БИЛИ БИСМО И КИНЕЗИ, САМО ДА НАС ОСТАВЕ НА МИРУ: (РЕ)КОНСТРУКЦИЈА ЕТНИЧКОГ ИДЕНТИТЕТА НЕМАЦА У ВОЈВОДИНИ

Author(s): Aleksandar Krel / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2009

Distinguished readers, the text before you has two major goals. The first one is to inform you on motives which determined my interest to deal with questions of ethnic identity of Vojvodina Germans in this period of my research and scientific activity. The other is to briefly present results of my current research of ethnic identity of German national minority in Vojvodina, concisely display the most important directions which defined its theoretical and methodological frame, and put forward the basic course of collection of empirical data in the field.

Бинарниот код: Белешки за славење на хомосексуалноста

Author(s): Stanimir Panayotov / Language(s): English,Macedonian Issue: 1-2/2005

Let me, at the very outset, state my little metaphorical apology of homosexuality in Bulgaria, and if you still haven’t grown sick and tired of it by that time, read on. Pell-mell, in a mannered way, without a thesis – call it what you will, just let me write; before you know it, I may arrive to the “discourse”...

БИОГРАФИЧЕСКИЙ МЕТОД В ИССЛЕДОВАНИИ СОЦИАЛЬНОГО САМОЧУВСТВИЯ КАРЕЛЬСКИХ АКТИВИСТОВ

Author(s): Julia Litvin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 4/2021

The study of ethnicity is relevant in the context of globalization, since it helps people to emphasize their identity, enhance self-esteem, and increase self-awareness in mass culture society. Ethnosociologists and ethnologists pay attention to this problem, based mainly on the data of quantitative analysis. The number of scientific publications using non-formalized analytical tools has been growing in recent years. The paper aspires to investigate the possibility of using qualitative methods to study the social self-perception of a specific social group – Karelian ethnic activists. The author selects a new research focus not studying the social and psychological characteristics of ethnic activists, who traditionally serve as experts in ethnological and sociological studies. The research is based on a series of biographical interviews conducted in the republican center of Karelia, the city of Petrozavodsk, and in large settlements of so-called “national” districts (where the proportion of the Karelian population is higher than in the Republic of Karelia in general). The analysis of the materials was carried out by assigning keywords to a large decrypted text. The author processed the study materials based on a well-grounded legitimate theory and used the observation method as an additional research tool. It was concluded that the biographical method is important for studying the socio-psychological characteristics of a person. The communicative power of the Russian language leads to a situation of conflict between different components in the ethnic identity structure among ethnic activists, affected by a language shift. The Karelian language retains its value as an essential factor of identity (cognitive component), while the scope of its use is narrowing, and some of the respondents demonstrate low level of language competence or don’t speak this language at all (affective and behavioral components). Such ambiguity has a negative influence on the ethnic self-perception of Karelian leaders and makes them look for other ways of identification. The results contribute to a deeper study of ethnic processes, and can also be used in comparison with the processes taking place in other “national” regions experiencing the influence of globalization.

БІБЛІОТЕКИ ЯК СОЦІАЛЬНІ ІНСТИТУТИ В УКРАЇНСЬКОМУ СУСПІЛЬСТВІ ПЕРІОДУ 1953 – 1964 РР. (НА МАТЕРІАЛАХ ДЕРЖАВНОГО АРХІВУ ПОЛТАВСЬКОЇ ОБЛАСТІ)

Author(s): Olha Tievikova,Ludmila Derevianko / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 4/2017

Purpose of Article. The purpose of the research is to reveal the role and significance of libraries as the social institutions in the Ukrainian society of the Khrushchev “thaw” period (1953 - 1964) on the basis of analysis of the State Archives of the Poltava Region materials. Methodology of the research includes logical, institutional, analytical, problematic, chronological, historical-genetic, and historical-systemic methods, methods of comparison, analogy, synthesis, and analysis. Scientific novelty of the work is a claim that state ideological control limited the activity of libraries as well as formed the appropriate world view and stereotypes of Ukrainians’ critical thinking. At the same time, the weakening of ideological pressure led to the expansion of the accessible information boundaries, contributed to the loosening of the communist system as well as the establishment of new thinking.

Борба за нови српски идентитет

Author(s): Gordana Živković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2011

This paper discusses the complex, sensitive and insufficiently investigated problem of the transition and the Serbian national identity, operationalized through the following questions: should our integration into the European cultural and spiritual space exclude our tradition, specific cultural patterns and the ruling religious principles? Or do we just need to bring them into the common European cultural and spiritual heritage that will continue to develop in a specific form? Are inherited customs, the nature of people and the way of making their evaluations in a position to threaten the changes aimed at making invalid everything that represent obstacle to the Europeanization of life? Or are the traditions quite capable to contribute it? Recalling the experience of developed Western countries shows that fundamental changes that they have been going through and it has not been any destruction of its own, but it was its modernization, the author maintains that tradition is not perceived as something given once and for all, but it has been establishing again and again by the efforts of new generations to preserve and strengthen its significance. Stressing that any transformation of the tradition as maintenance and reproduction of human identity into the ineffective past would led to tragic consequences in terms of human existence, the author warns that it overlooks that Europeanization would have no chance to determine not even this what is already won. Drawing attention to possible effects of such Europeanization in many ways resembled the well- known communist ideological interventions in these areas, the author dismisses as unjustified and harmful attitudes of the so- called alternative non- governmental organizations that the basic problems of our wanderings and hardships of transition reflected in Serbian nationalism are the church and tradition.

Борба либерала за превласт у Друштву српске словесности и Матици српској (1864–1866)

Author(s): Branko Bešlin / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 18/2018

The proponents of parliamentarian rule and civil freedoms began to be publicly active in Serbia, in a lively and organised manner, at the St. Andrew’s Day Assembly of 1858. Their activity among the Serbs in southern Hungary became evident after the Austrian defeats in the war against Italy in 1859 and the Annunciation Assembly of 1861. As they established personal links while still being students, they soon became the leaders of the opposition movement which fought absolutism in Serbia and Austria, while at the same time working on national liberation. The conditions for a parliamentary political competition did not exist in either of these two countries. This is why the liberals from Serbia, members of Miletić’s People’s Party, aimed to wield their influence indirectly, in the cultural-educational field. In 1863 and 1864, they tried to assume leadership in the most important cultural-educational institutions: in Belgrade – in the Society of Serbian Letters and the Higher School, and in Novi Sad – in Matica srpska and the Serbian Reading Room. A larger number of liberals found themselves in the early 1860s in the Society of Serbian Letters established in 1841 (a precursor of today’s Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts) and the Lyceum (a precursor of the Higher School, i.e. Belgrade University). At the meet ing of the Society of Serbian Letters held on 26 January 1864, eminent liberal Vladimir Jovanović proposed Guiuseppe Garibaldi, Ferenc Deák and Richard Cobden for honorary members, and Aleksandr Herzen, Nikolay Chernishevsky and Saint-Marc Girardin for corresponding members (Jovanović met the representatives of Young Italy, English liberals and radicals, Hungarian nationalists and Russian revolutionaries in autumn 1862 and spring 1863 during his travel to London). Prince Mihailo immediately abolished the Soci ety of Serbian Letters and Jovanović emigrated – first to Hungary, in Novi Sad. His fellow thinkers headed by Svetozar Miletić, who was his personal friend, already had the main say there. In spring 1864, Matica srpska was transferred from Pest to Novi Sad – it was the oldest Serbian literary association with great foundations and the richest organisation of non-Hungarian peoples in Hungary. Liberals prevailed in Matica and had at their disposal the means for printing magazines and books. Owing to their initiative, the first standing theatre among the Serbs began to operate in Novi Sad, while in 1866 the United Serbian Youth was founded upon the model of Young Italy.

Босански муслимани и Срби – разлози неспоразума од 1918. до данас

Author(s): Vladica Todorović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 19/2020

The paper provides an analysis of political relations of Bosnian Muslims (officially Bosniaks since 1993) and Serbs, lasting for almost a century. Firstly, the author deals with their relations in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1941, all the way through World War II from 1941 to 1945, then in the Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1990, followed bythe period after the break-up of Socialist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, when Bosnia and Herzegovina became sovereign state, and, finally,with their current relations We believe that the main cause of the dispute is that Bosnian Muslims historically always abandoned Serbs at critical times and sought the support of other states and nations for their state-building goals. In wars, they supported their enemies, often forming alliances with other states or nations. As religious idea among the Bosnian Muslims grew from 1918, so did their numbers as well as their aspirations for Serbian territories. Similarly, as the number of Bosnian Muslims grew, so did the interest of great powers and political parties as well as their military support. Most importantly, with the rise of numbers of Bosnian Muslims, their policies and their stance towards the state changed. Hence, when they became majority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, they wanted to turn the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina into their national state.

Бриселски споразум и проблем виртуелног признања Косова и Метохије

Author(s): Igor Janev / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2013

Legal analysis of the Brussels Agreement showed here that this document despite of the significant number of interstate elements, still cannot be interpreted clearly as an usual international agreement. It turned out in the analysis that the one basic or fundamental legal element to interpret this act as an international agreement is apparently missing. The one component missing here is an implicit consent (as well as expressly given consent) that this is an international act, and in that way particularly it has been concluded that without such an essential element Brussels Agreement cannot be characterized as an international treaty. Furthermore in the same context, it is missing in that act an implicit (as well as explicitly given) consent from Serbia to recognize another entity as a state with an international juridical personality, as well. Thus, legally considering, there was no any de jure nor de facto recognition from Serbia in that mutual act. Here the principle(s) of Bona Fides also implied (and formulated) that the basic element for such recognition is an essential necessary consent and demonstrated will for recognition (from Serbia), provided without doubt. On the other hand, one can still observe that the Brussels Agreement represent an legal act apparently rich of international legal elements. That act, as noted in the presented analysis, constitute international legal precedent or as one can put it precedent of quasi- international contractual law or virtual quasi- international act. It can be most likely be described as a political arrangement suitable for different interpretations depending on sides involved in the process and parties in the contract-arrangement itself. Apart from its juridical character, and apparent loss of Serbian authority in the Kosovo and Metohija, it was finally concluded that the agreement still opens up some opportunities to Serbia at the United Nations for struggle against further recognitions and membership aspirations of „Kosovo„ in the United Nations.

Българи в Словения. Първоначални наблюдения върху българската диаспора в Словения

Author(s): Mila Santova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2016

Българската държава и „вътрешният друг”

Author(s): Maria Bakalova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2019

The study examines the problem of the relevant “internal other” in the modern Bulgarian state. The author's thesis is that from the creation of the third Bulgarian state to present days the attitude and the politics towards the “internal other” reveals two opposing trends – the “inclusive Republicanism” stemming from Vassil Levski's ideas, and the defensive non recognition and/or exclusion of “internal others”. The dynamics of these trends depends on the active impact and the role of external factors of ideological and political nature. The retrospective review and analysis reveals that the development of attitudes towards "the internal one" is uneven, even crisscrossing because of the complexity of interdependent external influences and inner perceptions and positions. The two tendencies should not be considered mutually exclusive, because vital and effective appear to be policies that combine aspects of both tendencies.

Българската етнология в началото на ХХI век – теория и практика. Съст. Валентина Васева. София: Издателство на БАН „Проф. Марин Дринов“, 2017

Сборник с материали от конференцията в памет на проф. Стоян Генчев по случай 80-годишнината от рождението му, 24–25 март 2016 г., София, ИЕФЕМ – БАН.

Author(s): Anelia Kasabova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2019

Book review

Българската общност в Австрия – историческо, лингвистично и етноложко проучване. Том 2. Съставители: Ива Пенкова, Владимир Пенчев. София: ДАБЧ, Изд. „Парадигма”, 2016

Author(s): Valentina Ganeva-Raycheva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2017

Book Review

В поисках новой идентичности: исследование самопрезентаций молодежи в автобиографиях начала 1920-х годов

Author(s): Roman Valerievich Rybakov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 31/2020

This article seeks to clarify the heuristic possibilities of studying the socio-political identity of young people by using autobiographical material. The main source of data are Komsomol autobiographies, prepared in 1922 in connection with ongoing revisions of the composition of active members of the Russian Communist Youth Union in the Omsk province. These materials reflect not only the individual experiences of people living in a particular historical epoch, but also as one means of constructing collective identity and social memory. Young people chose different strategies for describing their lives. In preparing their autobiographies, boys and girls intuitively focused on those events that allowed them to demonstrate their commitment to communist ideals and proximity to Soviet power. Despite qualitative differences, a comparison of autobiographies identifies several recurring themes and motifs: childhood, education, family relationships, and memories of the revolution and the Civil War. In an effort to meet social and political demands, young people did not hide their shortcomings. Non-proletarian origin, received education, and religious education turned into a peculiar mechanism of justification and self-criticism. Thus was formed the positive image of a person who rejects his former life and its values. The preparation of autobiographies served an important socio-political function of legitimizing the personality and its status in the communist youth union.

В поисках природы английского национализма: от империи до современности

Author(s): Evgeny Alexandrovich Atapin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2021

This paper attempts to reveal the essence of the complex nature of English nationalism by tracing its transformation from the 18th century to the early 21st century. The reasons for unpopularity of the problem of English national identity in the English historical discourse (such as the absence of serious national upheavals since the birth of modern British statehood and the relative political success, which made the English national introspection superfluous) were discussed. A contradiction between the “horizontal” perception of the English by the peoples of the British Empire and the view held by the citizens of England on their superiority over others was analyzed. The fact of “concealment” of English nationalism in the British identity to pursue the interests of the empire was revealed. To contrast contemporary English nationalism with that of the imperial era, the research by the Centre for English Identity and Politics highlighting the English concern about their own political representation in the United Kingdom after the devolution was cited. It was concluded that the nature of English nationalism has changed from a civil AngloBritish version without an emphasis on English ethnicity during the empire’s existence to a predominantly ethnic one with a focus on English identity with extremely limited opportunities for civil expression in the early 21st century.

Важност нових димензија моћи за унапређењe имиџа државе: случај Србије

Author(s): Predrag D. Radojević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2010

This paper has a goal to mark new dimensions of power as crucial factors for nation’s image promotion in modern globalized word, in which media play a central role. Without the development of the all- inclusive strategy, founded on soft and smart power, and implementation of well- known marketing and management tools it is not possible to create and promote image of any nation. Field of new power dimension gives a good opportunity for creation and promotion of image of nations which don’t have traditional power resources, among which is Serbia as well. By creation and implementation of this kind of strategy it is possible to exceed limits and prejudices related to certain nations in international public, which is prerequisite for their joining to modern international political and economical relationships. This is a reason why nation image promotion should be seen as an investment in better future. In spirit of that, national identity and nation’s distinctions have fundamental importance, even though it is one of the contradiction of globalization.

Видение национальной идеи рядовым гражданином России

Author(s): V. V. Kostenkov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2012

It is said that thoughts, wishes and acts define our fortune. Usually, person lives unreflectively, spending one’s time ungifted, making mistakes and checking one too late. Life gets over fast. Probably it is reason of hankering to ancient wisdom and wish to comprehend the science of life, to help oneself and other people.

Возможности сохранения и укрепления славянской идентичности в условиях распада славянских государств (на примере получения независимости Черногорией)

Author(s): Radoslav Milanović Raspopović / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2017

It has been found that the end of the Cold War conflicts and the victory of liberal democracy and market economy models negatively affected the Slavic cultural identity values, through the process of the creating new nation states originating after the collapse of the USSR and the dissolution of both the former Soviet Empire in the Eastern Europe and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The new nation states, which originated at that time, were created on the principles contrary to their up-to-then historical traditions that had emerged from the Slavic cultural values-based elements. Besides, the attention has been given also to the globalization process consequences, previous advent of the global information technology revolution, i. e. the creation of new purported networked societies. Eventually, the foregoing processes outcome was that creating new nation states induced the change in their respective earlier internal systems of social values. Instead of the Eastern Orthodox and Slavic culture, the West became: «…the only true region to take as the model». The new states’ political efforts essence — specifically «joining Europe» and the drift from the Eastern Civilization values — has been illustrated by the example of Montenegro whose identity values had for centuries been unquestionably Slavic. Nevertheless, in the commenced EU integration and the NATO membership, while through the internal nation identity strengthening process as a way to drift from both the Serbian culture corpus and the Eastern Civilization, the said values started to gain the elements of modernity the development of which will inevitably be furthered by «joining Europe». Only time will tell to which extents Montenegro’s earlier Slavic identity and the Western Civilization value system will be preserved and accepted respectively.

Войводите в музея: биографични репрезентации от Русенско и Сливенско

Author(s): Iskren Velikov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2019

The current text examines the museum representations of Hadzhi Dimitar, Stefan Karadzha, Zahari Stoyanov and Panayot Hitov, whose life connects the areas of Ruse and Sliven. The research is based on observations over four house museums – “Hadzhi Dimitar” in Sliven, “Zahari Stoyanov” in Medven and in Ruse, and “Baba Tonka” in Ruse. These examples display ambiguous presentations of the heroes’ biographies, based on the availability or the absence of a memorial house to the character. The type of presentation is contextualized with the settlement’s history, which in this case appears as an environment for the “spiritual growth” of the hero. The absence of a memorial house leads to a fragmented presentation of the image, turning it into an addition to the main topic.

Вопросы национальной идентичности в Казахстане

Author(s): Altynaj Zhurasova,Gulʹnara Eseeva / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2021

The article raises the thesis that in nationalising Kazakhstan, in additionto the Kazakhstani identity, the Kazakhstani identity is also claimed to be a nationalidentity. At the beginning of the article the language policy, including the role andinfluence of the Russian language, and the dilemmas and difficulties of the transitionto the Latin alphabet will be presented. In the second part, we will answer questionsconcerning religious policy. In the last part of the article we will analyze the Kazakhsymbols, which are mainly focused on the past. These are historical images of Khansand/or figures of „Alash” party, historical events and historical homeland.

Вотът на младите. Политическият избор на младите българи (2009 – 2021)

Author(s): Kaloian Iankov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2022

The article presents a research on the trends in the political choice of young Bulgarians aged 18-30. The research method is secondary analysis of data from electoral surveys – exit polls and official results of the parliamentary elections in 2009-2021 according to data from the Central Election Commission (CEC). At the first level, the results show who young people are voting for and whether their political choices shift in 2009-2021. At the second level – what is the share of young people among voters’ turnout and among party electoral groups. At the third level, it is possible to see the extent to which the young voter is represented in parliament in the Bulgarian National Assembly.