Глобалне комуникације и светско друштво: Проблем легитимацијског дефицита

Author(s): Milorad Đurić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2016

In this paper we analyzed the thematization of the world as a world society. Our premise is that, thanks to global communications, the world has become a single social field, that the world of living now has become the life of the world. In fact, modern societies are constituted as a relatively closed, self-referential systems, in which the world of lives framed by borders of nation states. Intensification and extensifi cation communication process relativized the border this closed system, creating the possibility for establishing a world society. However, the political (infra) structure remains fixed on the old forms lags behind this change, thus creating a deficit of legitimacy in the political field. Old forms based on the idea of society as a completely separate system. In this sense, the concept of society is, of course, the most complex concept that we inherited from a social and philosophical theories of the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Minimal definition of this term, we have based on the Parsons’ criteria (and he is, in fact, relies on Aristotle) according to which the society is one type of social system, which achieves the highest degree of self-sufficiency in relation to their environment. The society is limited, self-enclosed, self-referential and self-sufficient system. The operations of closing the society withdraws the border in relation to their environment, becoming the exclusive area of social experience, the whole area of social world of life. These are processes that are in the nineteenth and the greater part of the twentieth century produced the nation-state, i.e., specific societies that are in the process of self-describing his own identity relied on gathering point in the relationship between society and the state. This social self-description is based on reflexive appropriation of cultural traditions and products strongly integrated community, self-sufficient social totality, with very us-them perspective. Although, this differentiation is not absolute, but relative: it represents the correlation of self-perception, which introduces differences in reality and only in the framework of meaningful boundaries established by communication. According to Niklas Luhmann it is logical, because the basic process of social systems in which these systems are composed in such circumstances may be only communication. However, if the process of communication universal constituent elements of any social system, the basic question is what lies in changing the types of social systems. The only possible answer is – changing ways of producing communications. Technological revolution in the way of conveying information inevitably, as a consequence, have social and political change. In this sense, global communication establishes world society, and world society produces the world’s problems. New problems are strongly influenced by the place and the role of the nation-state. Nation-states are no longer able to be the exclusive control of social relations within its borders, nor are they able to “protect” its citizens from the effects of processes that occur outside their borders. It resulted in changing the level at which these problems are solved. It is a kind of “unburdening” normative centers, i.e., in concurring or non-concurring delegation of conflicts and problems at a supranational level. Still, the problems are not resolved in this way completely, since the over-national level does not possess its own political system, but is composed of fragmented organizations, regimes and informal associations and groups. This is not about, then, “inhabit” trans-national organizations. Trans-national organizations in the sphere of politics, law, security, social security and economics are compelling indicator of the situation in which the nation states become less operators and more objects within the globalization process. The absence of normative foundation of inevitably produces a deficit of legitimacy. The deficit of legitimacy, then, produces situations where the operation of trans-national organizations were less likely to be expressions of the reproduction of any order, and more as conducting its own action programs. It is therefore necessary to see the problem from the perspective of the world horizon. Simple: world society requires a world government. It is not a matter of choice, but an imperative of the future. From the perspective of the world horizon, the only way to global processes to be democratic is that democracy to be globalized.

Дефицити и ограничења глобалног управљања

Author(s): Stanislav Stojanović,Ksenija Đurić-Atanasievski / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2016

Modern globalization based on the idea of one world is one of the most popular international concepts that aroused huge expectations and fueled tremendous energy. Aspiration for unified governance of the world is as old as the world itself and the continuity of global political tendencies can be traced back to the earliest beginnings of the social history of humanity. However, an idea aimed at geographical and political unification of the world was never before so powerful and seductive as is the case with contemporary globalization. Proponents of globalization have claimed that the triumph of the West in the Cold War competition confirmed the superiority of the liberal model and represented a break with the real politics perception of international politics. In this way, as argued, the conditions were created for the societies around the world to start their own reconstruction and define new directions of social development through the prism of neo-liberal school of economics. The process of global rapprochement, creating a global culture and universalization of democratic governance, permanently overcoming war and the establishment of lasting peace was announced. This mission of creating a global society in which economic forces define all other social contents is declared as the inevitability and necessity. The analysis indicates that it is now evident that the social and political reality has not developed as announced by the proponents of globalization at the beginning of the last decade of the twentieth century. Fascinating technological achievements cannot mitigate devastating failures and painful consequences of globalization that open spaces of long-term instability in the world and the social, economic and political wasteland of its development. It is increasingly evident that the outcome of global processes strongly denied the truth about the inevitability of economic theoretical concept whose ambition was to transform the political, economic and social fields of modern societies. The modern world fell into a time of confusion, uncertainty and insecurity, growing into a global risk society. The economic crisis and financial instability discredited the idea of the global market, and inequality and poverty desocialized the space that has reached planetary proportions. Strong reapprochement of nations, political communities and cultures and intensifying their interdependence encouraged more intense disagreement, the emergence of new national models, radicalizing definitions of identity to the most devastating forms. The return of the concept of the world in which the instruments of real politics become prevalent is more certain, which reverses the optimism about relations in international politics. Globalization has not transformed the world, and the concept of global governance of the world proved to be a failed attempt, manifesting a variety of system dysfunctions. Turbulent economic trends, geopolitical situation that is perhaps more dangerous than any other the world has had since the Second World War, chaos and extremism in the East, disoriented and weakened Europe and increasingly prominent hierarchization of the world into those who have and those who do not have represent dominant characteristics of the concept of global society. Instead of global rapprochement, which has been the supporting idea of global processes, the modern world is facing intense global process of divergence, and the multicultural concept of global community is threatened by intrusive ideological universalism, unjustified in terms of social, economic and cultural trends in the world. All this indicates that the modern world is going the opposite direction, giving priority to competition rather than cooperation, and that global order permanently institutionalizes inequality, making global peace and stability difficult to achieve. At the same time, globalization, especially its technological achievements, increased the number of problems that require global engagement and multiplied activities that require international regulation. Transnational endangering security, above all, terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, organized crime, environmental degradation and population explosion, as well as the practice that transnational security associations and the armed forces of the most powerful countries in the world are often engaged contrary to the rules of international legal order defining the use of force in international relations, are just part of the phenomenon of contemporary reality seeking global approach. Hence, although demonstrated substantial shortcomings of global governance of the world discouraged belief in a unified humanity, it did not reduce the objective need for a global approach to many contents of modern human existence.

Russian informational and propaganda campaign against Ukraine prior to the Euromaidan (2013-2014): denying sovereignty

Author(s): Sergey Sukhankin,Alla Hurska / Language(s): English Issue: 21/2015

The article aimes to outline the main ideas and strategies pertaining to the Russian information and propaganda campaigns waged against Ukraine within the period 1991-2013. Current research also aims to discuss the nature and main sources of Ukrainophobia in Russian society as a complex phenomenon that has deep histori-cal and cultural roots. Particular emphasis is made on various vehicles and tools extensively used by the Russian side in the process of creation of the enemy and its historical tradition in Russian society.

Pole symboliczne, przemieszanie, niewczesność. Humanistyka jako wybór między pamięcią a nadzieją

Author(s): Andrzej Leder / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2016

This article positions itself within the history of ideas. In several European countries the 1960s saw the beginning of an exploration of being ashamed of the previous generation’s crimes. In a violent revolt against the past, young people in Germany, France and the United States displayed their shame as a response to their parents’ guilt. The ability to feel shame became a measure for a new kind of pride. However, over the following thirty years the practice of being proud of one’s ability to be ashamed for one’s parents guilt came to be ritualized. It lost its foundation in a common future. Today this kind of pride for shame clashes with and is rejected by a desire for pride without shame.

Cenzura w afekcie

Author(s): Grzegorz Niziolek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2016

This article outlines the notion of censorship in affect as a principle structuring the realm of visibility of homosexuals in Polish theatre. Niziołek explores the relationship between society’s homophobia and ways of establishing the national community. This project attempts to deconstruct Poland’s dominant paradigm of national theatre by tracing counter-public queer performance in public theatre shows.

Polityczne doświadczenie obrazu. O "Obrazie krytycznym (obrazie krytyki)" Georgesa Didi-Hubermana

Author(s): Andrzej Leśniak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 5/2016

In ‘Critical Image/Image of Criticism,’ Georges Didi-Huberman presents the phenomenon of negative dialectics as a turning point in the entire philosophical tradition. According to this new interpretation, negative dialectics allows us to rethink the image as a critical instance. The French philosopher offers a commentary on Adorno’s concept, but he also outlines a vision for a critical practice at whose centre we have images of a practice that goes beyond the dichotomy of engagement and non-engagement. Images provoke strong affective reactions, allowing us to define our own position with respect to reality, and this is why they can be said to enable politically meaningful experiences. Didi-Huberman’s attempt to relate visuality and politics is consistent with the ever more urgent necessity he sees, across his output, to think about the political as an essential horizon for intellectual activity.

Klisze i prześwietlenia. Braki i naddatki polskiej pamięci

Author(s): Justyna Tabaszewska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 6/2016

Tabaszewska examines two key issues in the functioning of Polish memory, namely forgetting and contemplation. They can be seen as two aspects of the same process of standardizing memory, of constructing memory in a way that is supposed to turn it into a comfortable tool in the construction of a given collective identity. Forgetting and contemplation can therefore be read as a memory loop of sorts, rooted in the need to reconstruct an identity based on belonging to a given state. The selective and stereotypical aspects of collective memory largely result from attempts to produce an image of the past that would legitimize a sense of belonging to a stable state organism looking back on hundreds of years of continuity.

CLASHING HISTORICAL NARRATIVES AND THE MACEDONIAN NAME DISPUTE – SOLVING THE UNSOLVABLE

Author(s): Zhidas Daskalovski / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2017

In the early 1990s Greece blocked the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia under that name and is currently blocking accession of this country to NATO and EU demanding name changes, which the government of Skopje refuses to adopt. The Macedonia name dispute is a clash over historical narratives and the right to claim origins of the Macedonian ethnic group and nation today and in the ancient past. For Greece, the key element is winning the argument over the legitimacy of ancient Macedon as a Greek state and not having the name Macedonia used by its northern neighbour. For the Republic, the intricacies of the ancient history are only instrumental to the recognition of the country under its constitutional name and the unblocking of the Euro-Atlantic integration. Consequently, the only way to resolve the seemingly intractable name dispute between Greece and Macedonia is to deal with the historical and identity issues that both sides care most for and ignore those that are not important for the resolution or could be left aside to be disagreed upon without political consequences. A political solution with an agreed international name for the country ‘Republic of Makedonija’ is likely to solve the dispute and improve the relations between the two countries.

LOYALTIES UNDER STRAIN: THE DOBRUDJA “MAHZAR” OF 1940

Author(s): Blagovest Nyagulov / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2017

The topic of the so-called Dobrudja “Mahzar” is an inseparable part of the events in the area between the Danube and the Black Sea that preceded and followed the Craiova Treaty of 1940. On the one hand, this topic illustrates one of the methods used by Romanian propaganda to preserve the territorial status quo with regard to Southern Dobrudja. On the other hand, the case of the Declaration of loyalty to Romania casts light on the state of the Bulgarian community in Dobrudja and its loyalties on the eve and after the Treaty that divided “definitely and forever” this land between Bulgaria and Romania. The paper presents in the form of an investigation the history of this Declaration, considering the Bulgarians’ participation in the initiative, and its consequences. The controversial topic raises the question of the possible and impossible dual loyalties of minorities.

English Abstracts

Author(s): Marco D'Eramo,Viktor Kiss,Omar Hassan,Sára Lafferton,Eszter Kováts,John Clarke,Mátyás Domschitz,Zsuzsanna Réka Elek,Miklós Merényi / Language(s): English Issue: 22/2017

Първа среща за опазване на нематериалното културно наследство на експерти от Китай и от страните в Централна и Югоизточна Европа, Краков, 11–14 октомври 2016 г.

Author(s): Albena Georgieva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2017

Events

100th Anniversary of the Republic: Strategies and Language Tools for Constructing Austrian National Identity in Socio- Political and Mass-Media Discourse

Author(s): Elena SHIRLINA / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2018

This paper is devoted to the comparison of two medially different “texts“– panel discussion and the premium newspaper “Der Standard” – united by a common topic: the 100th anniversary of the Austrian Republic, in terms of strategies and specific language tools used to construct a national identity. The author assumes that the set of strategies, in general, will coincide, since both texts are inscribed in the context of a broad public discussion about the fate of the country in the conditions of a postnational society. However, there may be differences in their implementation with the help of specific linguistic means, due to the medial and conceptual differences, different contexts in which communication takes place, etc.

From “andys” to “toasters”: How has politics affected the view of non-humans in ”Blade Runner” and ”Battlestar Galactica”?

Author(s): Jozef Lenč / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This article focuses on the change in perception of humanoid androids in science fiction from Philip K. Dick’s cult novel Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep? (1968) and its later film adaptations, to the depictions of androids and people in the struggle for survival and immortality in the TV series Battlestar Galactica (2004–2009) and Caprica (2010). Science-fiction novels usually outline the author’s ideas about the near or distant future of the world with which they are confronted on a daily basis. They usually warn readers of a possible apocalypse or present models of an ideal future society to replace the society of today. However, science fiction is written by real people in a specific space and time who often reflect the social tensions and issues of the time they were created. The depictions of humanoid androids, their position in society, and their desire to break free from their undignified or even slavish positions are, in many cases, a reflection of real policies and the position of today’s “others” in mainstream society.

Bulgarians in New Zealand – Adaptation and Integration Models

Author(s): Tanya Matanova / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

Bulgarian emigration to New Zealand dates back to the second half of the 20th century. As of May 2019, between five and six thousand Bulgarians live on both islands of the state. Some community leaders of the successfully adapted first and second-generation migrants take part in the organisation and management of Bulgarian migrant institutions (schools, church communities, dance groups, the mass media, etc.). The aim of this research is to outline the characteristics of the social and economic adaptation and integration strategies of Bulgarians in New Zealand. Therefore, on the one hand, the text will present stories of Bulgarians who had integrated into the host community through their own professional skills in the spheres of entrepreneurship, commerce, arts, and sport. On the other hand, it will show examples of integration on the community level showcased by the participation of Bulgarian institutions – such as folklore dance groups and Bulgarian radio- and TV programs – in multiethnic events or multicultural environments. For the purpose of the study respondents’ answers to online questionnaires will be analysed, as well as selected pieces in Bulgarian online media (radio broadcasts, newspapers), Facebook and internet sites and groups. Additionally, the data will be enriched with archived empirical data gathered during fieldwork in May 2019. Bulgarian emigration to New Zealand dates back to the second half of the 20th century. As of May 2019, between five and six thousand Bulgarians live on both islands of the state. Some community leaders of the successfully adapted first and second-generation migrants take part in the organisation and management of Bulgarian migrant institutions (schools, church communities, dance groups, the mass media, etc.). The aim of this research is to outline the characteristics of the social and economic adaptation and integration strategies of Bulgarians in New Zealand. Therefore, on the one hand, the text will present stories of Bulgarians who had integrated into the host community through their own professional skills in the spheres of entrepreneurship, commerce, arts, and sport. On the other hand, it will show examples of integration on the community level showcased by the participation of Bulgarian institutions – such as folklore dance groups and Bulgarian radio- and TV programs – in multiethnic events or multicultural environments. For the purpose of the study respondents’ answers to online questionnaires will be analysed, as well as selected pieces in Bulgarian online media (radio broadcasts, newspapers), facebook and internet sites and groups. Additionally, the data will be enriched with archived empirical data gathered during fieldwork in May 2019.

UNDERSTANDING THE MULTI-DIMENSIONAL NATURE OF CULTURAL IDENTITY IN HISTORIC URBAN LANDSCAPES: A STUDY OF JIAXIULOU IN GUIYANG, CHINA

Author(s): Shi Linfeng,Yang Wanyi,Norsidah Ujang / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2024

The conservation and sustainable development of historic urban landscapes (HUL) are imperative in the face of rapid urbanisation. This study, based on Jiaxiulou in Guiyang City, China, examines the dimensions of cultural identity (CI) in HUL. Using a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach, a three-dimensional model of CI is validated, comprising cognitive, emotional, and behavioural aspects. Results show that while cognitive understanding of HUL is essential, it alone does not directly influence the residents' emotions and behaviours. Pride in cultural heritage emerges as a significant driver of CI, impacting the residents' perceptions and behaviours. Conversation behaviour is identified as a primary expression of CI. Recommendations are proposed to integrate local values into urban planning, to enhance public participation, and to provide diverse cultural activities for the residents, highlighting the importance of social engagement in shaping CI. This study contributes to understanding the complexity of CI and its role in HUL conservation and sustainable development.

LE CONSTITUTIONNALISME IDENTITAIRE HONGROIS D’« ANOMALIE » À « SYSTÈME » ET LA DIVERSITÉ DES CULTURES CONSTITUTIONNELLES À LA LUMIÈRE DES CANDIDATURES EUROPÉENNES D’UKRAINE, MOLDAVIE ET GÉORGIE

Author(s): Angela Di Gregorio / Language(s): French Issue: 29/2022

La victoire de la coalition conservatrice Fidesz-KDNP pour la quatrième fois consécutive aux élections hongroises du 3 avril 2022 oblige à prendre acte de la consolidation du système constitutionnel illibéral de ce pays qui – quelles que soient les manipulations directes ou indirectes du consensus électoral grâce aux ressources administratives du Gouvernement de Viktor Orbán – a montré avoir des racines populaires tenaces, malgré le conditionnement du contexte international sur le résultat des dernières élections. Ainsi, du moins pour l’instant, on perd l’espoir d’une alternance politique en faveur du cartel des oppositions unies qui, malgré la perspective d’une victoire étriquée et donc insuffisante pour démanteler les réformes des douze dernières années, a fait preuve d’une débâcle difficile à expliquer uniquement par les manipulations et le climat géopolitique difficile du moment.

Nacionalne manjine u Crnoj Gori: između evropeizacije, građanske države i afirmativne akcije

Author(s): Nikola Zečević,Bojan Božović / Language(s): Montenegrine Issue: 10/2021

The central subject of the paper is understanding the position of national minorities in Montenegro, after the adoption of the constitution in 2007, in a state that is constitutionally defined as civic but which at the same time recognizes the institution of positive discrimination, i. e. affirmative action. The paper presents a historical recapitulation of the role of minorities in Montenegro from the time of the Principality / Kingdom of Montenegro to the current legal and political context. The paper aims to show the origin of the protection of minority rights and the positive and negative aspects of applying the guaranteed rights of national minorities in Montenegro, especially in the context of the enjoyment of civil and political rights. During this century, Montenegro created effective mechanisms to protect fundamental rights. However, the critical issue is whether this result was achieved thanks to high-quality positive legal solutions or traditional respect, mutual interconnections, decades-long harmony, and the developed awareness of political representatives that Montenegro is indeed a civic country. Today’s legal framework is modern and follows the highest European standards; however, the paper aims to show whether such a legal basis is sufficient to prevent discrimination against national minorities. In this sense, the article reviews the case Alković vs Montenegro at the European Court of Human Rights.

ენობრივი პოლიტიკის საკითხები საქართველოში XX საუკუნის დასაწყისში (ემიგრაციის ქართული პრესის მიხედვით)

Author(s): Irine Chachanidze,Tamar Guchua / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 9/2024

Russification is a special case of cultural assimilation, when small nations fall under the influence of the Russian language and culture (Weinreich, 1953; Thaden, 1981; Weinerman, 1996; Kappeler, 2004; Jones, 2005; Miller, 2008; Weeks, 2010). At the beginning of the 20 th century, the norms of the language policy developed in the Russian Empire applied to the conquered and imperial countries, including Georgia. The present paper aims to study the problems of the Russification language policy on the example of Georgia. The digital corpus of “Sakartvelo” (Georgia), the newspaper of the Georgian Emigrants of the early 20 th century, is used to provide empirical data. Illustrative data have been collected and the questions given below are discussed using the method of sociolinguistic: 1) To what extent was the local population of Georgia ready to accept the Russian language in schools and theological education? 2) To what extent was the “immersion method” of teaching justified in the Russification language policy of the early 20 th century in Georgia? 3) Under the Russification language policy in Georgia, in what directions was the protection of the Georgian language provided? Such an approach to the problem will show us what measures were taken by the founders of the Georgian émigré press in terms of exposing the educational policy of Russification, forming a healthy public opinion and protecting the Georgian language, more specifically, how the Georgian newspaper “Sakartvelo”, published in Paris in 1903-1905, responded to this problem.

Amintiri dintr-un alt fel de copilărie

Author(s): Narcisa Ştiucă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 23/2024

The article explores excerpts from two types of documents: the transcription of interviews conducted in 2002 and a notebook of memories discovered in 2015. Both narrators were in advanced senescence when they were interviewed or respectively wrote their memories. I focus on passages presenting the ways in which they lived and made sense of the WWI. These fragments are part of what we usually call collective memory, but they are intensely marked by subjectivity and emotion. The analysis demonstrates that the two witnesses of the world conflagration deployed distinctive narrative strategies to relay their experience to future generations. They emphasized the importance of family cohesion and peace at the expense of material and spiritual goods. Although they knew at the time of recording the details and significance of the Great War, they preferred to share their experiences through the prism of innocent childhood to emphasize the sacrifices and traumas associated with war as lived experience behind the battlefield.

EDUCATION FOR DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP IN POSTCONFLICT SOCIETIES: THE CASE OF KOSOVO

Author(s): Ajsela TOCI,Jubjana Vila / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

Democratic education has been considered an effective way to transform long-lasting conflicts into more integrative visions. The case of Kosovo is relevant for this study considering that education has always been at the center of the dispute between Kosovo Albanians and the Serbian community and the parallel education systems constructed in identity lines have created ethnic divisions between the two communities in the public sphere. For deeply divided societies, the challenge stays in the ability to promote diversity, respect for human rights, and inclusive institutions. Considering the impact of democratic education on individual attitudes, this study explores the integration of democracy and civic identity teachings in the secondary school curricula in Kosovo. Through the combination of text analysis of civic education textbooks of secondary educational system and interviews with experts that were actively involved in the curricula organization and the overall education system in Kosovo, the study aims to identify patterns of teaching on democratic concepts and civic identity, together with the teaching and learning methodology. Findings show that democratic norms and values are discussed theoretically but a need-based or a more practical approach to the different perceptions of conflicting identities and socially inclusive strategies must be incorporated.