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SOCIAL MEDIA IN OPERATIONS – A COUNTER-TERRORISM PERSPECTIVE

SOCIAL MEDIA IN OPERATIONS – A COUNTER-TERRORISM PERSPECTIVE

Author(s): Berfin Kandemir,Alexander Brand,Ben Heap / Language(s): English

Social media has assumed a fundamental role in today’s society. As a technology with a high level of reach, billions of people are connected daily through global platforms, where they share personal experiences, documents and visual content. Social media has become one of the main channels through which people connect and communicate. NATO, as an organisation of 29 member states with different historical and cultural backgrounds, has made great efforts to develop its social media capabilities. NATO and its key decision makers are present in nearly all major social media networks and have gathered thousands of fans and followers. The current #wearenato campaign conveys the message that every day NATO allies work and train together to keep their citizens safe and that NATO, through partnership and cooperation, has secured peace and freedom for nearly 70 years. Most of NATO’s current social media efforts are focused on this ‘message delivery role’, aiming to raise awareness about NATO as a brand and to resonate with key opinion formers within a younger audience. Since September 2014, when NATO’s Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence (StratCom COE) was established in Riga, Latvia, substantive progress in the study and understanding of social media has been made. The StratCom COE has published a number of research papers exploring current trends in social media and leading discussions on future strategy and related concepts, including the delivery of courses in social media analysis. NATO is involved with two major strands of work, both of which explore more flexible approaches of analysing and engaging with social media. First, the ‘Digital and Social Media Playbook’ currently under development by NATO’s Science and Technology Organisation (STO) will constitute an up-to-date information environment assessment tool. Second, through the Multinational Capability Development Campaign (MCDC), NATO has supported the development of two social media-related concepts to be used specifically in operations. Although there are a number of academic publications that cover the use of social media for military purposes or provide recommendations on how social media can support military actions on the ground, few previous projects have focused on the exploitation of social media in the context of Counter-Terrorism (CT). This is understandable, as according to NATO’s CT policy and concept, terrorism is dealt with at the national level by law enforcement agencies under state control and supervision. In most cases NATO would support Member States at their request, or as part of an operation in an environment in which law enforcement forces of the nation state are overstretched or non-existent. Apart from a collective defence scenario, this is unlikely to happen within the territories of the Member States and has more relevance for non-aligned nations. As part of ongoing efforts to further develop the CT perspective on social media, the NATO Centre of Excellence-Defence against Terrorism (COE-DAT) and the NATO StratCom COE conducted a workshop on ‘The exploitation of social media on operations’ in September 2017. The views were collected of over 20 social media experts and analysts, as well as NATO CT experts. The aim of the workshop was to develop the overall approach of the military’s use of social media to deliver effects in CT scenarios. As such, the workshop can also be seen as part of both centres’ contribution to strengthening of NATO’s fight against terrorism. This report provides a summary of those discussions. A brief outline of the panel’s main presentations is provided as well as a summary of the following questions discussed during the Q&A. „ Can hard-line terrorist groups with extremist narratives be effectively countered with messaging or would it be better to focus on those individuals and groups on the brink of radicalisation and joining a terrorist group? „ Assuming that former terrorists enjoy high credibility within the target audience (with reference to “Breaking the ISIS Brand” by Anne Speckhardt), how could or should they be integrated within military operations? What would such operations look like? „ Can offensive Cyberspace and Information Operations extend the role of the military within Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) programmes? „ How could CT-related social media expertise be integrated into HQ structures? „ Is it possible to develop reach-back capabilities to support deployed forces? „ What tools are there to offensively counter aggressive strategic narratives and which of them are in use in military entities of NATO and the nations? „ Which information from social media is relevant from an intelligence analyst’s viewpoint and which tools are used for social media analysis in military entities? „ Once key influencers and propaganda distribution centres have been identified, should the military take measures to impede the spread of certain messages? In such cases, is the military capable of doing so or would this require external / industry support? „ How are CT aspects reflected in the roles and responsibilities of existing functions and capabilities, such as StratCom, Info Ops, PA, and PSYOPS? Which concepts / doctrine could be improved and updated? „ How does the social media industry counter terrorism and where would cooperation with the military be beneficial? In closing, a number of suggestions regarding the following key issues identified are provided: „ Counter-Narratives „ Identities „ Social Media Analysis in support of Intelligence „ Information Operations, Psychological Operations and Counter-Terrorism These suggestions include future steps which might be beneficial for further CT-related exploitation of social media in military operations. We hope that those who could not attend the workshop can enjoy the content of this publication – as well as spark their interest in future activities dealing with this important topic.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. THE MANIPULATIVE TECHNIQUES OF RUSSIA’S INFORMATION CAMPAIGN - EURO-ATLANTIC VALUES AND RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC SPACE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. THE MANIPULATIVE TECHNIQUES OF RUSSIA’S INFORMATION CAMPAIGN - EURO-ATLANTIC VALUES AND RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC SPACE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

This document summarises part of a larger research “Euro-Atlantic Values and Russia’s Strategic Communication in the Euro-Atlantic space” (2015) commissioned by the NATO StratCom COE to the Center for International Studies (Latvia). The overall aim of the research is to identify means how Russia with the help of mass media influences the Euro-Atlantic values and re-defines the meaning of democracy, media freedom, human rights, trust to international organizations, freedom of speech and other values in the Euro-Atlantic space for different societal groups during the crisis in Ukraine. The political rhetoric, political content and narrative is analysed in the following audio-visual platforms: Первый канал (Pervij Kanal), RT (previously - Russia Today) and Sputnik. The research includes four case studies: the downing of the passenger liner MH17, issuing of economic counter-sanctions, first humanitarian convoy and Minsk talks on the cease-fire deal (the so-called Minsk II).

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ROBOTROLLING 4/2018

ROBOTROLLING 4/2018

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

This issue of Robotrolling examines users suspended by Twitter. Contrary to expectation, most of the accounts were human-controlled accounts rather than bots. Since 2017, the speed at which Twitter suspended misbehaving users has by two measures almost doubled. However, removals of Russian-language accounts have been considerably slower than for English. The speed of removal can be critical, for instance in the context of an election. The Latvian elections, conducted on 6 October 2018, passed with remarkably little Russian language activity about the NATO presence in the country. Our analyses show a movement in the past year away from automated manipulation to humans operating fake or disposable identities online. The figures published in this issue reflect the good work done to tackle bots, but show much work remains to tackle manipulation through fake human-controlled accounts. Bots created 46% of Russian-language messaging about the NATO presence in the Baltics and Poland. More than 50% of Russian-language messaging about Estonia this quarter came from automated accounts. Anonymous human-operated accounts posted 46% of all English-language messages about Poland, compared to 29% for the Baltic States. This discrepancy is both anomalous and persistent. Some of the messaging is probably artificial. We continue to publish measures of fake social activity in the hope that quantifying the problem will focus minds on solving it.

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ROBOTROLLING 2/2019

ROBOTROLLING 2/2019

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

On the popular Russian-language social network VK, material about the NATO presence in the Baltics and Poland was viewed no less than 11 million times this quarter (February – April 2019). 93% of these views were for material from community spaces. On VK, community spaces are increasingly important, both as a sources of content and as places for discussion. The move to groups has implications beyond the Russian-language space. Facebook has recently launched a push to promote community spaces. These spaces, normally closed to researchers, offer huge potential for misuse and manipulation. Our investigation of VK community spaces reveals that the vast majority of groups in which NATO is discussed are communities with radical pro-Kremlin or nationalist tendencies, or dedicated to the conflict in Ukraine. These communities generate more posts and attract more views even than communities created by Russian state media outlets. On Twitter, bots tweeting in Russian remain a bigger problem than bots tweeting in English. In Russian, they account for 43% of all messages—a significant increase in recent months. In English bots posted 17% of messages. English-language bots this quarter overwhelmingly amplified news content from RT (formerly Russia Today) and other pro-Kremlin news outlets. On all platforms, discussion regarding NATO troops in Poland attracted the largest number of posts this quarter. Finally, in this issue we publish our first case study of manipulation on Facebook. It looks at the degree to which bots and trolls targeted posts promoted by Latvian political parties contesting the European Elections in late May 2019.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. ROBOTROLLING 3/2019

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. ROBOTROLLING 3/2019

Author(s): Belén Carrasco Rodríguez,John Gallagher,Rolf Fredheim / Language(s): English

In the period May—July 2019 bots accounted for 55% of all Russian-language messages on Twitter. This big increase in automated activity was largely driven by news-bots contributing to information effects around stories published by the Kremlin’s propaganda outlet, Sputnik. On VK, the bot presence also increased, and currently accounts for one quarter of all users. 17% of English language messaging was done by bots. Three military exercises were of particular interest for Russian-language bots on Twitter and VK: Spring Storm, Baltic Operations (BALTOPS), and Dragon-19. The level of Twitter activity during the month of July was less than half that observed for the period May–June. Having studied robotic activity for almost three years, we see a clear pattern: whenever a military exercise takes place, coverage by hostile pro-Kremlin media is systematically amplified by inauthentic accounts. In this issue of Robotrolling we take a closer look at how manipulation has changed during the period 2017–2019 in response to measures implemented by Twitter. Since 2017 bot activity has changed. Spam bots have given way to news bots—accounts promoting fringe or fake news outlets—and mention-trolls, which systematically direct messaging in support of pro-Kremlin voices and in opposition to its critics. We present an innovative case study measuring the impact political social media manipulation has on online conversations. Analysis of Russian Internet Research Agency posts to the platform Reddit shows that manipulation caused a short-term increase in the number of identity attacks by other users, as well as a longer-term increase in the toxicity of conversations.

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№32: The Unexploited Potential of Poland’s Cooperation with Taiwan
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№32: The Unexploited Potential of Poland’s Cooperation with Taiwan

Author(s): Justyna Szczudlik-Tatar / Language(s): English

Taiwan, with its economy based on high technology and innovation and home to global IT companies which are among the world’s largest electronics manufacturers, should be an attractive economic partner for Poland. But the distance, limited channels of communication, lack of knowledge of each other, differences in economic development, and market access barriers in Taiwan make bilateral cooperation occasional and not intensive. A recent improvement in cooperation as a result of Taiwan’s decision to open its market to Polish pork and prospects for signing an avoidance-of-double-taxation agreement should be used as a good basis for deepening bilateral cooperation. What is more, better Cross-Strait relations create a chance for Poland to improve its economic presence in mainland China through closer cooperation with Taiwanese companies.

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Czech Republic on the Challenges in Cooperation with China
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Czech Republic on the Challenges in Cooperation with China

Author(s): Łukasz Ogrodnik / Language(s): English

Contrary to the pro-China stance of Czech President Miloš Zeman, the government of Andrej Babiš is withdrawing from tightening political relations with China. This is due to disappointment in economic cooperation, the sense of a cyberthreat, and intensification of relations with the U.S. It is in EU countries’ interest to support Union initiatives strengthening the common position towards China, such as the monitoring mechanism of foreign investment or implementation of recommendations by the European Commission (EC) regarding fifth-generation mobile technology (5G).

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Czechy wobec wyzwań we współpracy z Chinami
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Czechy wobec wyzwań we współpracy z Chinami

Author(s): Łukasz Ogrodnik / Language(s): Polish

Wbrew prochińskiemu stanowisku prezydenta Miloša Zemana rząd Andreja Babiša wycofuje się z zacieśniania stosunków politycznych z Chinami. Wynika to z rozczarowania współpracą gospodarczą, poczucia zagrożenia cybernetycznego oraz intensyfikacji relacji z USA. We wspólnym interesie państw UE leży wspieranie unijnych inicjatyw wzmacniających wspólną pozycję wobec Chin, takich jak np. mechanizm monitorowania inwestycji zagranicznych czy realizacja zaleceń Komisji Europejskiej dotyczących technologii mobilnych piątej generacji (5G).

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The EU’s Position on the Development of Artificial Intelligence
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The EU’s Position on the Development of Artificial Intelligence

Author(s): Marta Makowska / Language(s): English

The United States and China are competing for the position of world leader in the field of artificial intelligence solutions, and the European Union is lagging behind. Ongoing work on the EU strategy in this field is aimed at harmonising the activities of individual Member States. EU legal and ethics regulations (protection of consumer rights and anti-discrimination regulations) and the non-commercial use of artificial intelligence (especially in medicine) will be important. The EU should also support all Member States in the development of digital technologies.

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UE wobec rozwoju sztucznej inteligencji
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UE wobec rozwoju sztucznej inteligencji

Author(s): Marta Makowska / Language(s): Polish

Stany Zjednoczone i Chiny konkurują o pozycję światowego lidera rozwiązań z zakresu sztucznej inteligencji. Nowy wyścig technologiczny pozostawia Unię Europejską w tyle. Trwające obecnie prace nad unijną strategią w tej branży mają na celu harmonizację działań poszczególnych państw. Istotne będą unijne regulacje w sferze etyki i prawa (ochrony praw konsumenta, regulacji antydyskryminacyjnych) oraz niekomercyjnego wykorzystania sztucznej inteligencji (zwłaszcza w medycynie). UE powinna też wspierać wszystkie państwa w rozwoju technik cyfrowych.

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The Digital Dimension of the Three Seas Initiative
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The Digital Dimension of the Three Seas Initiative

Author(s): Bartosz Wiśniewski / Language(s): English

Expansion of digital infrastructure is one of the three pillars of the Three Seas Initiative (TSI). So far, the TSI’s digital dimension has been less elaborate than the goal of enhancing energy and transport infrastructure. Yet, without closing the digital development gaps, the TSI will struggle to make the most of the EU’s emerging digital single market. Placing greater emphasis on the enhancement of digital infrastructure could convince those TSI countries that have thus far seemed to stand on the sidelines to become more involved the project in the future.

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Wymiar cyfrowy Inicjatywy Trójmorza
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Wymiar cyfrowy Inicjatywy Trójmorza

Author(s): Bartosz Wiśniewski / Language(s): Polish

Rozbudowa infrastruktury cyfrowej to jeden z trzech filarów Inicjatywy Trójmorza (Three Seas Initiative, TSI). Jest on jak dotąd mniej skonkretyzowany niż plany wzmocnienia połączeń energetycznych oraz transportowych. Bez wyeliminowania luk w cyfrowym rozwoju regionu państwa Trójmorza nie sięgną po możliwości powstającego w Unii Europejskiej jednolitego rynku cyfrowego. Położenie większego nacisku na rozbudowę infrastruktury cyfrowej może też skłonić do zaangażowania w jej rozwój tych z państw TSI, które dotąd przyjmowały wobec niej raczej pasywną postawę.

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Cyfryzacja w ChRL: transformacja gospodarki i inżynieria społeczna
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Cyfryzacja w ChRL: transformacja gospodarki i inżynieria społeczna

Author(s): Marcin Przychodniak / Language(s): Polish

Władze ChRL na szeroką skalę promują i finansują projekty dotyczące sztucznej inteligencji (AI), big data czy płatności mobilnych. Traktują cyfryzację jako element modernizacji gospodarki, dążenia do uzyskania przez firmy chińskie przewagi konkurencyjnej, a co za tym idzie – czołowej pozycji międzynarodowej. Cyfryzacja, a zwłaszcza technologia sztucznej inteligencji, ma być narzędziem budowy systemu kontroli i oceny obywateli. Realizację tych założeń do 2030 r. – zgodnie z planami władz ChRL – utrudni jednak m.in. brak wykwalifikowanej kadry.

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 138, god. VIII, Beograd, utorak, 20. avgust 2013.
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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 138, god. VIII, Beograd, utorak, 20. avgust 2013.

Author(s): Branislav Jakovljević,Saša Ćirić,Vesna Rakić-Vodinelić,Predrag Lucić,Mileta Mijatović / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian

MIXER, Branislav Jakovljević: Legitimizacija ćutanjem i veseljem; CEMENT, Saša Ćirić: Teror pohlepe protiv terora straha; ARMATURA, Vesna Rakić-Vodinelić: Nove političke stranke - nove opcije ili samo popunjavanje političkog prostora?; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Predrag Lucić: Geni, geni Coheni; BLOK BR. V, Mileta Mijatović i Johanna Marcade: Čopor

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Viitorul limbii romani: către o politică a pluralismului lingvistic
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Viitorul limbii romani: către o politică a pluralismului lingvistic

Author(s): Yaron Matras / Language(s): Romanian

The past decade has seen the emergence of linguistic pluralism in the use of Romani in institutions such as media and education: language codification is primarily regional, targeting a regional audience. Regional initiatives are autonomous and implement their own solutions. At the same time, an international network of Romani language codification activities is emerging - through meetings, correspondence, exchange of publications, and via the internet. The question facing agencies engaged in language policy is how to pursue networking and international collaboration, while taking into account the de-centralised achievements of the past decade. The practical way forward is to adopt linguistic pluralism as a policy: to support regional initiative and creativity, while also strengthening international networking efforts and exchange. Collective ownership of language will thus encompass a web of language varieties, and not just one single form of the language. Such a policy fits the specific Romani situation of a trans-national minority with dispersed, regional centres of cultural and public life. It is also suitable for the young generation of language users, who are accustomed to trial & error, individual creativity and flexibility in their use of written language in new communication technologies such as text-messages, internet chat-rooms and email.

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ROBOTROLLING 2/2021
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ROBOTROLLING 2/2021

Author(s): Rolf Fredheim / Language(s): English

In this edition of Robotrolling we track the most significant increase in inauthentic Russian-language social media activity we have observed since we began in 2017. While the level of bot activity remains much lower than four years ago, the uptick is concerning. The increased activity coincided with the spring and summer military exercise season, and the period running up to the Russian Federation’s Zapad exercises, scheduled for September 2021. While fake activity increased in the Russian-language space, we observed no increase in English-language activity, either from bots or from human-controlled accounts. In this edition of Robotrolling, we introduce the Global Database of Events Location and Tone (GDELT). This database of news articles helps map how the conversation about NATO in Poland and the Baltics is covered by news media, and serves as a contrast to the environment observed on Twitter and VK. This contrast reveals that in April 2021—as Russian troops mobilized along the Ukrainian border—inauthentic Russian accounts were also disproportionately active online. We round off the issue with a discussion of how AI can help us better understand the global news environment in near-real time, based on conversations with StratCom COE expert Gundars Bergmanis-Korāts and GDELT-founder Kalev Leetaru.

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ROBOTROLLING 1/2022
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ROBOTROLLING 1/2022

Author(s): Rolf Fredheim,Martha Stolze / Language(s): English

In this edition of Robotrolling, we trace messaging about the build-up to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Since the illegal annexation of Crimea, there has been an expectation that kinetic activity would be preceded by large-scale information activities. We assess that the period from August 2021 to 20 February 2022 saw an increase in elite statements (and troop movements) unmatched by fake pro-Kremlin social media activity. This may reflect a top-down communication hierarchy, wherein lower echelons either received little guidance, or the guidance was to be silent. The volumes of automated activity were too low to offer any reliable signal of the looming invasion. In February 2022, pro-Kremlin channels and accounts amplified the narrative that the “genocide” of Russian-speakers in the Donbas justified intervention. Our analysis shows that this narrative’s traction was attributable to statements by Putin personally, not online propaganda channels. The comparative absence of pro-Kremlin activity on Twitter, combined with increased activity on VKontakte, suggests that Kremlin propagandists prioritised domestic audiences. On Twitter, the increase in Russian-language tweets about NATO was overwhelmingly driven by anti-Kremlin and pro-Ukrainian messaging. The share of automated messages on Twitter and VK about the Baltic states, Poland and NATO dropped, amidst greatly increased overall traffic. Bots accounted for 30% of Russian language and 12% of English-language messages on Twitter; and for 15% of messages about the region on VK. In February 2022, the number of English tweets was seven times higher than Russian tweets.

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Virtual Manipulation Brief: Russia's Struggle to Circumvent Sanctions and Communicate Its War Against Ukraine
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Virtual Manipulation Brief: Russia's Struggle to Circumvent Sanctions and Communicate Its War Against Ukraine

Author(s): Rolf Fredheim,Martha Stolze / Language(s): English

In this first issue of the Virtual Manipulation Brief, we zoom in on the Russian language conversation, and how it changed as a result of the decision to invade Ukraine. Sanctions hindered the Kremlin’s messaging on Western platforms, while the focus on domestic audiences pulled many propagandists to Telegram, VKontakte, and RuTube. The number of Russian Telegram users has increased by two-thirds, while four in five users of Facebook and Instagram have left Meta’s platforms. The increase in users understates the importance of Telegram. It acts as a reliable hub, where pro-regime voices can post (almost) without fear of platform censorship. Kremlin propagandist Margarita Simonyan’s social media posting patterns reveal how communication has adapted following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. In response to sanctions, she, together with many journalists working for RT and Sputnik, moved to posting through Telegram. Telegram posts are automatically cross-posted to her Western platforms, meaning the messaging continues to flow at little or no extra effort. This method has the added benefit of evading attempts by Twitter to prevent the amplification of RT content. Such use of automation means the Kremlin’s messaging will not disappear on Western platforms, even when domestic audiences are the primary focus. The comparison of Russian-language messaging about NATO on VKontakte and Twitter shows how this combination of push and pull factors has dramatically altered the Kremlin’s reach. We estimate that the relative reach of pro-Kremlin messaging on VKontakte in March 2022 was a hundred times more than normal, compared to Twitter. The Virtual Manipulation Brief builds on our Robotrolling reports, tracking how Russian bots and trolls manipulate the flow of information online. It expands the area of focus beyond the conversation about NATO to Russia’s war against Ukraine. And it will look beyond Twitter and VKontakte to track how antagonists use other social media platforms to disinform the public. In this issue, we start by examining how social media usage in Russia changed since February. A comparison of heavily amplified content about NATO on Twitter and VKontakte exposes the Kremlin’s waning ability to control conversations on Western platforms. Finally, we show how the Kremlin propagandist Margarita Simonyan moved her communication to Telegram to evade sanctions directed at RT.

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Карта на Балканския Иншуртех към края на 2022

Карта на Балканския Иншуртех към края на 2022

Author(s): Desislav Danov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Insurance digitalization across the Balkans is making slowly its way through the incumbent landscape. Newcomers are facing different challenges due to national fragmentation, small market capacity, lack of adequate financing and poor interaction with the industry. Nevertheless the Insurtech pioneers are adapting rapidly and try to catch-up with their counterparts from more developed areas. In the present study is pictured the first-of-akind attempt to be created an all-encompassing map of the Insurtech developments in the region. This mapping effort introduces existing taxonomy from the Cambridge Fintech Ecosystem Atlas, adapted to reflect the Balkan insurtech reality.

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The Concept of Electronic Money: Broad and Narrow Interpretations, Stored Value Instruments, and the Nature of Claims

The Concept of Electronic Money: Broad and Narrow Interpretations, Stored Value Instruments, and the Nature of Claims

Author(s): Zlatin Sarastov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This article examines the multifaceted concept of electronic money by distinguishing between its broad interpretation—as any monetary value represented digitally—and its narrow regulatory definition, which focuses on stored-value instruments directly linked to fiat currency deposits. In addition, the discussion extends to the nature and storage of these instruments, emphasizing that all forms of money except commodity and fictional crypto assets, whether electronic or physical, fundamentally represent a claim on an issuer. The paper aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of these concepts and their implications for financial systems and regulatory frameworks.

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