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CONSTRUCTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY: POWER IN ACCEPTANCE SPEECHES

Author(s): Monika Gyuró / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2015

The study aims at analyzing the links between identity, institutions and discourse. As a method, the author applies Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to demonstrate how a prominent fi gure of the American political life interacts in an exceptional social situation refl ecting the macro level of social forces. Within CDA’s language analysis, the study also detects power relations through the lexico-grammatical level of language use. According to the functional theory of language (Halliday 1994), the paper investigates the acceptance speech of Barack Obama on the representational, positional and expressive levels of language use. On the one hand, the contribution intends to reveal that the metaphor, pronoun, and modality system may show the charismatic ways of power manifestation in political talk. On the other hand, the paper concludes that the linguistic means the speaker applies in the speech contribute to the construction of national identity.

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Tożsamość rewolucyjna. Chrześcijanie w Islamskiej Republice Iranu.

Author(s): Marcin Rzepka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 689/2022

Chrześcijaństwo irańskich konwertytów jest rewolucyjne. Opiera się bowiem na postulatach wolności, braterstwa i sprawiedliwości, a także na irańskiej eschatologii oraz sprzeciwie wobec wszelkich form opresji przy jednoczesnej gloryfikacji męczeństwa jako swoistej praktyki kulturowej.

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Eastern Europe, Central Europe, or East Central Europe? Imagined geography of the region

Author(s): Leszek Nowak / Language(s): English Issue: SI/2022

The aim of the article is to analyse several concepts that expressed different perceptions about the region of Central and Eastern Europe. The article proves that the choice of terminology is crucial in the discussion of the political and cultural identity of the region. The starting point is the Enlightenment concept of Eastern Europe, which suggested the backwardness and secondary status of this region. This concept is confronted with the concept of Slavophilism, inspired by Romanticism. The article argues that this idea, which initially expressed the ambitions of the region’s independence, later became an instrument of Russian imperialism. In the concept of Central Europe, as the article proves, there is a certain ambiguity: on the one hand, it contains elements of German liberal imperialism, a special role, especially economic, played by Germany in this region. On the other hand, intellectuals from this region gave the concept of Central Europe an idealized meaning that still inspires many authors writing about the region. Finally, the author analyses the concept of and East Central Europe, which is most justified by academic knowledge, but does not inspire political imagination to such an extent. In conclusion, the article refers to the relevance of some of these concepts and their interpretative potential, which depends on the current political situation

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Second parliamentary chambers as safeguards against democratic backsliding? Case study of Czech and Polish senates

Author(s): Petr Just,Jakub Charvát / Language(s): English Issue: SI/2022

The Czech Republic and Poland represent countries with bicameral parliaments, where the existence of second chambers has often been questioned because both countries represent unitary political systems. While the demand for territorial representation is often quoted as the key reason for establishing second chambers, there are other principles of second chamber representation and / or roles they are playing. One of them is the expansion of the checks-and-balances system beyond the traditional executive – legislative – judicial triangle. The existence of two chambers also brings the check-and-balance principle inside the legislative branch itself. Second chambers are thus understood as certain guarantors of constitutionality and democracy. The article focuses on the role the second chambers in the Czech Republic and Poland have played in the process of preventing democratic backsliding, a recent phenomenon visible in CEE. The problem will be analyzed in the context of the compositional (in)congruence, the constitutional position and powers of both second chambers. It will also analyze whether the current Czech and Polish institutional frameworks allow for second chambers to act as guarantors of constitutionality and democracy.

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Comparative populism: Romania and Hungary

Author(s): Zoltán Bretter / Language(s): English Issue: SI/2022

The paper aims to test the mechanism of autocratic populism (term which will be used as a synonym for illiberal democracy) in Hungary and Romania. A mechanism could help to better explain the phenomenon of populism across different spatiotemporal settings in which it occurs, therefore it is suitable for a common understanding of populism. I am going to use a minimal definition of liberal democracy as well as authoritarian populism and compare Romania and Hungary along three major components of the mechanism: constitutionalism (division of powers), the cultural construction of “the people” and the different conditions of the emergence of a charismatic personality. Investigating political processes will show why authoritarian populism or illiberal democracy has gained prominence in Hungary but has failed in Romania.

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Hybrid foreign policies in the EU’s Eastern flank: adaptive diplomacy

Author(s): Péter Kacziba,Barış Hasan / Language(s): English Issue: SI/2022

Over the past decade, an increasing number of EU countries have diversified their foreign policies. The new directions aimed to maintain the benefits of Western alliances but sought to attract non-Western partners. The paper argues that not only domestic factors triggered these strategic shifts, and the systemic emergence of multipolarity, which forced states to respond to the rise of new powers. The study aims to identify how selected countries (Hungary, Bulgaria, Greece, Cyprus) located in the EU’s eastern flank have responded to the multipolar transition and what foreign policy acts they have adopted. Findings reveal that sample states did not follow the expected straightforward selection of foreign policy acts, starting with bandwagoning during the unipolar momentum, continuing with hedging when non-Western actors emerge, and ending with balancing in times of external security threats. On the contrary, they applied multiple strategies simultaneously. The paper labels this hybrid foreign policy as adaptive diplomacy which seeks to capture the needs of small states to constantly adapt, but also indicates that EU and NATO members can apply proactive diplomacy to navigate between great power interests.

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Teatrul și frontierele. Exilul oamenilor de teatru

Author(s): George Banu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2020

In this conference, Professor George Banu discusses how the exile has influenced theatre and performing arts. His personal experience on this specific matter is quite impressive from both personal and professional points of view. As a Romanian who lived most of his live in Paris, surrounded by the most renowned European artists, George Banu was able to better understand this particular problem of the 20th century artists. The exile has countless faces in theatre, as there are exiled actors who cannot learn well a new language, but they may be casted specifically for their strange accent, there are director who will find greater inspiration in being exiled (as was Peter Brook). George Banu precisely distinguishes between different forms of exile: artistic, political, ethnical etc.

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Unpacking Identity: Travelling Cases as Theatrical Props

Author(s): Ilinca Tamara Todoruț / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2014

“All the suitcases that have appeared in this story are lying open on the stage,” reads a stage direction from Steigerwald’s Sorrow, Sorrow, Fear, the Rope, and the Pit. The suitcase may be the number one prop used in stagings of Eastern European drama, which after ’89 could speak openly about issues of physical displacement, either as refugees or as emigrants. What is the symbolism of the suitcase in connection with issues of identity, nationalism, migration, and border crossing, and how does it relate to a newer prop – the briefcase?

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Identitet Bošnjaka Bosanaca kao intersekcijske socijalne grupe

Author(s): Vedad Smailagić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2022

In this paper, the author examines the current use of the ethnonym Bošnjak (Bosniak) and Bosanac (Bosnian) from the moment after the reactivation of the ethnonym Bošnjak. The analysis deals with the connection between the meaning and use of these two ethnonyms, taking into account the cultural and historical circumstances of the parallel existence of the social reference groups Bosanac and Bošnjak and their collective identities as well as their symbolic and value systems. Following this goal, the work is based on a linguistic analysis, which necessarily takes into account semantic aspects determined by cultural-historical and sociological contexts. At the end of the discussion on the meaning and use of these two ethnonyms, a model is outlined that describes the mutual relationship between Bosniaks and Bosnians as ethnically defined and ethnically named, as well as linguistically, culturally and socially extremely close collective identities.

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Chinese Soft Power

Author(s): Mohamad Zreik / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

This paper examines China's public relations strategy of "panda diplomacy." The research used secondary sources to examine the role of panda diplomacy in Chinese public diplomacy. China's panda diplomacy is a unique tool for public diplomacy that may be used to spread Chinese culture to a global audience and create friendly bilateral relations between the nations where it is implemented. Compared to Confucius institutes or student exchanges, it has a greater impact on the perception of China in the international community. Panda diplomacy can assist China achieve its public diplomacy aims, demonstrating its efficacy as a tool for public diplomacy. As a result of this study, a better understanding of China's soft power and public diplomacy can be gained by studying the relationship between panda diplomacy and political ties.

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(NE)ZABORAVLJENA PROŠLOST

Author(s): Damir Kukić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 3/2022

Culture of remembrance is a concept distinguished from history and ideology, but these three often permeate one another and are inseparable. For the ruling elites to evoke past times and create narratives are processes that are typical for modern state (national) ideologies. Such narratives are often related to the myths that portray and describe important events in the history of one nation. The analysis of such narratives found in the Western Balkans countries shows that a great number of images and events from past are now forgotten and that the people of this region mostly remember only those symbols that forecast unpleasant and threatening future.

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The role of civil society organisations in peacebuilding in post-conflict society: Kenya and Nigeria

Author(s): Abdullahi Muhammad Maigari / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

The complex and protracted nature of contemporary violent conflicts in Nigeria and other parts of the world poses increasingly significant challenges to the resolution of armed conflicts. Traditional peace mediation strategies and techniques have proven largely inefficient in responding to emerging security challenges presented by conflicts revolving around religious and ethnopolitical affiliations or other issues related to perceptions of group identity. The objectives of the paper are to review the works of civil society organisations (CSOs) in peacebuilding in post-conflict areas. The paper is limited to Plateau State in Nigeria and the post-election violence of 2008 in Kenya because of the efforts put in place by the CSOs in these countries. Based on the findings, the use of non-military or non-use force to resolve conflict provides lasting solutions because it brings the aggrieved parties to the roundtable to vent their grievances, complaints and perspectives about the issue at hand. The participation of the civil society organisations in volatile situations in Kenya and Nigeria has yielded tremendous success because they utilise the residents affected by the violence to fine-tune measures to address the problems.

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Letter to President Biden

Author(s): David Pettigrew / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

We believe that the United States of America must respond to Mr. Putin’s “red lines,” with our unwavering commitment to our values of justice, democracy, and human rights, along with our enduring promise to prevent the repetition of genocide and international aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Letter to Secretary Blinken

Author(s): Ismar Volić,Amer Smajkić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Bosnia and Herzegovina can be reorganized according to democratic principles of multi-ethnic citizenship instead of the segregationist principles of ethno-territorial division. By stopping the drive to segregation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, you can send a strong signal that racism and white supremacy will be stopped elsewhere also.

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Meaningful and Comprehensive Constitutional Reform: The Way Forward in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Stipe Prlić,Zoran Jovanović,Miro Lazović,Nedžad Mulabegović / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Bosnia and all of its citizens, regardless of ethnicity, deserve a prosperous country that is governed peacefully based on democratic principles and free of external interference. This is why meaningful and comprehensive constitutional reform is the only viable option that will put Bosnia back on the path of membership in NATO and the European Union.

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Smislena i sveobuhvatna ustavna reforma: put naprijed u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Nedžad Mulabegović,Stipe Prlić,Zoran Jovanović,Miro Lazović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 1/2022

Bosna i svi njeni građani, bez obzira na etničku pripadnost, zaslužuju prosperitetnu zemlju kojom se upravlja na miran način zasnovan na demokratskim principima i bez vanjskog uplitanja. Zato je smislena i sveobuhvatna ustavna reforma jedina održiva opcija koja će vratiti Bosnu na put članstva u NATO-u i Europskoj uniji.

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A Letter to Tuzla

Author(s): Kenneth C. Asbell / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

So, Tuzla. I am fearful for you, because your country is rich in history, and strong in ideal. I fear for you because the Bosnian War in the 90’s never really ended. I have recently seen video evidence that there was still fighting going on in the outskirts, mountains, and hills as late as 2015. I am worried because the liberal-democracy has failed you. NATO has failed you. The U.N. has failed you, and no one I know even remembers the event here in the West, at least none whom I have been exposed to outside academic circles. So, Tuzla. I am fearful for you, because your country is rich in history, and strong in ideal. I fear for you because the Bosnian War in the 90’s never really ended. I am worried because the liberal-democracy has failed you. NATO has failed you. The U.N. has failed you, and no one I know even remembers the event here in the West, at least none whom I have been exposed to outside academic circles.

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Kijev ili Moskva: mit ili naslijeđe koje treba dijeliti?

Author(s): Georges Nivat / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 27/2022

Rusist je uvijek, na neki način, ruski imperijalist. To jest usvaja, svjesno ili nesvjesno, kao samorazumljivo, stajalište ruskog kulturnog imperijalizma, rođen s carstvom kojem je temelj postavio Petar Veliki, a najviše se razvilo tijekom devetnaestog stoljeća. Rusist poznaje Gogolja, a njegova djela na ukrajinskom jeziku svrstava u mladenačko razdoblje ili u pučku književnost, djelo Taras Buljba u razred pomalo kičastih lokalnih epopeja. Ševčenka poznaje zahvaljujući Prijevodima jer se Ševčenko, za razliku od Gogolja, odlučio za ukrajinski jezik, A protiv ruskog (iako je njegov Dnevnik iz razdoblja od 1857. do 1858. Godine priređen, za njega samog, na ruskom što ukazuje na to da je izbor ukrajinskog za pisanje poezije, za divnu zbirku pjesama Kobzar, dobrovoljan izbor). Rusist se mogao, kao Pierre Pascal 1911. godine, iskrcati u Odessi, diviti Richelieuvim stubama, nazvanim po osnivaču grada, šetati po veličanstvenom manastirkom kompleksu Kijevo-pečerske lavre, diviti katedrali svete Sofije u Kijevu prije nego Posjeti istoimenu u Velikom Novgorodu, a čak se aputiti i u Nižin da vidi Gogoljev Bezborodko Licej, ili u Černigov te tamo slušati slavuje – na svome se putu neće (prije 1991. godine) istinski susresti s duhom ukrajinskog naroda. Pjesme da, i on zna da pjesme stvaraju Ukrajinca, pisanki ili pisanice – ali jezik, kultura, Izvršena renesansa dvadesetih godina prošlog stoljeća, Ukrajinska Narodna Republika iz razdoblja od 1917. do 1920. godine, povijest narodnog pokreta – kako bi ih mogao poznavati? Studirao sam u Moskvi, posjetio Kijev, još kao student, u vrijeme kada Ukrajina nije, ili nije više, bila ukrajinska.

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Za tipologiju kulturnih veza između Rusije i Ukrajine

Author(s): Vadim Skuratovsky / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 27/2022

Ono što nazivamo »nacionalnom idejom « zadobiva svoju političku snagu tijekom Novog režima, tek nakon Francuske revolucije, koja je razvila terminologiju oko ove »ideje « (na primjer izrazi »patriot «, »patriotski «, itd.). Ranije su Europljani bili sasvim ravnodušni prema problem »nacionalnog «: svijet nisu percipirali na etničkoj »osnovi «, nego vjerskoj i pravno-političkoj. Ali njiževni i povijesni osvrt na europske korijene ovih ljudi, koja je započeo u vrijeme romantizma, obojio je kasni srednji vijek i početak novog režima acionalnim bojama i isto tako one najžešće domoljube – čak i ako te boje, zapravo, još uvijek ne postoje. Čini se da su brojne »posljedice patriotizma « devetnaestog stoljeća izmijenile stvarne povijesne okolnosti sedamnaestog stoljeća.

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Filozof[ija] obnove civilizacije i kulture ruskog svijeta. Osvrt na život i djelo Ivana A. Iljina

Author(s): Jaroslav Pecnik / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 27/2022

Predsjednik Ruske Federacije Vladimir Putin potpisao je 30. Rujna 2022. godine u Georgijevskoj Sali moskovskog Kremlja sporazum o prijemu samoproglašenih separatističkih republika (Donjecka i Luganska, te Zaporoške i Hersonske oblasti) u sastav ruske države. Pored Putina, svečanom činu demokratskom svijetu neprihvatljive secesije odmetnutih ukrajinskih pokrajina, nazočili su i »predsjednici« novostvorenih tvorevina, a tom je prigodom Putin pred deputatima i senatorima oba doma parlamenta Ruske Federacije i članovima vlade održao govor koji je završio riječima filozofa Ivana Aleksandroviča Iljina o ljubavi prema Rusiji. Bilo je to šesti put da Putin u kratko vrijeme, u javnim nastupima citira ovog značajnog filozofa religije i svojevrsnog ideologa tzv. bijele emigracije i time samo potvrdio kako su točne pretpostavke da se u svojim političkim aktivnostima, a još i više promišljanjima uvelike inspirira njegovim djelom, posebice knjigom »Što svijetu donosi razbijanje Rusije« u kojoj Iljin raspravlja o tragediji, ali i veličini i značaju ruske culture i ivilizacije, Duha i duše, uopće ideje ruskoga svijeta koja po njemu ima posebno, svojevrsno mesijansko poslanje spasiti svijet od propasti i pošasti sve snažnije sekularizacije i dekristijanizacije, a koje mogu obuzdati i spriječiti samo (rusko) pravoslavlje i jaka država na čelu s prosvijećenim vladarom.

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