Gergely Illyés / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2017

This study presents the migration patterns of the Hungarian and Ukrainian population of Transcarpathia. First, we briefly present the main migration trends of Ukraine during the past decades and at present, as well as the summary of major findings on migration of Hungarian minorities of the neighbouring countries. Almost a decade has passed since the last survey on migration to Hungary from the neighbouring countries (the so called Carpathian Panel): so the current paper also reflects on some trends from a longitudinal perspective. Migration dynamics and patterns of the two subgroups are presented in detail, along with their demographic and socio-cultural characteristics. Our study also focused on the respondents’ perception of their migration potential related to their social environment and the tackling of a variety of social conditions. The paper provides an analysis on the current migration trends from and to Ukraine and the neighbouring countries. A special focus is given to Hungary as an important recipient country due to cultural, ethnic and kinship ties, and the removed barriers to obtain dual citizenship for Hungarian minorities. Findings presented in this study are based on the bilingual survey TANDEM 2016.

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Cultural Identities in Sustaining Religious Communities in the Arctic Region: An Ethnographic Analysis on Religiosity from the Northern Viewpoint

Author(s): Nafisa Yeasmin / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

Northern countries are facing the challenges of declining human capital, and admitting immigrants, many of whom belong to religious minorities, to satisfy the demand for labour. If northern societies accept multiculturalism and immigrants, they should not disregard the cultures and religious practices (for example, ritual slaughter) of immigrants, as they need to survive and integrate as a minority community in a secular society. However, there is clash between secularism and religions permitting animal slaughter, which is prohibited by some and allowed by other European countries. Community viability and sustainability depend partly on the exercise of community beliefs and ideology that support identity behaviour. This study will present an ethnographic analysis of the religiosity related to ritual slaughter and Muslim cultural identity in the European Arctic region and explore how religious relativism and practice sustain the community and support the overall integration of the Muslim minority in the North.

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NATIONALISM AS AN ESSENTIALLY CONTESTED CONCEPT

NATIONALISM AS AN ESSENTIALLY CONTESTED CONCEPT

Author(s): Hamid Bouyahi / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

Despite the fact that the notion of a state that contains a specific nation is relatively new, most societies tend to perceive their national origins as an indisputable historical fact. This paper tries to understand the reasons that make rational individuals and groups of people believe in the irrational claims of national identities and national pride. As political discourse is the main source of these claims, this paper analyses the nature of that discourse and the way it manages to coin essentially contested concepts that are acceptable by the public. Subsequently, the paper delves into the mechanisms in which the human cognitive apparatus interprets discourse, and the reasons that make it vulnerable to deception. Additionally, the paper revisits notions like nations and states to prove the fact that there is no direct relationship between belonging to a state and feeling national pride. Eventually, the paper tackles the main psychological attributes that interfere to make rational individuals and groups abandon their rationality to believe in purely sentimental political notions.

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A meglepetések éjszakája – A 2017-es szlovákiai megyei választások

A meglepetések éjszakája – A 2017-es szlovákiai megyei választások

Author(s): Szabolcs Mózes / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2017

The aim of this paper is to introduce and analyse the results of the 2017 county-level local elections. The election produced many surprises. For example, the participation of voters was much higher than expected, the winner of the elections became the right-wing opposition, the Smer party lost many important positions, and the radical Marian Kotleba was not able to hold his post as the head of the self-governing Banská Bystrica region. The election reflected the ongoing tendency of strengthening independent candidates. The struggle between Hungarian political forces was won by the Party of the Hungarian Community (MKP-SMK), which earned almost four times more seats than the Most- Híd party. However, the Hungarian candidates were mainly successful in the regions with Hungarian ethnic majorities, and in the ethnically mixed regions the level of Hungarian political representation decreased.

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A szlovákiai magyar politikai mozgástér változásai

A szlovákiai magyar politikai mozgástér változásai

Author(s): Géza Tokár / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2017

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the latitude of ethnic political representation of the Hungarian community in Slovakia from 1989 up to recent political developments. The latitude is measured by three factors: the amount of political power held by representatives of the Hungarian communities, the coalition potential of the parties focusing on ethnic policies, and the political compatibility of the parties representing the Hungarian minority. The Hungarian ethnic parties were involved in Slovak politics from the times of the Velvet Revolution; however, their ability to affect politics and policies was limited by party-specific ethnic agendas and incompatibility with numerous Slovak ethnic parties. In light of recent political events, however, the ideological differences have been reduced and the pragmatic nature of fragmented Slovak party politics opens up new channels for cooperation. Despite the changing political environment, the latitude has been weakening due to the fragmentation of the Hungarian ethnic political elite.

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Moldovan Ruling Party Bids to Defuse Protests
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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Moldovan Ruling Party Bids to Defuse Protests

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 08/28/2018

Many citizens may be too busy enjoying a long holiday to consider joining next week’s planned anti-government demonstrations.

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Centenáriumi Románia

Centenáriumi Románia

Author(s): Zsolt Pászkán / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2018

The Romanian nation building project that started in 1859 has been trying to unite and integrate political and social communities as well as to assimilate ethnic and religious groups that significantly differ from each other into a coherent “nation”. The project was not successful, and not only in the case of the Hungarian community, which remained the most significant national community after the German and Jewish communities had been sold under the Ceauşescu-era. Several indications suggest that deep cleavages remained even within the Romanian community, based on which one can question the success of the Romanian-Romanian “nation” building process. Romania aimed to mark 2018 as one of the major symbolic moments of the nation building proess; however, the developments of the centenary year so far rather corroborates failure.

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Експроприиране на недоволството: български популизъм, локални интереси и руска пропаганда
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Експроприиране на недоволството: български популизъм, локални интереси и руска пропаганда

Author(s): Milena Iakimova,Dimitar Vatsov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 47/2017

Russian propaganda co-opts western grassroots criticism of liberalism and globalization, recasting both left and right populism in nationalist terms. Vice versa, local actors borrow the Russian propaganda package and use it for their populist purposes. This is the general finding of the analysis of Bulgarian media discourse, 2013-2016, analysis that proceeded in three steps: semantic analysis of the vocabulary of the anti-liberal and anti-democratic propaganda and extractionof specific keywords and catch phrases; frequency analysis of the usesof these words and phrases in 3080 on-line media outlets for four-year period; content-analysis of a sample of 3305 single publications from 8 typologically different media outlets. The analysis identified four simplistic and interrelated anti-liberal and antidemocratic theses:The US and NATO are a global hegemon/puppet-master which is pulling the strings both of Brussels and of national governments; Europe is dying because of its cultural decline (‘liberasty’) under the blows of the migrant invasion unleashed by the US, and because of the lame-duck, puppet European bureaucracy (‘Eurocracy’). In the final analysis, Europe is dying because it is united: the EU is a construction which serves the interests of the US and of global corporations, and it is an enemy of the European peoples; Russia is rising. Although it is a victim of Western aggression, Russia is a guardian of its age-old sovereignty and of traditional values, and it is actually the true saviour of Europe; Bulgaria’s liberal elites are venal: civic movements, human rights organizations, independent media outlets, pro-western politicians and parties are represented as an indistinguishable whole, and all of them are ‘foreignagents’ – puppets of foreign interests.The populist-propaganda discursive front developing in the Bulgarian publicsphere since 2013 is distinctly ‘pro-Russian’, although the data show that it is not always directly inspired by Russia. The content-analysis identified three different rationales of using those clichés.

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The Future of the Finno-Ugric Languages of Russia

The Future of the Finno-Ugric Languages of Russia

Author(s): János Pusztay / Language(s): English Issue: 162/2018

The article is an approch to characterize the situation of Finno-Ugric langauges in Russia in 21st century on the basis of statistical, legal and sociolinguistic sources. Globalisation prevails in a more or less closed, originally multi-lingual and multi-cultural society mainly due to political or ideological reasons. This situation can be observed in case of Finno-Ugric peoples in Russia. Because of political conditions one-sided bilingualism is the entrance hall to a new (Russian) monolingualism.

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Contemporary Historical Discourse on Polish Communism in a Narratological Perspective
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Contemporary Historical Discourse on Polish Communism in a Narratological Perspective

Author(s): Katarzyna Chmielewska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

The author analyses contemporary historical discourse on Communism from the perspective of narratology. Applying the tools most often used in the discussions of fiction, the author describes the construction of historical actors and the patterns of employment (sensu H. White), as well as characteristic strategies and tendencies of mainstream historical narratives.

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Challenging the Fear of Be(com)ing a Minority: The Integration of Others as an Impetus for Durable Reconciliation in Post-Conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Ana Alibegova / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2016

The political participation and the political representation as the two segments through which the political integration operates depict how the issue of Others reflects the society in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At this point, the political participation to some extent could be considered as an identity marker in the case of the Others. From the bottom-up perspective, the Others are illustrated as a conglomeration bridging over the ethnic divisions. Moreover, in the setting of the political participation, being an Other could mean more than just a simple census identification, but a thoughtful response to the increasing ethnonationalisms reflected in the party system, as well as in many other spheres of the Bosnian society. On the other hand, thinking ‘from above’, the political representation is related to the integration of the Others in the state institutions. Here, the focus would be to analyse the current mechanisms of inclusion of the Others in the state organs as determined by the provisions in the constitutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, of Republika Srpska and of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The consequences of the political misrepresentation are studied through the Sejdić and Finci v. BiH case1 opening the debate for fundamental constitutional changes that should guarantee equal treatment of all the citizens in Bosnia. Furthermore, the political misrepresentation is (and was) triggering the fear of becoming minority or of becoming an Other in BiH in the context of the first postwar census that took place in the autumn of 2013.

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