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AKP, Milliyetçilik Ve Diş Politika: Bir Milliyetçilik Doktrini Olarak Stratejik Derinlik

Author(s): Cenk Saraçoglu / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2013

Over the past ten year the academic researches and publications pertaining to the AKP (Justice and Development Party) power in Turkey has culminated into an immensely rich literature, but the main tenets of the nationalist character of this party have not drawn an adequate academic and intellectual attention for various reasons. In an attempt to contribute to this relatively unexhausted discussion, this article will seek to unravel and evaluate the ideational foundations and symbolic components of the AKP’s nationalist position through a close analysis of Stratejik Derinlik (Strategic Depth), a supposedly theory-oriented book written in 2001 by the current Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoğlu. This article argues that at the very crux of the foreign policy outlook sketched out in Stratejik Derinlik is a systematic nationalist doctrine that has been rather haphazardly represented and propagated by the AKP officials. In this respect, Stratejik Derinlik can be treated as a fertile point of departure for investigating the ideological roots of AKP’s nationalism and the role this nationalism plays in the ongoing struggles for political hegemony in Turkey. The fact that the thesis and discourses deployed in the Stratejik Derinlik have functioned in the last ten years as a prominent point of reference for the official foreign policy approach in Turkey also testifies to a dramatic transformation of the Turkish state’s official ideology along the lines of the AKP’s Islamic conservative nationalism.

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Albania and Kosovo. In quest of a Common Future

Author(s): Dritan Sulçebe / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2014

This Policy Paper was prepared in the context of the joint Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS), Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) project: “Albania and Kosovo - In quest of a Common Future”. Its first chapter deals with the historical dimension of the relations between Albania and Kosovo. During their history Kosovo and Albania have been isolated for more than four decades and this has caused deep divisions in economic, political and societal terms, which still persist today. During WWII, both countries experienced a short term unification (1941-1944), which resulted very successful in strengthening their economic ties. However, during the communist regimes in Albania and Yugoslavia, cooperation was limited only to sporadic academic and cultural interaction. After the fall of the Iron curtain, deep isolation continued to mark the relations between the two countries. The situation changed only after the outbreak of the Kosovo War and the establishment of the UNMIK administration in 1999, with the signing of a series of economic and free trade agreements. After the independence of Kosovo in 2008, one can speak for the first time in history of relations between two separate and sovereign Albanian dominated states. As such, these relations are experiencing a new evolving economic and political dimension.

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ALBANIAN IMMIGRANTS IN GREECE: FROM UNWANTED TO TOLERATED?

Author(s): Artur Adamczyk / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

The main objective of this article is to present the way attitudes towards Albanian people and the perception of them has changed in Greece. The Albanians came to Greece following the collapse of the Communist bloc at the beginning of the 1990s. Within time it transpired that it was a mass immigration of approximately 500,000 people. Greece was not prepared for such an enormous influx of foreigners and failed to initiate an effective migration policy. The initial reactions of the Greek politicians, media, and society were negative. Social feelings, however, began to turn in the first decade of the XX century. Albanians ceased to be stigmatised as a threat and started to be perceived in a positive way through the prism of the demands of the Greek economy. The economic and migration crisis, however, lead to the reappearance of a xenophobic mood among the Greeks.

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ALEKSA ĐILAS О GRANICAMA »OSPORAVANE ZEMLJE «

Author(s): Nebojša Popovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1(2)/1992

Knjiga Alekse Đilasa, naučnog saradnika Univerziteta Harvard, »Osporavana zemlja« nastavlja niz monografija о nacionalnom pitanju na jugoslovenskom tlu (G. Vlajčić, D. Pešić i dr.). Ova istorijsko-sociološka studija utemeljeno je na višestranoj bogatoj domaćoj izvornoj podlozi i konsultovanju velikog broja naslova, uglavnom, inostrane provinijencije. Kroz Uvod, šest poglavlja i Zaključak autor vodi nacionalno pitanje jugoslovenskih naroda od vremena Marije Terezije do «vrhunca jugoslovenstva« sredinom 50-tih godina ovog veka. Kako som autor kaže, on u ovoj studiji nije imao nameru da sveobuhvatno prikaže partijsku politiku jugoslovenskih komunista prema jugoslovenskom jedinstvu, već da ukaže na sociološke i istorijske činioce koji su tu poiltiku određivali.

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Alevi Gençliğinin Siyasi ve Sosyo-Kültürel Kimlik Mücadelesi I

Author(s): Fazilet Ahu Özmen / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2011

With its different definitions, its pluralist structure and its contribution to the political, social and cultural space of Turkey, besides constituting an important factor; Alevism; is a often debated concept and a mobilization tool nowadays. Since the Ottoman period Alevism has a struggle of identity. Their marginalization in the Ottoman Empire as well as in the later periods of the Republic due to the characteristics of their belief system, their definition as the „other‟ by the opposition forces have caused great difficulties for Alevis. Because of the oppression they have experienced, they could not sufficiently express themselves and could not attain a cultural autonomy. However, with the transition to the multi-party system and migration flows from the country-sides to the cities, the situation has began to change and especially with the effect of the political activities of the mid-1960‟s, the Alevi community, especially the young generation has began to take its places in the society. Alevis that formed an important fraction of the 68 generation have adopted leftist orientations that formed the basis of their identity formation. This process has continued throughout the 1970‟s. But events between 1978-80 have once more deeply affected the Alevis and they once more retired into themselves. Besides observing the identity formation of the Alevi youth between 1968-80, this article also highlights the importance of their contributions to the political development and to the direction of this development in these periods.

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ALTERNATIVE NATIONAL DEFENCE AND SECURITY STRUCTURES DURING THE COLD WAR PERIOD. CASE STUDY – ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS

Author(s): Diana Cristina Lupu,Gligor Vaidean / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

The paper presents the alternative national defence and security structures,be they considered public security organisations, official governmental paramilitary structures or militias, existing in some countries during the Cold War period, focusing on the situation in Romania and the Balkans. The presentation is contextualised, taking into account the tensions between the Eastern Bloc (the Soviet Union and its satellite states) and the Western Bloc (the United States of America and its allies), divided along ideological lines after the end of the World War II, the existence of the two main political-military alliances(the Warsaw Pact and NATO), as well as the main crises and phases in the Cold War, in general, and in the Warsaw Pact, in particular. In the mentioned context, in some countries,certain structures other than the regular military were established to provide additional defence in the event of outside attack, the emergence, organisation and role of the ones related to the Eastern Bloc, especially those in Romania and the Balkans, being presented in the paper.

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American Identity Enveloped in Words

Author(s): Anna Stwora / Language(s): English / Issue: 13/2017

This article aims at presenting presidential rhetoric in which the myth of the American Dream is employed in order to influence national identity. It provides an overall description of the theme of the American Dream from the standpoint of sociolinguistics and psycholinguistics, basing on discretionally selected inaugural addresses delivered by four Presidents of the United States, with particular emphasis placed on the process of moulding individual identity through the construction and maintenance of cognitive and thought patterns. The research questions posed are intended to prove that the American Dream may be perceived as an instrument of psycholinguistic manipulation which can be the source of ideological and social pressure.

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AN EVALUATION ON ISTANBUL’S BULGARIANS AS THE “INVISIBLE MINORITY” OF TURKEY

Author(s): Kader Özlem / Language(s): English / Issue: 43/2019

There are just non-Muslim minorities in Turkey in the context of Lausanne Peace Treaty. Since 1925, the Bulgarians in Istanbul has benefitted from the minority provisions of the Lausanne Peace Treaty under the Protocol attached to the Treaty of Friendship and signed between Turkey and Bulgaria. However, the population consisting of about 500 people paved the way of being an ‘invisible community’ within Turkey's population of nearly 80 million. In this study, transitional historical process of Bulgarian minority, their legal status, institutional situation and problems faced by the Bulgarian minority living in Turkey are examined.

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An Ideal Husband, or an Ideal Wife? That is the question

Author(s): Mahsa Zayani,Farideh Pourgiv / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

To the modern reader, the Nineteenth Century England has always been the reminiscent of unrelenting ideals regarding social codes of conduct. Although such ideals have been widely criticized, they were passed off as unquestionably natural and necessary to be carried out during the Victorian era. Yet Oscar Wilde, the renowned dramatist of the time, was one of the authors who dared to put to challenge the accepted prescribed gender roles exposing their constructed essence using his insurmountable wit. The current article aims at analysing the apparently transgressive gender roles in Oscar Wilde’s play; An Ideal Husband, with the aid of Judith Butler’s theory of performativity, a theory which disavows the concept of an inherent gender identity in favour of the idea that gendered behaviours are the consequence of performing certain discursively assigned acts.

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Analiza uloge porodice u Srbiji u prihvatanju LGBTTIQ identiteta (stavovi žena koje su majke prema homoseksualnosti)

Author(s): Marija Radoman / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2017

This paper aims to point out the role of the family in the acceptance of LGBTTIQ in Serbia. The family is one of the most frequent places of rejection and violence for non-heterosexual persons – according to the data of 2014. Center for Queer Studies (CKS), only one-third of LGBT respondents report that their families know about their sexual orientation, while for 40% of people no one in their family knows about their sexual identity! The great degree of invisibility of LGBTTIQ means that topic of homosexuality is still taboo, and also that families in Serbia have conservative and patriarchal aspects. The first part deals with the position of LGBTTIQ population in Serbia today, based on public opinion surveys, NGO reports, and media information. The theoretical part relates to the problem of homophobia in the family, the problem of the of homosexual identity and internalized homophobia as well as psychological stress, the difficulties of growing up and the psychological problem of LGBT teenagers, based on foreign studies. In the second part of the paper will be presented data of survey research “Culture of birth and reproductive strategies of women in Serbia today”. This section is about attitudes of women in Serbia towards LGBT people in general – whether homosexuality is disease and perversion, the attitude towards the potential homosexuality of their children, the answers to the question of whether the respondents would participate in the Pride Parade and support the right for LGBT people to marry and adopt children.

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Anciennes et nouvelles élites dans la lutte pour l'indépendance

Author(s): Pëllumb Xhufi / Language(s): French / Issue: 02/2012

Les études sur la pensée politique et culturelle de la Renaissance nationale albanaise ont déjà convergé dans la définition de son caractère comme «un mouvement aussi bien national que démocratique »'. Inspirés par les idées de Rousseau des Lumières françaises et de Mazzini du Risorgimento italien, les idéologues et les activistes du mouvement national albanais, Sami Frashëri, Pashko Wassa, Mihal Grameno, Shahin Kolonja, Hil Mosi, Ismail Qemali, Dervish Hima, Luigj Gurakuqi et Hasan Prishtina, considéraient la séparation de « l’ancien régime » comme un acte majeur, un bouleversement « révolutionnaire » (en effet, ils parlaient de « révolution ») qui s’emparerait du peuple tout entier et qui, avec la domination pluriséculaire ottomane, rejetterait aussi les anciennes classes collaboratrices des beys, des pachas, des chefs de clan et des clergés, en les considérant comme des représentants de l’ancien régime qu’il fallait reverser.

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ANTEMURALE HETEROSEXIS: SECURITIZATION IN CROATIA VIA CONTEMPORARY ONLINE HOMOPHOBIA IN THE CASE OF THE PORTAL ‘NAROD’

Author(s): Srdan Jovanovic / Language(s): English / Issue: 11/2018

Even though homophobia in Croatia can be followed since the years of the Independent State of Croatia as a Nazi puppet state during World War II, it has become significantly more pronounced since the wars of the Yugoslav secession in the nineties. Strengthened by a nationalist Weltanschauung that does not see homosexuals as part of the nation, it became even further reinforced by the Catholic Church in Croatia. Much of the contemporary homophobic discourse can be found on the portal Narod, where alleged attacks on Croatia, the Croat nation, and in particular, the Catholic Church, are regularly promoted within its textual production. The rhetoric is one of securitization, wherein homosexuality is presented as a threat to Croatia and the Catholic Church. Seen through the methodological prism of content analysis, through the lens of securitization theory, this article explores the homophobic rhetoric of the Narod portal, so far ignored in scholarship.

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ANTIFAŠIZAM KAO MESTO SEĆANJA: ČITANJE IZ PERSPEKTIVE 21. VEKA

Author(s): Angela Richter / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2017

One of the motives to write this article was the statement that “there is no common remembrance culture“ (Kolditz). On the one hand, this necessitates a plurality of memories, but on the other, it bears a risk of revisionism and relativisation of the antifascist struggle and its societal and cultural legacies. That is why I decided to look back at the recent Yugoslav literary past and evoke protagonists, topics and auctorial positions which made antifascism as the place of memory an integral part of the cultural discourse. It should be stressed that the authors whose works I introduced in this article also critically looked at the mythologems of the SFRY. Hence, this kind of analysis shows that the narratives of remembrance, despite the efforts of the ruling ideology to make them homogenous and indisputable, can be subverted and questioned, especially within and by literature which itself deals with narration and narrativization. Special focus on the play Hrvatski Faust (Croatian Faust, 1981) by Slobodan Šnajder is expressive: by establishing a parallelism among the action and the protagonists in the time of the NDH and the following communist period, the author suggests the congruency between the repressive policies of the Ustasha but also of the Yugoslav, antifascist establishment. Being a valuable literary document of the resistance to repression in any system, this play also questions the exploitation of the antifascist narrative as the mythologeme which undermines the critique of the authoritarian politics effectuated by the declared antifascist state. Conclusions of this article centre on the need to critically revaluate the past, but also to persist in defending values represented by antifascism as the place of memory and the foundation of the present and future society of humanity and justice.

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ANTROPOLOŠKO KONSTRUIRANJE ETNICITETA

Author(s): Vedrana Spajic-Vrkaš / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 22/1996

The paper discusses the relationship of social reality, social visions and anthropological constructions of ethnicity in the western theoretical tradition. By analyzing changes in terminology, the persistence of dual theoretical paradigms and differences between the American and Western European approaches to ethnicity, it argues that anthropological constructions of ethnicity serve as functions of western self-interpretation and its interpretation of the "other". Accepting the view that western democratic tradition has developed as a process of recognition of relations between individual rights/freedoms and authority, in which anthropology and other social sciences have served greatly by offering modes of recognition and change, it is stated in the paper that both failed in recognizing the same relation in the context of the "other". Arguments are found in the anthropological tendency to name and define the "other" in terms of "tribe", "race", "ethnicity" and "nationalism", while at the same time ignoring questions of (national) identities of the western countries, probably under a tricky presumption of equity between western social visions and their social reality.

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Anul 1918 în Basarabia reflectat în istoriografia din R.S.S. Moldovenească

Author(s): Ion Valer Xenofontov / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 57/2018

The study presents the discussions of historiography in Soviet Moldova during 1918. The subject was politicized, the ultimate goal of the political factor being the recovery of the lost government of Bessarabia. It emphasized the minimization of 1918 and the highlight of 1917. Historians from the Moldovan RSS paid tribute to the political factor.

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Aporije etničkog federalizma u Bosni i Hercegovini – (ne)uspeli postkonfliktni federalni eksperiment

Author(s): Darko Simovic / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2019

This paper is aimed as responding to the dilemma as to whether the non-functionality of the federalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina is a consequence exclusively of inadequate constitutional framework or should causes be sought in factors outside the institutional ones. With that intent, the first part of the paper analyzes the extent to which the Dayton Agreement avails ideal-typical or at least favourable traits that enable the effectuation of all those functions expected of a fundamental law in a modern constitutional state. In the second part of the paper, the author aims to identify political factors that are impeding the effective functioning of the constitutional system. In accordance with the results of such studies, in the conclusion of the paper the author will discuss the extent to which constitutional reform can be expected and what kinds of strategy should be undertaken for the purpose of improving the functionality of the constitutional system of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Appropriation and manipulation of “women’s writing” in the nationalist discourse in Serbia in the nineties

Author(s): Nevena Ivanovic / Language(s): English / Issue: 59.5/2000

In his Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (1983), Benedict Anderson put forth an influential definition of the nation as an "imagined political community.” A more sophisticated version of Gellner's invention of nations by nationalism and a groundwork for subsequent studies of the processes of imagining particular nations, Anderson's definition established the nation as a system of cultural representation, which enables identification with the larger community through an imagining of a shared experience. [...]

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Arabs and Palestinians in Israeli School Textbooks. Changing the Perception of the “Other”

Author(s): Yohanan MANOR / Language(s): English / Issue: 17/2008

En partant de l’idée que les programmes et les manuels scolaires peuvent être des instruments par lesquels les authorités publiques exercent une influence sur les convictions, les aspirations et les perceptions des jeunes, cet article analyse la manière dans laquelle les Musulmanes, en général, et les Palestiniens, en particulier, sont présentés dans l’enseignement Israélien. L’analyse et fondée sur une étude des manuels, réalisée par le CMIP. La conclusion confirme l’observation d’un tournant au milieu des années ’80, lorsqu’on a commencé une campagne éducative dans l’esprit de la coexistence pacifique avec les Palestiniens.

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Arapski nacionalizam: uspon, slom i posljedice jedne ideologije

Author(s): Davorka Matic / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 2/2018

The Arab Spring is one of the main triggers of the contemporary Middle East crisis. Indirectly, it strengthened the radical wing of the Islamist movement, led to the wars in Syria and Yemen, intensified regional competition, and destabilised the region. However, this regional instability is not a recent phenomenon. It has its roots in the aftermath of the First World War when the combination of internal and external factors transformed this previously tranquil region into a high-risk zone. The main ideological force in the Middle East in the 1950s, Arab nationalism, ceased to play an important role in the contemporary interArab relations. Still, it would be a mistake not to consider it at least partially responsible for the present-day situation in the region. The article focusses on the developmental dynamics of Arab nationalism. That entails the analysis of the circumstances under which its liberal, pro-European discourse has been gradually transformed into the authoritarian Pan-Arabism, of its impact on the political arrangement and relations in the region, as well as the analysis of the reasons that caused the idea of Arab political unification to cease functioning as a significant framework of individual and collective action. Lastly, the article discusses the political legacy of Arab nationalism. It withdrew from the political scene of the Middle East but has left behind the autocratic regimes determined to stay in power at all cost. These repressive regimes, permanently at “war” with their own citizens and with hegemonic aspirations towards neighbouring countries, are Arab nationalism’s political legacy that bears a significant responsibility for the violence that engulfed the region after the collapse of the Arab Spring and for the resulting Middle East nightmare.

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Architectural monumentalism in transitional Albania

Author(s): Romeo Kodra / Language(s): English / Issue: 29/2017

This essay is focused on the artistic concept of monumentalization, in this case in architecture and urban planning, and, through some historical examples, investigates and traces the role of this concept in relation with the construction of representative political power. The chosen context is that of Albania, and more specifically Tirana, during the last 100 years, where three main political models - fascism, state socialism and contemporary neoliberal practices - with their analogies and developments in terms of relation with arts, have produced subjectivities and generated meanings in public space.

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