Ratovi, kolonizacije i nacionalna struktura Slavonije u dvadesetom stoljeću

Author(s): Ivan Lajić,Mario Bara / Language(s): Croatian

Due to favourable terrain, hydrographic, climatic and traffic characteristics, the territory of Slavonia was from ancient times an attractive settlement zone and therefore had a dynamic demographic development. In the first half of the 20th century, the national character of migration was strongly determined by: territorial affiliation of the region to various political entities during recent history (the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia, the Independent State of Croatia /NDH/, socialist Yugoslavia), political-social systems that organized colonizations of the area, and economic factors. War events by their meaning encompass the characteristics of ethnic conflict as well, making the consequences particularly obvious through selective war mortality, forced migrations and changes in the ethnic composition of certain areas (this was especially obvious in the Second World War and the Homeland War). On the other hand, colonizations after the First and Second World War, which were also ethnically based as a reflection of relations of power among various political and social elites, had an almost equally strong impact. Peacetime periods brought other forms of mechanical, unforced population movements (mostly rural-urban migrations). The post-war development of Slavonia, along with increased deruralization and industrialization, attracted not only the surrounding rural population but also labour force from other parts of the former state thus causing change in the ethnic structure. Recent demographic trends have been determined by the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the armed conflict following the entire process. The consequences of war and post-war events are most apparent in the field of mechanical movement (forced and mandatory migrations). Comparative demographic analysis of two last censuses in 1991 and 2001 proved that during this decade the following took place: a significant depopulation of most cities and municipalities, a change in the ethnic/national structure, an absolute and relative decrease of the Serb population, an absolute and relative decrease of other minority populations, a relative and absolute increase in the proportion and number of Croats, and aging of the entire population of Slavonia with more intense aging in the areas where the Serbs constituted a relative and absolute majority in the Homeland War.The result of these long-term processes - colonizations, war and ethnic conflicts, war and post-war mechanical population movements with selective forced and involuntary migrations - had an effect on a significant increase in the number of the majority population followed by the reduction or almost disappearance of certain minorities.

(Ne) budi ovca. O etničkoj diskriminaciji u BiH

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

(Ne) budi ovca: o etničkoj diskriminaciji predstavlja izabrane analize objavljene na web portalu koalicije Jednakost (www.jednakost.ba), u okviru koje organizacije koje su njen dio imaju za cilj ukidanje etničke diskriminacije konstitutivnih naroda i Ostalih na cijelom prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Formalna i faktička diskriminacija u ostvarivanju ličnih i političkih prava, a dalje i kulturnih, ekonomskih i socijalnih, utječe na samorealizaciju i samostalnost svih individua koje žive na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Sloboda i jednakost, bez obzira da li se one ostvaruju individalno ili kroz kolektiv, neotuđiva su ljudska prava i ne trebaju biti ovisna od drugog kolektiva ili pojedinaca_ki. U prvom dijelu brošure predstavljene su analize pozicije Ostalih u dijelovima pravnog i političkog sistema Bosne i Hercegovine, dok je drugi dio fokusiran na široke posljedice etničke diskriminacije u Bosni i Hercegovini. Tekstovi naglašavaju potrebu uvođenja principa jednakosti kako za konstitutivne narode, tako i za pripadnike_ice koji_e se ne izjašnjavaju kao konstitutivni narodi, odnosno pripadaju grupi Ostalih; moguće modele njihove reprezentacije u političkom sistemu Bosne i Hercegovine; oblastima u kojima i dalje na normativnom nivou postoji etnička diskriminacija, te model Brčko distrikta Bosne i Hercegovine kao potencijalno dobrog modela političke participacije i uključivanja svih segmenata društva u proces odlučivanja. Drugi dio brošure fokusiran je na primjere etničke diskriminacije na pojedinim nivoima vlasti; potrebi suočavanja sa prošlošću kao osnovi za gradnju povjerenja; etničkim podjelama u obrazovanju i njihovim posljedicama na etničke manjine; diskriminaciji u medijima, ekonomiji, kao i drugim oblastima života. Analize, iako obrađuju kompleksne pravne i društvene probleme Bosne i Hercegovine, razumljive su i osobama kojima pitanje etničke diskriminacije Ostalih i nije oblast posebnog interesovanja, ali je njen cilj da na jedan inovativan i provokativan način aktualizira sveprisutnu etničku diskriminaciju u Bosni i Hercegovini.

Život olašských žien

Author(s): Ivana Šusterová / Language(s): Slovak

One can write about the Roma people in many ways. The intention of writing about them can also be different. I made my way “into the field” with an open mind and heart in order to explore one of the groups of Roma. By doing so, I aimed to discover as many objective facts as possible. The objective was to discover, to such an extent, these facts in which the Wallachian Roma shared and supported directly with their testimonies. The book is an ethnographic description of selected aspects of life of a particular Roma group – Wallachian Roma (Lovara) living in Nitra. This group forms a small percentage of the Roma population in Slovakia and is mainly presented as a closed community which is hard to penetrate. This seems to be one of the reasons why there is an absence of information about Wallachian Roma; not only to the general public, but also among experts – in spite of the fact that Wallachian Roma form a special sub-ethnic group which is characterised, among other things, by the preservation of traditional norms, specific forms of behavior, and a set of unique habits in their community that persists even today. An important feature which influences the way of life of Wallachian Roma isa persistent solidarity among them by observing family and community rules. The book aims to describe and analyse the position of women within the community of Wallachian Roma today, present the picture of a Wallachian woman living her everyday life subordinated to the internal rules and laws of the community and focuses on the transformation of her position throughout her life. The publication focuses particularly on the current situation, but also observes the preservation of the traditional model of women´s position within the community of Wallachian Roma, the possible generation differences and the penetration of newer forms. The book also deals with factors influencing their formation, and aims to grasp this issue in the most comprehensive manner possible from the point of view of several generations and both sexes. The data presented in the book represent the results of field research conducted on Borová Street in Nitra, where the Wallachian community is concentrated within a compact residential unit. The current population of this community is around 350–400 adult Roma with children from the Ferkošť family who have lived at this location since 1958 when the first house was built there. The content of the book places emphasis on the changes in the position of women from their birth up to old age.

Етнички и етнокултурни контакти у панонско-карпатском простору

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Serbian

The Incomprehensible Flow of Roma Asylum-Seekers from the Czech Republic and Hungary to Canada

Author(s): Judit Tóth / Language(s): English

This working paper analyses the flow of Roma migrants, in particular asylum-seekers, from the Czech Republic and Hungary to Canada in 1996–2010. Although the fate of the Roma is at the centre of events, statistics on asylum applications along with an interpretation of the history of migration issues, from the perspectives of both international relations and EU policy, illustrate the classical debate on state sovereignty versus universal or at least European solidarity. They reflect the debate on the binding human rights of fragile groups versus security preconditions and prejudices. This amalgam of migration, visa and asylum policies has affected the lives of Roma and their efforts to achieve equal treatment, integration and citizenship in their country of residence as well as their homeland.

Zigeuner-Buch, herausgegeben zum amtlichen Gebrauch im Auftrag des Staatsministeriums des Innern vom Sicherheitsbüro der königlichen Polizeidirektion München.

Author(s): Alfred Dillmann / Language(s): German

This book is a document of anti-Roma racism in German (more exactly Bavarian) routine administration. Thirty years before NAZI racism came to power the Ministry for Internal Affairs had developed a project (in 2020 we would call it a “big-data-project”) of identification and detailed registration of all Sinti, Roma and Egyptians in Bavaria. The author Alfred Dillmann, a high-ranking member of the Munich Police staff, published this book a partly a manual for other civilian and police administrators, in its main part he is listing the first results of such registration-activities at the moment of publication.This book is a document of Anti-Gypsies racism in German (more exactly Bavarian) routine administration three decades before NAZI racism came to power. In 1899, under Dillmann's leadership in Munich, the "Intelligence Service for the Security Police Regarding Gypsies", for short "Gypsy Headquarter", began by creating a file of all "Gypsies" in Germany who were older than six years. In addition to identification data, genealogical data and above all information on delinquency were also collected. In 1905, Dillmann's Gypsy Book was compiled from this collection, which contained details of 3,350 people and was made available to the police departments. (WIKIPEDIA). Alfred Dillmann, who made his career up to the rank of a president of the Royal Bavarian Police, published this book as partly a manual for other civilian and police administrators; however, in its main part he is listing the first results of such registration-activities of the past 8 years.

Die nationale Minderheit

Author(s): Otto Junghann / Language(s): German

In the present publication the attempt has been made to convey an idea of the main aspects of the minority problem with just a few strokes. On the one hand, the fundamentals should come out as clearly as possible - on the other, the diversity of the phenomena of life that oppose the seeker for a problem solution should at least be hinted at. The attempt is made to show the place that the minority question occupies within the broader context of world events. Given the limited volume of the booklet, there can be no question of an exhaustive treatment of the question. The concrete statements about the actual situation also required extreme restrictions. The figures used in the text and in the tables in the appendix are based on the latest studies by the German Society for Nationality Law, Berlin-Steglitz, unless they are taken from the 1930 Ethno-Political Almanac published on behalf of the Berlin-Steglitz Institute for Border and Foreign Studies.

Polonia irredenta?

Author(s): Fritz Rathenau / Language(s): German

Only the Prussian constitution of 1848 made the Poles living in Prussia Prussian citizens; they had "no longer to be regarded as Prussian Poles, but as Polish Prussians". The legal situation that was created at that time has fundamentally not changed over the past decades. However, general legal understanding has progressed over time. In particular, the international treaties that ended the World War created the concept of "national minorities" and introduced it into practical politics. The "national minorities" of Prussia and, thus, of the German Reich include those German Reich or Prussian nationals who are willing to preserve and cultivate their own and unique Polish nationality in the foreign state association - according to descent, customs, customs and traditions and to continue to exist within it as a nationally united Polish community. In terms of constitutional law, the Polish minority in Prussia can only be described as “Polish Prussians” in the sense of Prussian nationals of Polish origin. Anyone who possesses Prussian or German nationality — possession of which is a conceptual prerequisite for someone being able to count themselves among the national minorities in Prussia or Germany — cannot at the same time be “Pole”, i.e. non-German; On the other hand, anyone who is Poles, i.e. foreigners, does not belong to the national minority and therefore cannot derive any rights from this characteristic. "Member of a minority" and "foreigner" are two mutually exclusive terms: Every member of the minority is also a citizen of the state in which he resides. A “Prussian Pole” could therefore not exist in itself: because a “Pole” living in Prussia cannot also be a “Prussian” as a foreigner! The antithesis: "Prussian Poles or Polish Prussians?" is therefore legally unfounded and untenable.

New/Old Constutional Engineering? Challenges and Implications of the European Court of Human Rights Decision in the Case of Sejdić and Finci v. BiH

Author(s): Nenad Stojanović,Edin Hodžić / Language(s): English

The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights on the application by Dervo Sejdić and Jakob Finci, issued on 22 December 2009, has been attracting wide media coverage and provoking academic and expert debates in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Yet the complexity of its execution seems not to have been adequately recognised in the rather intense debate that it triggered. This debate has been dominated by simplified interpretations that view the judgment either as a prelude to a gradual abandonment of ethnocracy and to the affirmation of citizens as individuals in the political system, or as an act opening up room for something akin to a pluralisation of ethnocracy simply by introducing the category of ‘Others’ into the tripartite structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state of constituent peoples. However, our research operates on the assumption that the possible approaches to the execution of the judgment, based on international and comparative law, are anything but simple. The main intention of this research project is to offer decision-makers, journalists and public officials, as well as the academic community and the wider public, a systematic overview of the conceptual premises, relevant international standards, comparative experiences (especially those from other divided societies) and the past political practice in Bosnia with regard to the political participation of both the constituent peoples and ‘Others’. This overview is necessary in order to identify potential directions that reform of the Bosnian Constitution and the amendments to relevant laws (above all, the Bosnian Election Law) could take in order to ensure the execution of the Sejdić-Finci judgment in ways that would not upset the system of power-sharing established between the three constituent peoples, while still ensuring the political participation of ‘Others’ on a non-discriminatory basis. Our analysis, conceived and implemented as described, has led us to make a number of recommendations that, with due regard to the particularities of the Bosnian context, suggest mechanisms that could potentially be used to execute the judgment in the case of Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina. As regards the actual substance of the constitutional reform that could be undertaken in light of the Sejdić-Finci case, the findings of our research are the following: - Bosnia and Herzegovina is not the only state exhibiting the conflict between specific consociational mechanisms and the imperative of ensuring equality and the full enjoyment of human rights in political and public life. For example, Italy has an almost equally problematic system of political participation in the province of South Tyrol, based on the principle of mandatory political ‘aggregation’ of individuals into dominant groups. - In other countries, the mechanisms for representation of ethno-cultural identities have mostly developed in the context of minorities, that is as an exception from the liberal-civic principle of the neutrality of the state and representation of citizens as individuals. Where elements of ethnic federalism exist, political representation at the state level is for the most part ensured based on the territorial principle (i.e. on the principle of representation through federal units), as is the case in Canada, for instance. Also, in contexts where identity as such plays a significant role in political life (e.g. in Belgium), the politically relevant identity is determined based on membership to linguistic groups. Such groups are, by definition, much more open and inclusive than ethno-cultural groups since they can encompass different identities, including ethno-cultural ones. - In view of the above, comparative experiences in the domain of political participation and identity representation certainly have some pertinence and importance when considering possible models for the execution of the judgment, but constitutional specificities of Bosnia and Herzegovina have to be taken into account. - Almost all of the proposals identified for the execution of the part of the judgment concerning the Bosnian Presidency, including the views of the Venice Commission, are not without flaws: Those who propose indirect election of members of the Presidency by the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina disregard the possibility of additional political manipulation and unprincipled bargaining by political elites, as well as the fact that not one representative of the ‘Others’ has to date been elected to this legislative body; proposals aimed at increasing the number of members of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina to four or five, as a rule, do not offer mechanisms to prevent majorisation and manipulation of identities in this context; those who advocate the creation of two electoral units in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a rule, do not take into consideration the additional polarising effect that this option might have on the country’s political life. - As for the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, proposals have mostly focused on mechanisms to elect delegates from the ranks of ‘Others’ to this legislative body. They have for the most part disregarded the question of the House of Peoples’ existing powers, which are, also according to the Sejdić-Finci judgment, one of the key considerations in establishing the discrimination of ‘Others’. - Most proposals for the execution of the Sejdić-Finci judgment that have come before the public do not adequately address this complex problem. Moreover, the solutions offered have rarely been accompanied by appropriate elaboration or argumentation. In particular, there has been a chronic lack of new, innovative solutions that could meet the two-fold demand of representation for ethno-cultural groups and respect for the principle of non-discrimination. - Political actors in BiH have not devoted the appropriate degree of attention to the execution of the judgment in the case of Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina. One proof of this inadequacy is the work of the Working Group set up by the Council of Ministers of BiH with the aim of executing the judgment: since its establishment in March 2010, it has yielded no results whatsoever. In addition, neither do the available platforms of political parties, even when they do address the issue, reflect or recognise its complexity, or offer appropriate elaboration and argumentation of their positions. Our interviews with some of the key actors in this process have for the most part also confirmed our assumption that there has been a lack of understanding of this complex issue and insufficient knowledge of the options available to decision-makers. - The media discourse on the judgment itself and its implications has been very limited and unvaried, almost entirely focusing on possible sanctions and the general consequences for Bosnia and Herzegovina for failure to execute the judgment. There has hardly been any media coverage – at least in print media – focusing on the substance of the judgment or the consistent promotion of equality in the enjoyment of political rights by all citizens of Bosnia. Combining descriptive, analytical, comparative and prescriptive elements, the present study concludes with four specific recommendations: – It is certainly necessary for experts in constitutional and international law, as well as experts in comparative political and electoral systems, to become more actively engaged in the public discourse on the execution of the Sejdić-Finci judgment. With a view to this, and as a modest contribution to the project and to increasing the number of available constitutional options, we have formulated a proposal for a mechanism to elect the Presidency of BiH based on the principle of the so-called geometric mean. This, in our view, adequately balances out the demands of identity politics and the principle of non-discrimination. In addition, the proposal encourages cross-entity and cross-ethnic cooperation, ensuring the introduction of a more moderate discourse in political campaigns and political life in general. – When it comes to the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, one should not look for relevant comparative experiences beyond Bosnia and Herzegovina itself: the House of Peoples of the Parliament of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Council of Peoples of the Republika Srpska are, in principle, models that can also be applied at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The underlying principle is the following: if the Bosnian authorities wish to continue with the practice of exclusivity in determining the structure of this body and keep its current status as a house of the constituent peoples, its powers need to be significantly reduced, that is, reduced to the level of the protection of vital national interests. In other words, in this case the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be equivalent to the Council of Peoples of the Republika Srpska. Conversely, if its current powers are to be kept, the House of Peoples must also be open to delegates not only from the ranks of minorities, but also to all other persons belonging to the constitutional category of ‘Others’. In other words, in this case the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina should replicate the model of the House of Peoples of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. – Intra-party ethno-cultural pluralism is a necessary condition for ensuring multiethnic governance at all levels. This problem is best illustrated by the utterly disregarded fact that, as we have noted, neither the House of Peoples nor the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina has ever had a member drawn from the ranks of ‘Others’ although the Constitution and the Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina do not contain any formal obstacles to such a genuinely pluralistic composition of the House of Representatives. It is, therefore, necessary to carefully consider the legal and institutional mechanisms for ensuring intra-party pluralism in this domain. – In view of all the problems, inconsistencies, inequalities and paradoxes inherent in the principle and practice of representing the constituent peoples and ‘Others’ as separate identities, which are unequivocally demonstrated in this report, Bosnia and Herzegovina needs, at least in the long term, to move from an ethnic federation to a territorial one that would introduce the principle of representation based on territory rather than based on ethno-cultural identities. However, reforms that would take the country in that direction are currently hampered by the prevailing approach and practice, whereby a territory is conceived of as a space of ethno-cultural domination and discrimination of all minority identities rather than that of openness, inclusiveness and equality, as is the case with most territorial federations, especially in Europe.

Novi-stari ustavni inženjering? Izazovi i implikacije presude Evropskog suda za ljudska prava u predmetu Sejdić i Finci prov BiH

Author(s): Nenad Stojanović,Edin Hodžić / Language(s): Bosnian

Presuda Evropskog suda za ljudska prava, po predstavci Derve Sejdića i Jakoba Fincija, donesena 22. decembra 2009. godine, već duže vrijeme puni novinske stupce i povod je za akademske i stručne rasprave u BiH. Pa ipak, čini se da kompleksnost njenog izvršenja nije adekvatno prepoznata u dosta intenzivnoj raspravi koja je uslijedila nakon objavljivanja presude. Javnom sferom dominiraju jednostavne formule: presuda se vidi ili kao uvod u potpuno napuštanje etnokratije i afirmaciju građanina pojedinca u političkom sistemu ili kao akt kojim se otvara prostor za svojevrsno pluraliziranje etnokratije jednostavnim uvođenjem kategorije „ostalih" u tripartitnu strukturu države konstitutivnih naroda. No, ovo istraživanje zasnovano je na pretpostavci da moguće, na međunarodnom i komparativnom pravu utemeljene formule izvršenja spomenute presude Evropskog suda za ljudska prava nisu jednostavne. Temeljna namjera ovog istraživanja jest da se donosiocima odluka, novinarima i javnim djelatnicima, te akademskoj i široj javnosti ponudi sistematičan pregled konceptualnih postavki, relevantnih međunarodnih standarda, komparativnih iskustava (naročito onih koja se odnose na druga podijeljena društva) i dosadašnje političke prakse u BiH u oblasti političke participacije i konstitutivnih naroda i „ostalih". Takav je pregled nužan kako bi se identificirali mogući pravci reforme Ustava BiH i izmjene relevantnih zakona (prije svega, Izbornog zakona BiH), koji bi mogli osigurati izvršenje presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci, na način da se ne narušava uspostavljeni balans političke moći (power- sharing) između konstitutivnih naroda, ali da se osigura politička participacija „ostalih" na nediskriminatorskim osnovama. Iz tako koncipirane i provedene analize proizašle su i određene preporuke vezane za specifični kontekst BiH i moguće mehanizme izvršenja presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv BiH. Kada je riječ o samoj suštini ustavne reforme u kontekstu predmeta Sejdić i Finci, nalazi istraživanja su sljedeći: BiH nije jedinstven slučaj kada je riječ o konfliktu specifičnih konsocijacijskih mehanizama sa imperativom osiguravanja jednakosti i punog uživanja ljudskih prava u političkom i javnom životu. Južni Tirol (Italija), npr., ima gotovo jednako problematičan sistem političke participacije, koji je baziran na principu političke „agregacije" pojedinaca dominantnim grupama u toj italijanskoj provinciji. Mehanizmi predstavljanja etno-kulturnih identiteta u drugim zemljama uglavnom su razvijeni u kontekstu manjina, odnosno kao izuzetak od liberalno-građanskog principa neutralnosti države i predstavljanja građana kao pojedinaca. Tamo gdje postoje elementi etničkog federalizma, političko predstavljanje na nivou države uglavnom je osigurano na teritorijalnom principu (tj. na principu predstavljanja federalnih jedinica) - kao što je, npr., slučaj u Kanadi. Također, u kontekstima gdje identitet kao takav igra značajniju ulogu u političkom životu (kao, npr., u Belgiji), politički relevantni identitet određuje se na principu jezičkih grupa. Tako koncipirane grupe su, po definiciji, mnogo otvorenije i inkluzivnije od onih etno-kulturnih, budući da mogu obuhvatati različite identitete, uključujući i one etno-kulturne. U skladu s navedenim, komparativna iskustva u domenu političke participacije i predstavljanja identiteta svakako imaju određeni domet i značaj kada promišljamo moguće modele izvršenja presude, ali se u obzir moraju uzeti ustavnopravne specifičnosti BiH. Gotovo svi identificirani prijedlozi izvršenja presude koji se tiču Predsjedništva BiH, uključujući i stavove Venecijanske komisije, imaju određene nedostatke: oni koji predlažu indirektni izbor članova Predsjedništva među zastupnicima u Predstavničkom domu Parlamentarne skupštine BiH zanemaruju mogućnost dodatne političke manipulacije i neprincipijelnog trgovanja političkih elita, te činjenicu da do sada u ovo tijelo zakonodavne vlasti u BiH nikada nije izabran niti jedan zastupnik iz reda „ostalih"; prijedlozi koji predviđaju povećanje broja članova Predsjedništva na četiri ili pet u pravilu ne nude mehanizme koje bi onemogućili majorizaciju i manipulaciju identitetima u ovom kontekstu; oni koji se zalažu za formiranje dvije izborne jedinice u FBiH u pravilu ne razmatraju dodatni polarizirajući efekat koji bi ta opcija mogla imati u političkom životu BiH. Kada je riječ o Domu naroda Parlamentarne skupštine BiH, prijedlozi su se uglavnom fokusirali na mehanizme izbora delegata iz reda „ostalih" u ovo tijelo zakonodavne vlasti u BiH, uglavnom zanemarujući pitanje postojećih nadležnosti Doma naroda, što je, i prema presudi u predmetu Sejdić i Finci, jedan od ključnih faktora utvrđivanja diskriminacije „ostalih". Prijedlozi za izvršenje presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci koji su se mogli čuti u javnosti uglavnom nisu na odgovarajući način tretirali ovu kompleksnu problematiku. Rješenja koja su ponuđena rijetko su bila praćena odgovarajućom elaboracijom i argumenta¬cijom. Ta konstatacija naročito se odnosi na hronični nedostatak novih, inovativnih rješenja, koja bi mogla odgovoriti na dvostruki zahtjev predstavljanja etno-kulturnih grupa i uvažavanja principa nediskriminacije. - Politički akteri u BiH nisu posvetili odgovarajuću pažnju izvršenju presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv BiH. Dokaz tome je rad i djelovanje Radne grupe Vijeća ministara BiH za provođenje presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv BiH, koja od formiranja u martu 2010. do danas nije dala nikakve rezultate. Pored toga, ni dostupne platforme političkih partija, čak i kada tematiziraju ovo pitanje, ne odražavaju niti uvažavaju njegovu kompleksnost, niti nude odgovarajuću argumentaciju. Naši razgovori sa nekim od ključnih aktera u ovom procesu također su uglavnom potvrdili tezu o nerazumijevanju ove kompleksne problematike i nedovoljnom znanju o opcijama koje donosiocima odluka stoje na raspolaganju. - Medijski diskurs o samoj presudi i njenim implikacijama bio je veoma siromašan i jednoličan, te gotovo u cijelosti fokusiran na eventualne sankcije i opće posljedice neprovođenja presude po BiH. Medijskih sadržaja fokusiranih na suštinu presude Evropskog suda za ljudska prava i konzistentno promoviranje jednakosti u uživanju političkih prava svih građana BiH, barem kada je o štampanim medijima riječ, gotovo da i nije bilo. Kombinirajući deskriptivne, analitičke, komparativne i preskriptivne elemente, studija završava sa četiri konkretne preporuke: - U javni diskurs o izvršenju presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci svakako je nužno aktivnije uključiti eksperte iz oblasti ustavnog i međunarodnog prava, te uporednih političkih i izbornih sistema. S tim ciljem, a kao skromni doprinos tom projektu i generalnom povećanju broja raspoloživih ustavnih opcija, formulirali smo prijedlog mehanizma izbora za Predsjedništvo na principu tzv. geometrijske sredine, koji, prema našem mišljenju, na odgovarajući način balansira zahtjeve politike identiteta sa principima nediskriminacije. Pored toga, taj prijedlog ohrabruje saradnju preko entitetskih i etničkih linija i osigurava uvođenje umjerenijeg diskursa u predizborne kampanje i politički život općenito. Kada je riječ o Domu naroda Parlamentarne skupštine BiH, relevantna komparativna iskustva ne treba tražiti izvan BiH: Dom naroda Parlamenta Federacije BiH i Vijeće naroda Republike Srpske, općenito govoreći, modeli su koji su primjenjivi i na nivou BiH. Princip je sljedeći: ako bosanskohercegovačke vlasti žele nastaviti s praksom ekskluzivizma u utvrđivanju sastava ove instance vlasti u BiH i zadržati njegov sadašnji status doma konstitutivnih naroda, njegova ovlaštenja trebaju biti bitno smanjena, odnosno reducirana na nivo zaštite vitalnog nacionalnog interesa. Drugim riječima, u tom bi slučaju Dom naroda Parlamentarne skupštne BiH trebao bit ekvivalent Vijeća naroda Republike Srpske. Ako se, pak, žele zadržat njegove sadašnje nadležnost, Dom naroda mora bit otvoren i za delegate ne samo iz reda manjina, već i za sve druge osobe koje pripadaju ustavnoj kategoriji „ostalih". Drugim riječima, u tom slučaju Dom naroda Parlamentarne skupštne BiH treba replicirat model Doma naroda Parlamenta Federacije BiH. - Unutarstranački etno-kulturni pluralizam nužni je uvjet osiguravanja multetničkog sastava vlast na svim nivoima. Ovaj je problem najbolje ilustrirat potpuno zanemarenom činjenicom da, kako smo već naveli, ne samo Dom naroda, već i Predstavnički dom Parlamentarne skupštne BiH nikada u svom sastavu nisu imali parlamentarce iz reda „ostalih", premda Ustav BiH i Izborni zakon BiH ne sadrže formalne prepreke za takav, istnski pluralistčki sastav Predstavničkog doma. Stoga je nužno pažljivo razmotrit zakonske i insttucionalne mehanizme osiguravanja unutarstranačkog pluralizma u ovom domenu. - Imajući u vidu sve probleme, nekonzistentnost, nejednakost i paradokse inherentne principu i praksi predstavljanja konsttutvnih naroda i „ostalih" kao zasebnih identteta, a na koje ova studija nedvojbeno ukazuje, za BiH je, barem na duži rok, nužan prijelaz iz etničke u teritorijalnu federaciju, čime bi se uveo princip predstavljanja teritorija, a ne etno-kulturnih identteta. No, reforme koje bi se kretale u tom pravcu trenutno su otežane vladajućim pristupom i praksom prema kojima je teritorija prostor etno¬kulturne dominacije i diskriminacije manjinskih identteta, a ne otvorenost, inkluzivnost i jednakost, kao što je to uglavnom slučaj sa drugim teritorijalnim federacijama, naročito u evropskim okvirima.

Strangers Like Us. Germans in the Search for a New Identity

Author(s): Anna Kwiatkowska-Drożdż / Language(s): English

The sudden influx of more than one million refugees and migrants to Germany in late 2015 and early 2016 exacerbated the country’s social and political crisis. The latent, protracted dispute about the character of Germany as a migration state resurfaced with renewed force and will divide the German public for many years to come. The scale of this conflict resembles those with which the Germans had grappled for decades, concerning attitudes towards the past and German history, or the use of nuclear energy. There are many indications that this time the division will be longer-lasting and certainly deeper, since at the centre of the dispute is Germans’ sense of national identity. It can be assumed that of all the recent crises (starting from the financial crisis, through the Eurozone crisis and Brexit, to the war in Ukraine), it is this migration crisis that will engender the most conflicts in Europe, creating a toxic mix of identity problems. Those problems could also be dangerous for German democracy.

БЪЛГАРСКАТА ОБЩЕСГВЕНОСТЬ ЗА РАСИЗМА И АНТИСЕМИТИЗМА. Анкета между видни представители на българската общественость, наука, литература, изкуство

Author(s): / Language(s): Bulgarian

ONE of the main tasks of the Jewish intelligentsia is to combat racial hatred and anti-Semitism. Centuries-old prejudices and open incitements on the part of prominent public circles create an atmosphere of hostility in some of the countries in Europe and America. Apart from the persecutions to which the ethnic minority elements are exposed in certain countries, the Jews are the object of a systematic and well-organized propaganda in most of the countries of south-eastern Europe. Especially in a great country, whose past speaks of a great rise in all fields of human genius, the Jews are de facto disenfranchised, as human beings and citizens, deprived of the opportunity to exercise their prerogatives as subjects of the country. … The offered book is the work of one editor whose efforts to illuminate and combat racism and anti-Semitism are known to the public.

Homo Sacer Analoji̇si̇ Bağlaminda Suri̇yeli̇ Mülteci̇leri̇n Durumu: Almanya Ve Türki̇ye Karşilaştirmali Anali̇zi̇

Author(s): Canan Çetin / Language(s): Turkish

While the whole world turned its attention to the issue at the beginning of the refugee crisis, it is clear that due to the conditions of the corona virus epidemic, all countries give priority to the health of their own nations, the security of their borders, and put the refugee issue on the shelf once again. Considering the refugees as a secondary issue and giving more importance to the nation-state issues constitute the starting point of this study when we evaluate the process we are going through within the scope of the state of exception. According to Giorgio Agamben, the sovereign power may have the ability to suspend the law and/or delay the enforcement of the law in exceptional circumstances and times. Based on the Agamben’s analogy, refugees can also be seen as Homo sacer, as the Corona virus era can be seen as exceptional times and most countries direct their priorities towards their own land and people. This study aims to explain the conditions of Syrian refugees regarding the homo sacer analogy by comparing the two countries in terms of migration policies, the number of Syrian Refugees living in the country, religion, and types of immigrants. For this, Germany and Turkey will be analyzed with different parameters. Then, their social position in the country will be added as a variable to the equation of the work. The country's GDP level, population, religion, immigration policy and the arrival of refugees will be added as independent variables. The main research question of this study is "Is there a relationship between the social positions of Syrian Refugees and the structural features of the country?". This study aims to contribute to the migration literature by looking at it from theoretical perspectives that are rarely used, and by using mixed method in the data collection process.

Approaches on the Quality of Life. Cross-Border Perspectives

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The present collective volume is under the aegis of the Cross-Border Faculty of the 'Dunarea de Jos' University of Galati, Romania. Founded in the spirit of cross- border cooperation and with more than twenty-year experience and tradition in both cross-border teaching and research, the Cross-Border Faculty has managed to build a multi-, trans-, and interdisciplinary academic community determined to facilitate a continuous scientific dialogue towards sharing and creating new perspectives in various fields such as education, arts and humanities and even engineering. The constant evolution of this cross-border endeavour has been concretized, in recent years, into large academic interdisciplinary events which have enabled the scientific dialogue not only between peers of the same academic field, but, also, they have permitted the collaboration and forming of new inter- and multidisciplinary teams oriented towards the advance of the higher education process, the flourishing of the business environment and the altogether improvement of society in general. Thus, Cross-Border research – interdisciplinary insights and borderless perspectives is an umbrella volume envisioned to bring together authors and topics that tackle issues such as consumers and consumerism, agriculture and food industry, administration, justice and law enforcement, finance, communication and education, and language and literature, not in a completely disconnected manner, but rather in an effort to provide a complex, diverse and useful research tool.

Olomoučtí Němci 1918–1938

Author(s): Martin Hájek / Language(s): English,Czech

The book deals with selected aspects of the German minority in Olomouc between 1918 and 1938. It also deals with the demographic situation in the city with a special focus on national relations. The main part of the book is devoted to the Germans and Czech-German relations in municipal politics. In this part, the chronological development of municipal politics is monitored. The biographies of the various actors of German politics are briefly described. The club life is presented on the example of several German clubs. The book also presents German-language public press. Furthermore, it describes conflicts in education, development of German education system, school administration and system of German schools in the city. The activities of the German Public Library are briefly introduced.

Češi se ve světě neztratí, natož v Americe. Medailonky ze života českých vystěhovalců

Author(s): Miloslav Rechcígl / Language(s): Czech

In the book, the author presents a panorama of the fates of selected personalities whose roots are in the Czech lands and who achieved extraordinary success in the United States and whose activities significantly influenced the development and growth of the new homeland. It is a saga of ordinary and powerful people whose influence and importance often extended beyond the borders of the United States. However, a large number of the persons mentioned will certainly be completely unknown to the Czech readership, as their Czech origins were generally unknown. The book covers the entire period from the discovery of the New World to the beginning of the 21st century. The individual personalities were chosen solely according to the taste and interest of the author, and the selection was based on their importance, contribution and the interest of their lives, the only condition being that they were either born on Czech territory or were descendants of emigrants from Czech lands.

Multikulturalismus – ztracené paradigma?

Author(s): Andrea Preissová Krejčí / Language(s): Czech

Although multiculturalism as a concept within the humanities is a somewhat exhausted topic, we want to define the space that remains unfilled within the multicultural approach in Czech society. Our aim is to draw attention to the possibilities of rethinking multicultural ideology on the basis of a critical approach to it and to the possibilities of its application in the spheres of education and training. We want to show how an overemphasis on ethnic differentiation devalues the goals of multiculturalism based on fair access even across other types of differences. Unless we set out ways of talking about the ideas of multiculturalism without narrowing the issue to ethnicity, we have no hope of adopting multicultural education as a necessary part of the school curriculum, as a platform for a new social paradigm.

Civilni monitoring u okviru projekta ZASTUPANJE INTERESA ROMA U OKVIRU SARAJEVSKOG REGIONALNOG STAMBENOG PROGRAMA

Author(s): Nedžad Jusić,Milan Radović,Dubravka Mišković Prodanović,Ratko Bubalo / Language(s): Bosnian,English,Croatian,Serbian,Montenegrine

At the beginning of 2014, Igman Initiative, a network of CSOs from the countries signatories to the Dayton Agreement, had set off the project of civic monitoring of implementation of Regional Housing Programme (in further text RHP), with special focus on providing housing care for Roma, as one of the most vulnerable groups within the refugee population, and integrating their interest in that process. A special vulnerability of Roma population derives from the fact that Roma are often unemployed and live off social assistance in hard housing conditions, often in illegal and segregated settlements without proper infrastructure, in flats which they illegally inhibited or in housing units without construction permit and proof of ownership. Consequently, they face difficulties in exercising their status rights and accessing health services, education, employment, social protection and housing care, usually due to the absence of personal documents, poverty, and traditional way of living or limited access to institutions. In relation to other refugees and DPs a majority Roma is in the category of legally invisible persons (absence of personal documents). As a result, and because of prejudice, they encounter numerous difficulties in obtaining documents and realizing refugee status or acquiring citizenship, which is conditioned by the acquisition of citizenship in domicile country or the status of foreigner with permanent residence, all which is a prerequisite for the exercise of other rights, including the right to housing. For example, although the Government of Montenegro is putting enormous effort into solving the status of DPs and IDPs the major risk lies in the fact that a majority of Roma still hasn’t regulated its status in Montenegro. The rights to housing under the RHP will only have those DPs and IDPs who have regulated their status. This project was initiated for the reason that the Igman Initiative has warned before that there is bias and unequal treatment in the region, including discrimination of Roma with regards to their access to housing care, as well as numerous issues with regard to proving the status of refugees, or the ownership of property or its devastation. The main objective of the project is to improve the status of Roma refugees, DPs and IDPs in Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, by providing assistance in accessing housing care and providing support to competent authorities in their efforts to permanently resolve Roma issues in the area of housing. During the realization of this project it has been determined that competent institutions in the countries of the Dayton Quadrangle responsible for the implementation of the RHP do not have precise data on Roma refugees and DPs, their number, current territorial density and their housing needs. General statistical data regarding Roma population, i.e. Roma refugees and DPs, does not match the state of affairs in this area. Due to the lack of data on Roma refugees, DPs, IDPs and their housing needs, in relation to anticipated models of the RHP implementation in participating countries, there is a risk that a significant number of the most vulnerable Roma refugee and displaced families will be neglected during the implementation of the RHP. For example, in Croatia the RHP deals primarily with persons who are still placed in refugee camps or collective centers or with former holders of tenancy rights, among whom there are no Roma refugees, DPs or IDPs. For this reason, competent institutions in the RHP implementing countries should determine the exact number of Roma refugees, DPs and IDPs, their territorial density as well as their accurate housing needs, so as to adjust the anticipated models of the RHP implementation in a way that will include most vulnerable Roma refugee and displaced families in the programs of housing care. The RHP does not recognize Roma refugees, DPs and IDPs as a special vulnerable group, but determines the final beneficiaries according to unprecedented criteria of vulnerability regardless of nationality, other affiliations, or other individual circumstance. Therefore it is difficult to monitor the implementation of the RHP in relation to this or any other ethnic group. With regard to terms of conditions and criteria for the selection of final beneficiaries, the RHP guarantees equal status to all refugees and displaced persons, so that no group within the refugee and DP population receives a special treatment. Consistent with that approach the most vulnerable refugees and DPs, among whom a significant part is Roma, will receive assistance, under the requisite that they submit their applications with all requested documentation. Nevertheless, although the status of Roma refugees and DPs is formally equal to the status of other categories of socially vulnerable refugees and DPs in respect of access to the RHP, their housing and the overall socio-economic status is, by rule, more vulnerable, due to which their access to the RHP is undermined in relation to other categories of socially vulnerable refugees and DPs.

Czech America: Chicago

Author(s): Jaroslav Kříž / Language(s): English

Did you know that more than 100,000 Czechs lived in Chicago before World War I, making it the third largest Czech city after Prague and Vienna? Did you hear about Eastland disaster, also known as the Czech Titanic? Did you know that there is a Czech National Cemetery in the USA? You might also be surprised to know that in 1931 a Czech became the mayor of Chicago. The monograph Czech America: Chicago provides a comprehensive look at the development of the Czech community in Chicago between 1848–1945. The main part of the book is devoted to the socio-cultural, economic and political development of the Czech minority from an ethno-historical perspective.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №20 - Helsinki FILES №20 - Untying the Kosovo Knot : a two-sided view

Author(s): Fahri Musliu,Dragan Banjac / Language(s): English

The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia has striven to start an Albanian-Serb dialogue for over a decade. In 1997 in Ulcinj (Montenegro), the Helsinki Committee organized, jointly with the Council for the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms in Pristina, the first conference which brought together Albanians and Serbs in the country itself, then the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). The participants adopted a joint declaration stressing the need to convene an international conference to solve the Kosovo question. The next conference, held in Belgrade at the end of November 1998 and co-organized by the Helsinki Committee, the Kosovo Helsinki Committee and the International Helsinki Federation, dealt with the matter of self-determination. The third conference, scheduled to take place in Pristina in June 2005, is a logical follow-up to the first two, this time inevitably focusing on Kosovo’s status. This unquestionably worthy undertaking has the backing of the US Institute of Peace, and we appreciate its recognition that the Kosovo question cannot be solved without the participation of local actors. Bearing this in mind, the Helsinki Committee has put together a book of interviews with prominent Serbs and Albanians who will be participating in determining the status of Kosovo in some way or another. The book offers an overview of the positions of the two sides to be referred to by the third conference participants in thinking through the future of Kosovo.