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Reassessing the Communist Takeover in Romania: Violence, Institutional Continuity, and Ethnic Conflict Management
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Reassessing the Communist Takeover in Romania: Violence, Institutional Continuity, and Ethnic Conflict Management

Author(s): Stefano Bottoni / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2010

This article analyzes the communist takeover in Romania as the successful outcome of a long-term policy aiming to make the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) a national force. Such an attempt deserves a new analytical explanation of the highly controversial notions of institutional continuity and of “nationalization” of its membership. While mainstream explanations still focus on factors of change motivated by external (Soviet) pressure and stress that violence, coercion, and intimidation have been main instruments used by the Communist Party to implement its goals, the author argues that a reevaluation of the real extent of popular support is needed. PCR became a national mass party immediately after the coup d’état of 23 August 1944. At that time a marginal political force, traditionally ruled by non-Romanian elements and devoted to the strictest internationalism, turned national without falling into discrimination against minority groups, with the exception of the Germans. In multiethnic Transylvania the ethnic power balance consciously created by PCR with Soviet assistance helped the party to strengthen its political legitimacy among different national and social groups. Unlike the Romanian historical parties and the Hungarian nationalists, the PCR and the Petru Groza–led coalition government behaved as a transnational body and pursued integrative policies. In the troubled context of postwar reconstruction, this call for cooperation and peaceful ethnic coexistence distinguished the PCR and its allies from the opposition parties and significantly contributed to make early communist rule more acceptable to large masses of Romanians and non-Romanians, as well.

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Victoria Shmidt: The Politics of Disability in Interwar and Socialist Czechoslovakia. Segregating in the Name of the Nation

Victoria Shmidt: The Politics of Disability in Interwar and Socialist Czechoslovakia. Segregating in the Name of the Nation

Author(s): Natali Stegmann / Language(s): German Issue: 3/2020

Review of: Natali Stegmann - The Politics of Disability in Interwar and Socialist Czechoslovakia. Segregating in the Name of the Nation. Hrsg. von Victoria Shmidt . Amsterdam University Press. Amsterdam 2019. 252 S., Ill. ISBN 978-94-6372-001-4. (€ 99,–.)

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L’ATTITUDE YOUGOSLAVE ET ITALIENNE CONCERNANT LA QUESTION ALBANAISE DANS LA CONFERENCE DE PAIX (janvier-mars 1919)
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L’ATTITUDE YOUGOSLAVE ET ITALIENNE CONCERNANT LA QUESTION ALBANAISE DANS LA CONFERENCE DE PAIX (janvier-mars 1919)

Author(s): Muin Çami,Marenglen Verli / Language(s): French Issue: 01/2016

Comme on le sait, la Conférence de Paix de Paris, 1919-1920, était organisée par les cinq grandes puissances, la Grande-Bretagne, la France, les États-Unis, l'Italie et le Japon, pour résoudre, par leur prise de décision, les problèmes politiques et territoriaux créés par les développements au cours de la Première Guerre Mondiale Bien qu'elle n'ait pas été alliée d’aucune des parties belligérantes, l'Albanie se trouvait dans une situation très difficile menaçant son existence. Il était peu probable que les récentes injustices de la Conférence des Ambassadeurs de Londres (1912-1913) aient été définitivement corrigées, et un traité de 1915, à savoir le Traité secret de Londres du 26 avril 1915, signé par les puissances d'Entente avec l'Italie, pour la faire séduire dans leur coté, menaçait d’anéantir l’État fragile albanais, créé seulement quelques années auparavant.

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The Question of National Minorities in the European Parliament Between 2014 and 2019: A Hungarian Perspective

The Question of National Minorities in the European Parliament Between 2014 and 2019: A Hungarian Perspective

Author(s): Krisztián Manzinger / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The European Parliament, due to the direct election of the MEPs, is an institution willing to represent the interests of European national minorities and regional communities, compared to other EU institutions, with the exception of the Committee of Regions. During the 2014–2019 term, various questions of national minorities were discussed in the Minority Intergroup, which is an informal but officially recognized group of MEPs, and in the Committees of the Parliament. Individual MEPs, either alone or together with other colleagues, also organized events and conferences on minority topics. Despite the EU being generally reluctant when it comes to national minorities, the plenary of the European Parliament adopted important resolutions on the matter during the term, urging the European Commission to create an EU legal framework for protecting national minorities. While the events, conferences and resolutions did not lead to a breakthrough, even keeping the issue on the agenda is a success, in a milieu often hostile to discuss minority problems seen as offences to national sovereignty. Altogether, important steps forward are greatly needed to secure a more just, equal and citizen-friendly Europe; this is where discussions on minority issues within the EP, for instance, could foster improvement. Hungary is well-known regarding its interests in protecting national minorities. The country itself has a generous legal framework allowing for ethnic and national minority self-governance and is a strong advocate for the international regulation of minority rights overarching the existing system. Hungarian politicians, from both the kin-state and its neighboring countries, are also strong promoters of national minority rights within international organizations, for instance in the Council of Europe or the European Union (EU). Hungarian politicians are not the only ones keen to deal with national minority issues on an international level in Europe. The European Parliament (EP) has also long been advocating for enhancing the system of minority protection. In early 2014, the Strasbourg Manifesto, an act of stocktaking at the end of the mandate of the EP between 2009 and 2014, was adopted by the Minority Intergroup of the EP. It provided guidelines particularly for the MEPs, during the term between 2014 and 2019, and in general for the EU to improve the situation of autochthonous minorities within the EU. With the exception of the EP, EU institutions are mostly reluctant to address national minority issues arising in the Member States (MSs). This traditional position has even been strengthened further in the past term by particular events, such as the independence referenda in Scotland and Catalonia, the illegal annexation of Crimea and the occupation of eastern Ukraine by Russia, the migrant crisis of 2015 and the attacks targeting the civilian population in Western Europe. Nevertheless, in terms of protecting national minorities, there has been some progress in the EP; this article focuses on such developments. There have been other potentially far-reaching successes too, such as the victory of the Federal Union of European Nationalities (FUEN) and the Szekler National Council (SZNT) in front of the courts of the EU concerning their European Citizen’s Initiatives. They, however, lie outside the scope of our inquiry. In this article, the term “minority” exclusively refers to autochthonous national minority groups residing in MSs without taking into account their recognition or legal situation. Other types of minorities (i.e., sexual minorities) are outside of the focus of this article.

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Ethnic Differences in Family Formation and Patterns of Exogamy in Slovakia

Ethnic Differences in Family Formation and Patterns of Exogamy in Slovakia

Author(s): Branislav Šprocha / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

Ethnic affiliation is an important factor in family and reproductive behavior and also has an important role in assortative mating. The historical presence of numerous ethnic groups, especially of Hungarian and Roma background in certain regions of Slovakia, raises the question of how they differ in some selected population communities (e.g. age, education, economic activity, religion) and whether there are differences according to their place of residence (e.g. size of municipalities). In this study we tried to point out the existing differences in fertility levels and the parity structure of women in relation to ethnicity, education and place of residence. Other important questions that we analyse in our paper are the differences in family formation in connection to ethnicity. For this purpose, we use not only marital status but also census results by households. In the last part of the study we examine the issue of ethnic exogamy.

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Slovene–Hungarian Bilingual Education in Slovenia in the Third Millennium

Slovene–Hungarian Bilingual Education in Slovenia in the Third Millennium

Author(s): Anna Kollath / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

Recently, there is worldwide an intense debate about the efficiency and implementation of bilingual education. This problem becomes a very sensitive issue if education includes a minority and a majority language. The former one almost always has a lower level of prestige, and that is why it is endangered. That means minority language needs stronger support in the education process in order the keep the balance between languages since the macro environment of minority students is dominantly not in their mother tongue, but the official language of the state. Education of Hungarian as a mother language and as the language of instruction plays an important role in preservation of minority mother tongue and keeping and increasing its vitality. The occurrence of minority language/language variety compared to official language of the state in the school and the possibility of secondary language socialization in mother tongue are good indicators of the constitutional, legal background and legal security of a certain national community. Efficient minority education of Hungarian as a mother language and as the language of instruction could provide the functional bilingualism which is essential for minority’s everyday life. The aim of this paper is to introduce the complexity and variety of topics of this education model, and to furthermore illustrate how the different reactions related to (the bi- and multilingual and multicultural) society can change its functioning and existence. The paper also underlines that this model is able to be renewed, and its additional features are the quick and intense changes which are regulated by law. The innovations of the new millennium which aim is the inner renewal can lead education process in the right direction and increase its efficiency but only if the creation of laws is influenced by practical needs, what is more there are not any difficulties about its implementation.

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“Russian World” and Compatriots’ Policies: A View from the Other Side

“Russian World” and Compatriots’ Policies: A View from the Other Side

Author(s): Hanna Vasilevich / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

This text will analyse the framework and limitations of the Russian policies towards compatriots (as defined in the Russian legislation) and the perception of these policies in the countries of the former Soviet Union, whose entire populations might potentially be treated as “compatriots.” The focus will be made on the political speeches and media discourse analysis, as they appear both in Russia and the selected post-Soviet countries (Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine).

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“MUALLIMOV FORUM” – DIJALOŠKA ARENA O STRATEŠKIM PITANJIMA ISLAMSKE ZAJEDNICE

“MUALLIMOV FORUM” – DIJALOŠKA ARENA O STRATEŠKIM PITANJIMA ISLAMSKE ZAJEDNICE

Author(s): Zehra Alispahić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 82/2020

This article presents a detailed insight into eight yearly column of the magazine titled Muallim’s forum which was published in continuously in the period 2008-2016. This column addressed thirty issues of great significance for the strategic development of the Islamic Community of this region but also of Bosniak community in general. Contributors to this column were renowned university professors, muftis, main imams, imams, religious studies’ teachers and prominent experts in field of practice. Any serious analysis of processes in the Islamic Community of these areas will show that Muallim’s forum and the way it treated some issues and initiated some very significant processes in the Islamic Community of the region, determined its priorities in accordance to its basic mission and encouraged the movement towards a realisation of these processes. Results of some of these processes we are already witnessing especially within the organisational segment of the functioning of the Community.

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Reflecting on the Diaspora: The Transylvanian Saxon Self-Image and the Saxons Abroad
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Reflecting on the Diaspora: The Transylvanian Saxon Self-Image and the Saxons Abroad

Author(s): Sacha E. Davis / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2012

Communities both shape and are shaped by their geographical contexts, the spaces of social, economic and environmental interaction in which they are found. These spaces are fluid and contingent, reflecting and influencing changes in the community that gives them significance. This is true also of ‘spaces of imagination’, the geographical context in which the myths and self-representations of the collective are formed and given meaning. The late formation of the German nation-state, and the exclusion of many ethnic Germans from its borders, resulted in a fractured German nationalism in which local (Heimat) identities played a prominent role. This was particularly true for so-called ‘Germans Abroad’ [Auslandsdeutschtum]; German minorities living outside of Germany, mainly in scattered settlements in Eastern Europe. Far from simply reflecting the nationalism of Germany, Germans Abroad embraced understandings of Germanness that reflected their local circumstances and histories. While Heimat communities were local in origin, migration from Europe to the Americas in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries transformed them into transatlantic communities. But what meaning did local identities have in a transnational context, and how did transnational ties of localness relate to Germans’ growing sense of German nationalism?

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Review of Roman’s Fragmented Identities
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Review of Roman’s Fragmented Identities

Author(s): Jill Massino / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2004

The review of: Fragmented Identities: Popular Culture, Sex, and Everyday Life in Postcommunist Romania by Denise Roman. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books/Rowman & Littlefield, 2003. pp. 179, $70.00 hardcover.

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Lyudmila Zhivkova and the Paradox of Ideology and Identity in Communist Bulgaria
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Lyudmila Zhivkova and the Paradox of Ideology and Identity in Communist Bulgaria

Author(s): Ivanka Nedeva Atanasova / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2004

This article argues that Lyudmila Zhivkova is the most controversial political figure in Communist Bulgaria. Zhivkova’s ideas and initiatives that have been overlooked so far are used as a background for exploring a significant conflict between ideology and national identity in modern Bulgarian history. After outlining briefly Zhivkova’s early and unexpected death, the author analyzes the Communist paradoxes of utopia, modernization, and return to feudalism that produced the idiosyncratic phenomenon of Zhivkova as “the uncrowned princess” of Communist Bulgaria. The author explains Zhivkova’s cultural politics as a rational approach worked outwith the help of some of the most outstanding Bulgarian intellectuals at that time. Because of its heavy emphasis on national identity, Zhivkova’s cultural politics reveal clearly several sets of contradictory components of the Bulgarian national character and in some cases challenge the conventional wisdoms about Bulgarians. These sets are the quest for cultural achievements versus limited state resources; excessive national pride versus “shameful national identity”; Russophobes versus Russophiles; East versus West or how to escape the geopolitical trap; and mysticism versus atheism.

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Narrative, Identity, State: History Teaching in Moldova
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Narrative, Identity, State: History Teaching in Moldova

Author(s): Vladimir Solonari / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2002

There exists considerable confusion in post-Soviet Moldova about what kind of history to teach in schools. This argument is part of a wider problem of Moldovan national identity: do Moldovans constitute a separate people and (ethno)nation or should they be considered part and parcel of the single Romanian nation, torn from it by a hostile external power, that is, Russia? In accordance with this latter point of view, Russian and then Soviet authorities forcefully instilled "false consciousness" in the minds of the local population about their national identity and this false consciousness must be done away with, including by means of teaching "true" history. [...]

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Može li subalterni dominirati? (o rotacijama polariziranih osi u kritici postkolonijalne kritike)
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Može li subalterni dominirati? (o rotacijama polariziranih osi u kritici postkolonijalne kritike)

Author(s): Nebojša Lujanović,Srećko Jurišić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 25/2020

Postkolonijalna teorija, kao jedna od teorija nastalih na platformi postmodernističkih teorijskih matrica, uglavnom naslonjenih na dekonstrukcijska čitanja, naišlaje na široku primjenu i na našem prostoru, osvijestivši pomalo i zaboravljene naslage kolonijalnih naslijeđa na području Balkana (Venecija, Osmansko Carstvo, Austro-Ugarska). Pojavila se stihijski kaojedna vrsta pomodnosti u području znanosti o književnosti, ali i o drugim umjetnostima (recimo, filmu), uglavnom među istraživačima koje je prijelaz u novo tisućljeće zatekao u izradi doktorskih disertacija. Nepravedno bi bilo reći da se sve svelo na pojedinačne izlete, ali isto tako reći da postoje znanstvenici koji su se sustavno bavili postkolonijalnim čitanjem domaćih autora i publikacije koje objedinjavaju opsežnija istraživanja.

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Homeland and National Identity in Southeastern Europe
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Homeland and National Identity in Southeastern Europe

Author(s): Dragoş Nicuşor Petrescu / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2001

The review of: George W. White. Nationalism and Territory: Constructing Group Identity in Southeastern Europe. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. 328 pp.

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The Catholic Church and the Making of the Croatian Nation, 1970-84
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The Catholic Church and the Making of the Croatian Nation, 1970-84

Author(s): Vjekoslav Perica / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2000

The contemporary Balkan crisis entails the consequential dimension of interaction between mainstream religion and Yugoslav ethnonational politics. Several studies that examined this aspect of the Yugoslav case, provided valuable information and important insights but hesitated to designate the mainstream Yugoslav religious institutions as agents of landmark mass movements. According to mainstream scholarship, religious organizations ordinarily operated as assistants to nationalist movements and populist regimes of late and postcommunism spearheaded by secular forces. [...]

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IZAZOVI MIGRACIJA ZA EUROPSKU DEMOKRACIJU

IZAZOVI MIGRACIJA ZA EUROPSKU DEMOKRACIJU

Author(s): Pavo Barišić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2020

The issue of migration has become a paramount political concern. In this context, one can look at the emerging challenges that liberal democracy faces today, especially in Europe. Similar cases of democratic turbulence can be observed in America. Non-democratic countries are in a different situation. They do not have to deal with resistance from public opinion in the same way. Migrations, therefore, impose new realignments in democratic politics and obscure some older political divisions and tensions. This article examines the key political paradigm shifts that drive and open up migration to democratically organized societies in Europe. It starts with the fact that Europe has become the largest refuge for migrants in the world. With migrants comprising 10.4% of its population, the proportion of migrants in Europe is three times higher than the world average of 3.5%. From 1990 to 2017 the figure increased from 6.8% to 10.4%. Every third migrant in the world lives in Europe. The impact of globalization on increasing economic migration is also presented. Since 2010, politics in Europe has abandoned the desirable model of multiculturalism and turned to the concept of inter-culturalism. In this short span of time, political parties that use anti-immigrant views have taken off. The article draws particular attention to the situation in the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Northern, Central and Eastern Europe. The message from citizens is that migration is a serious and highly inflammatory political issue and that anti-immigrant sentiment in European societies has become politically radicalized. Political forces that advocate for more radical solutions have stepped into this space and exploited it. The ‘mainstream’ parties no longer underestimate or ignore the issue of illegal migration. It is increasingly entering the compulsory corpus of their programs.

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ZAVIČAJ I ZAVIČAJNIK. PRILOG O ODNOSIMA BRODA PREMA NADBISKUPU JOSIPU STADLERU (I.)

ZAVIČAJ I ZAVIČAJNIK. PRILOG O ODNOSIMA BRODA PREMA NADBISKUPU JOSIPU STADLERU (I.)

Author(s): Mato Artuković,Ivan Stipić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2020

This is the first part of a paper that contributes to knowledge about the relationship between Brod and the people of Brod and Archbishop Josip Stadler. Through his example it is possible to acquire a clear view of how politics dictates and forms the consciousness of citizens towards their fellow citizens, even those whom may be ranked among the most prominent. The political struggle at the national level was also reflected at the local level. Stadler was a great opponent of the Yugoslav option and the entry into a joint state with Serbia. His political option was Western, “trialistic” with a reliance on the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; in social matters his option was Christian-social with a distinct feeling for the poorest citizens, regardless of religious affiliation. “Materinska riječ- The mother tongue” as the newspaper of the Croatian-Serbian coalition (whose leader was Dr. Vatroslav Brlić) and “Posavska Hrvatska-Posavina Croatia” as the rightwing newspaper of Frank’s side, are two papers that take a completely opposite position towards Stadler. For the Materinska riječ, Stadler is a “dangerous man” because of his opposition to their political program of “one nation with two names” and a common state with Serbia. As most of the newspapers published in Brod between the two wars represented Yugoslav ideology, Stadler was rarely mentioned and practically forgotten in them. His values for Croatian people were temporarily recognized during the Independent State of Croatia. After the advent of the communist dictatorship, primarily in the newspaper Brodski list, he was not even mentioned. With the collapse of the dictatorship, Brod and the people of Brod got to know their great fellow citizen. The biggest credit for this goes first of all to the Sisters of the Servant of the Infant Jesus, a religious community founded by Archbishop Stadler.

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BOŠNJAČKO ISELJAVANJE PODIJELJENO OBAVEZOM HIDŽRE I SVJETOVNIM RAZLOZIMA EMIGRIRANJA (ODLAZAK IZ DOMOVINE ROĐENJA U DOMOVINU VLASTITOG IZBORA I TUĐEG NAGOVORA)

BOŠNJAČKO ISELJAVANJE PODIJELJENO OBAVEZOM HIDŽRE I SVJETOVNIM RAZLOZIMA EMIGRIRANJA (ODLAZAK IZ DOMOVINE ROĐENJA U DOMOVINU VLASTITOG IZBORA I TUĐEG NAGOVORA)

Author(s): Muhidin Pelesić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2019

Since the beginning of the establishment of the Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniak people had a suspicion and developed distrust which derived from the occupation. The emigration of Bosniaks started due to the cruel rule, especially during the first military administration, to Rumelia, Anatolia and theArab countries of the Ottoman Empire. The moderate policies of the Austro-Hungarian Empire towards Bosniaks resulted in the calmer situation in the country. However, several deeper internal political crises ended with the annexation as an international crisis and triggered major waves of displacement of Bosniaks in the Ottoman Empire. They migrated because of the Muslim obligation of the hidzra (hiğrä) which meant an eviction for religious reasons. Bosniaks believed that they could not live as Muslims under the Christian occupational power. They didn't follow instructions (fètva), messages (risála) or the appeals of Muslim religious authorities that they do not need to obtain hidzra. However, the organized activities of Bosniaks, Muslims and religious scholars (ulema) affected the reduction of the number of Bosniaks interested in moving to the Ottoman Empire. On another side, some Bosniaks had more practical reasons to move out - a hope for a better life and plans for a new beginning.

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War, Memory, and Education in a Fragmented Society: The Case of Yugoslavia
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War, Memory, and Education in a Fragmented Society: The Case of Yugoslavia

Author(s): Wolfgang Hoepken / Language(s): English Issue: 01/1999

Wars everywhere have always played a major role in historical memory. "Even the oldest myths and traditions deal with fighting and killing," the German novelist Hans-Magnus Enzenberger said recently, recalling this simple but no less basic historical fact. While collective memory in premodern societies was largely based on wartime experiences, the advent of nationalism in the late eighteenth century increased the importance, the political role, and the cultural significance of war memories in societies everywhere, not only in the Balkans. War memorials, celebrations, cemeteries, and other symbolic, expressions of memory were not only "sites of mourning," but, more important, they became the means of fostering a collective national identity; education, textbooks, and public discourse all combined to remind people of the duty of sacrificing for one's own nation by recalling former wars. [...]

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„…az elcsatolt területekről származó magyarok fogják Kanadában a magyar közösségi életet továbbvinni”

„…az elcsatolt területekről származó magyarok fogják Kanadában a magyar közösségi életet továbbvinni”

Szenthe Annával Gazsó Dániel beszélget

Author(s): Dániel Gazsó / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2020

Diaspora Interviews

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