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Muslim fundamentalism is one of the movements of the Islamic social-political thought while Islamic terrorism is a method of acting chosen by radical supporters of warring extremism. Those two notions concerning different social phenomena are often confused. The author’s aim is to set the knowledge about fundamentalism and jihadism in order as well as to convince the reader that one should not perceive internally diversified Islam merely through those two notions. A new ethnic policy based on a well-thought-out integration strategy is a challenge for Poland. Two kinds of threat should be taken into account in the immigration policy planning: those related to Islamic terrorism developing in parallel societies, and otherscaused by the increase of social tension resulting from ignorance and xenophobia giving rise to islamophobia.
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Issues concerning multiculturalism are broadly discussed in literature, primarily in the context of Western societies, i.e. the influx of immigrants. In this light, certain aspects of traditionally multicultural societies (e.g. with colonial experience) may be found considerably interesting, and form a point of reference for broader analyses. Here, Surinam provides an interesting example due to its extraordinarily heterogeneous ethnic, cultural and religious structure. In such circumstances, one may analyse the main directions of the state’s policy towards varied social groups, as well as the management of intercultural relations. This article aims at presenting the standards of religious freedom in Surinam and the main factors determining the state’s policy towards diverse cultural groups. In the presented paper, special attention is paid to historical, political and cultural determinants. Particular emphasis is put on the legislation regarding intercultural relations and the multicultural mould of society, as well as the practical fulfilment of such provisions (e.g. the religious holidays in the country).
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The paper gives insight into the subject of culturally different ways of war-making. The objective is to further examine armed conflict in different societies and cultures. By analyzing key parameters and variables of the concept of war and strategy, the paper puts into focus cultural differences between the ways of making war by prominent military organizations. Unlike other publications, which elaborated in detail key features of warfare between various culturally different societies throughout history, this paper puts stress on strategy. Strategic culture is the dominant factor which decides how the society wages war.
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Рад је посвећен процесу стварања Дејтонског мировног споразума и увођењу институционализованог консоционализма у Босни и Херцеговини. Дејтонски мировни споразум предвиђа потпуну промјену државног уређења Босне и Херцеговине. Наиме, Босна и Херцеговина је из дотадашњег унитарног уређења, трансформисана у сложену државу, која се састоји од два ентитета од којих је један уређен по федералном принципу и састоји се од десет федералних јединица (кантона) гдје сваки кантон има своју законодавну и извршну власт, док је други ентитет уређен по унитарном принципу. Ова трансформација је била неопходна, с обзиром да је дотадашње унитарно уређење било неодрживо усљед нарастања негативног национализма на све три стране.
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Daytonskim mirovnim sporazumom potpisanim u Daytonu (SAD) 21. studenoga 1995, a parafiranim u Parizu (Francuska) 14. prosinca 1995, okončan je rat u Bosni i Hercegovini. O tome sporazumu napisano je mnoštvo knjiga, studija, članaka. Većina njih bavila se kako uzrocima njegova nastanka tako i njegovim posljedicama na društveni, ustavni, pravni, politički, ekonomski sustav Bosne i Hercegovine. Kako je u Bosni i Hercegovini na djelu čvrsta isprepletenost religijskog i nacionalnog, autor će se u ovome radu baviti odnosom religijskih zajednica u Bosni i Hercegovini (Islamske zajednice, Katoličke crkve, Srpske pravoslavne crkve i Židovske zajednice) prema tom sporazumu koji su potpisali ‘njihovi’ nacionalni lideri, zapravo odnosom tih religijskih zajednica prema svim do tada pripremanim mirovnim planovima. I to stoga što je njihovo neusvajanje – a što je bilo posljedica utjecaja nekih religijskih zajednica - produživalo ratnu agoniju sve do Daytona. Odnosno, autor će pokušati istražiti koje je pozitivne, a koje negativne posljedice – prema mišljenju predstavnika tih četiriju zajednica - taj sporazum imao za njihove zajednice i vjernike te tražiti odgovor na pitanje, jesu li na temeljima postojećega Daytonskog sporazuma mogući međureligijski razgovori – dakle razgovori predstavnika gore spomenutih četiriju religijskih zajednica – o budućnosti Bosne i Hercegovine kao države i društva u kojoj bi svi, bez obzira na svoje vjerozakone ali i nevjerovanja, mogli ostvariti sva svoja kulturna, religijska, nacionalna i druga prava. I to stoga, što su religijske zajednice – istina ne sve i ne na isti način – bile involvirane u ratna zbivanja. Bilo bi stoga potrebno očekivati da će se u mirnodopskim vremenima potruditi i dati puni doprinos izgradnji pravednoga mira za sve i da neće ostati odskočna daska za nove ratne sukobe.
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Migration processes have accompanied man since the dawn of time. In the case of migration currents to South Africa after World War II, there are several factors influencing the decisions to migrate. There were several waves of migration, depending on the changing in the second half of the Twentieth century South Africa’s economic and political situation. To properly present the issue of migration to South Africa, both from Poland and other countries of the world, it is first necessary to focus on the events that enabled the development of a policy of racial segregation. Then focus on economic development during this period that determined the successive waves of migrants. The last, crucial element is focusing on emigrants and the reasons for their emigration. In the case of the Polish diaspora in South Africa, many people decided to leave Poland due to the political system that was in the communist period; they wanted to give their children a better start in life or simply wanted to develop professionally, which was not possible at that time in the country. The aim of this article is to present the political, economic, demographic and social factors that influenced migration to South Africa.
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This paper focuses on the establishment and functionality of multiethnic societies in the world today and in the light of the role of religion and spirituality in building democratic structures and new relationships between peoples belonging to different cultural and religious traditions. The author notes that modern secular society is a priori averse to any interference of religious communities and especially of Islam and its principles. He reminds us that the most prominent problem in the 19th century was nationalism, which in the 20th became ideology since, during the greater part of the century peoples were entrenched on opposite sides of the ideological divisions and conflicts of the Cold War. However, now that the Cold War is over, and the ideological war ended, the biggest problems that occur in the 21st century are ethnic conflicts. Since these conflicts are partly encouraged by religious conflicts, the author argues to bring our attention to this danger and do everything we can to solve the problems of human society in this context, i.e., in order to maintain peace, we have to accept the other and different in what religion, especially Islam, plays a significant role.
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The article presents the results of a documentary study of the Soviet Union’s attitude to the assimilation policy of the communist regime in Bulgaria towards the Bulgarian Turks in the period 1984–1989 and Moscow’s behavior in connection with the crisis in Bulgarian-Turkish relations. On the basis of the available archival documents, an answer is sought to the question of whether the “revival process” was inspired by the Soviet Union or whether it is just about another persistent myth in the public sphere.
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As far as the social transformation and new construction are concerned, from 2009 to 2015, the primary issue is the actions and preferences of immigrants themselves concerning the pressures of unemployment and the financial crisis of foreign households, as well as the emerging trends in repatriation and return or relocation within the country. The ongoing escalation of the refugee crisis is inextricably linked to and compounded by the phenomenon of excess economic migration, rendering them indistinguishable in terms of categorization and management in most circumstances. The EU refugee crisis has been transformed into a series of inextricably linked crises. In particular, those related to the security of its external borders, its task serving as the main pillar of its life the unity, as frictions within Europe have developed to break up and exacerbate nationalism, humanitarianism, both in the host countries (mainly Greece) and in the interim, where the handling of refugees and those who have been temporarily in their territories is intended to prevent their entry. Therefore, it is clear that the management effectiveness of each crisis is and should be the core of policies to optimize procedures.
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In the 1990s, not only the countries of Central and Eastern Europe but also the countries of the Western Balkans became pluralist democracies, where, in addition to the political representation organized (primarily along ideological dimensions) by members of the majority society, national minorities also started to articulate their interests and demands to be involved in politics. At the same time the rights of national minorities and their participation in political life have gradually transformed from a marginal issue into a major one. This shift happened with changing dynamics, especially due to the tragic events in the Balkans. Simultaneously possible ways of ensuring the independent parliamentary representation of national minorities have also been widely discussed. Among alternative solutions there are various methods for separate parliamentary representation of national minorities. These solutions have been put into practice in many of the Western Balkan states. The aim of this paper is to review these alternative solutions of the past 30 years and the difficulties they have faced. The objective has been to provide a comprehensive exposition of the evolution of parliamentary representation of national minorities in the Western Balkans.
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General works: Jarosław Kłaczkow (ed.), Ewangelicy w regionie kujawsko-pomorskim na przestrzeni wieków [Protestants in the Cuiavian-Pomeranian Region Through the Centuries], Toruń, 2020, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika, 512 pp., ills, bibliog., index of personal names Żywoty historyczne. Tadeusz Łepkowski, Marian Małowist, Janusz Tazbir, Aleksander Gieysztor w wywiadach z lat 1986–1989 [Their Historical Lives. Tadeusz Łepkowski, Marian Małowist, Janusz Tazbir, and Aleksander Gieysztor interviewed in 1986–1989], questions asked and answers commented by Bronisław Geremek, Jerzy Jedlicki, Henryk Samsonowicz, Ryszard Stemplowski, Henryk Szlajfer, Michał Tymowski, and Tadeusz Wasilewski, with an introduction and notes by Ryszard Stemplowski, Kęty, 2020, Wydawnictwo Marek Derewiecki, 140 pp. Stanisław Turlej, Michał Stachura, Bartosz Jan Kłoczek, and Adam Izdebski (eds), Byzantina et Slavica. Studies in Honour of Professor Maciej Salamon, Kraków, 2019, Historia Iagellonica, 464 pp., English sum., ills, maps, separate bibliog. for each article Zofia A. Brzozowska, Mirosław J. Leszka, Kirił Marinow, and Teresa Wolińska (eds), Widmo Mahometa, cień Samuela. Cesarstwo bizantyńskie w relacji z przedstawicielami innych religii i kultur (VII–XV w.) [A Phantom of Mahomet, a Shadow of Samuel. The Byzantine Empire’s Relations with Representatives of Other Religions and Cultures, 7th to 15th Centuries], Łódź, 2020, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 379 pp., ills, English sum., bibliog., indices of personal, geographical and ethnic names, abstracts in Polish and English; series: Byzantina Lodziensia, 39 Mirosław Michalak, Konteksty kulturowe średniowiecznego eposu irańskiego Garšāspnāme i ich źródła [The Cultural Contexts of the Medieval Iranian Epic Garšāspnāme and Their Sources], Warszawa, 2020, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 456 pp., geographical and personal indices, mythological and literary characters, bibliog. Marta Rey-Radlińska, Ku poetyce þáttr [Towards the Poetics of þáttr], Kraków, 2020, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 281 pp. Andrzej Radzimiński, Kontakty duchownych ze stolicą apostolską. Obrazy z życia średniowiecznego kleru w dokumentach penitencjarii apostolskiej [Clergymen’s Contacts with the Apostolic See. Pictures from the Life of Medieval Clergy in the Apostolic Penitentiary Documents], Toruń, 2020, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UMK, 244 pp., ills, bibliog., English sum., index of names; series: Ecclesia clerusque temporibus medii aevi Dorota Gregorowicz, Tiara w grze o koronę. Stolica Apostolska wobec wolnych elekcji w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów w drugiej połowie XVI wieku [The Papal Tiara in the Game for the Crown. The Holy See and the Free Royal Elections in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century], Kraków, 2019, Polska Akademia Umiejętności, 495 pp., list of acronyms/abbreviations, bibliog., 16 ills and list thereof (colour and portraits), Italian and English sum., index of personal names Andrzej Klonder, Prowincjusze i detaliści. Drobny handel i rzemiosło w Rzeczypospolitej w XVII – początku XVIII wieku [Provincials and Retailers. Petty Trade and Craft in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 17th and Early 18th Centuries], Warszawa, 2020, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 162 pp., annexes, bibliog., English sum. Jacek Kordel, Królestwo anarchii. W poszukiwaniu nowożytnych wyobrażeń o Rzeczypospolitej i jej mieszkańcach [Kingdom of Anarchy. In Search of Early Modern Notions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Its Inhabitants], Warszawa, 2020, Narodowe Centrum Kultury, 354 pp., ills and their list, bibliog., index of personal names; series: Wojny Kulturowe przeciw Polsce Piotr Kuligowski, Zniszczyć wszelkie państwo! Idee wędrowne Ludwika Królikowskiego [Destroy all States! The Wandering Ideas of Ludwik Królikowski], Poznań, 2020, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 194 pp., personal index, bibliog., list of abbreviations, English sum.; series: Historia, 241 Radosław Paweł Żurawski vel Grajewski, Ostatnie polskie miasto. Rzeczpospolita Krakowska w “dyplomacji” Hotelu Lambert wobec Wielkiej Brytanii (1831–1845) [The Last Polish City: the Republic of Cracow in the “Diplomacy” of the Hôtel Lambert towards Britain, 1831–1845], Łódź–Kraków, 2018, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego and Ośrodek Myśli Politycznej, 400 pp., bibliog. and personal index Lenny A. Ureña Valerio, Colonial Fantasies, Imperial Realities: Race Science and the Making of Polishness on the Fringes of the German Empire, 1840–1920, Athens–Ohio, 2019, Ohio University Press, XXI + 295 pp., ills; series: Polish and Polish-American Studies Clara Maddalena Frysztacka, Zeit-Schriften der Moderne. Zeitkonstruktion und temporale Selbstverortung in der polnischen Presse (1880–1914), Oldenbourg, 2020, De Gruyter, 433 pp., indices; series: Spatio Temporality/Raum Zeitlichkeit, 7 Kamil Piskała and Marta Sikorska-Kowalska (eds), Kobiety niepodległości. Wspomnienia z lat 1910–1918 [Independence Women. Recollections from the Years 1910–1918], Warszawa, 2019, Muzeum Historii Polski, 484 pp.; series: 100-lecie Niepodległości. Wspomnienia i pamiętniki Kai-Achim Klare, Imperium ante portas: die deutsche Expansion in Mittel- und Osteuropa zwischen Weltpolitik und Lebensraum (1914–1918), Wiesbaden, 2020, Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 588 pp., ills; series: Veröffentlichungen des Nordost-Instituts, 27 Marian Marek Drozdowski, Piotr Drzewiecki, with contributions from Elżbieta Wodzyńska and Iwona Drozdowska-Rusinowicz, Radom, 2020, Łukasiewicz – Instytut Technologii Eksploatacji, 520 pp., ills; series: Biblioteka Polskiej Nauki i Techniki Henryk Gruber, Wspomnienia i uwagi [Memoirs and Remarks], Part 1–2, prefaced and ed. by Włodzimierz Suleja, Warszawa, 2019/2020, Muzeum Historii Polski, 448 + 402 pp.; series: 100-lecie Niepodległości. Wspomnienia i pamiętniki Eva Reder, Antijüdische Pogrome in Polen im 20. Jahrhundert. Gewaltsaubrüche im Schatten der Staatsbildung 1918–1920 und 1945–1946, Marburg, 2019, Verlag Herder-Institut, 266 pp., bibliog., indices, English and Polish sum.; series: Studien zu Ostmitteleuropaforschung, 47 Antykomunizm socjalistów: Polska Partia Socjalistyczna wobec Komunistycznej Partii Robotniczej Polski/Komunistycznej Partii Polski. Wypisy z prasy i dokumentów (1918–1938) [Anticommunist Socialists: The Polish Socialist Party Facing the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland/Communist Party of Poland. Extracts from the Press and Documents (1918–1938)], prefaced and ed. by Karol Sacewicz, Olsztyn–Białystok–Warszawa, 2019, Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Oddział w Białymstoku, Delegatura w Olszty nie, 519 pp.; series: Seria Wydawnicza Oddziału Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej w Białymstoku, 47 Agnes Laba, Die Grenze im Blick: Der Ostgrenzendiskurs der Weimarer Republik, Marburg, 2019, Verlag Herder-Institut, 479 pp.; series: Studien zur Ostmitteleuropaforschung, 45 Janusz Żarnowski, Inteligencja polska jako elita kulturalna i społeczna w ostatnich stu latach (od 1918 r. do współczesności) [The Polish Intelligentsia as a Cultural and Social Elite in the Last Hundred Years (1918 to Date)], ed. by Włodzimierz Mędrzecki, Warszawa, 2019, Instytut Historii PAN, 163 pp., name index, list of studies authored by Prof. Janusz Żarnowski (publ. since 2002), list of publications in the series Metamorfozy Społeczne; series: Metamorfozy Społeczne, 24 Nancy Sinkoff, From Left to Right. Lucy S. Dawidowicz, the New York Intellectuals, and the Politics of Jewish History, Detroit, 2020, Wayne State University Press, 518 pp., ills Tomasz Szarota, Tajemnica śmierci Stefana Starzyńskiego [The Mystery of Stefan Starzyński’s Death], Warszawa, 2020, Wydawnictwo Bellona, 279 pp., ills, bibliog., name index Krzysztof Kaczmarski, Nie tylko Rothesay: oficerskie obozy izolacyjne oraz obóz dyscyplinarny dla żołnierzy Polskich Sił Zbrojnych w Wielkiej Brytanii (1940–1943) [Rothesay Was not the Only One. Isolation Camps for Army Officers and a Disciplinary Camp for Soldiers of Polish Armed Forces in Britain (1940–1943)], Rzeszów, 2020, Instytut Pamięci Narodowej – Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu. Oddział w Rzeszowie, 320 pp., tables; series: Seria Wydawnicza IPN Oddział w Rzeszowie
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For Afghanistan, security is one of the last things the country can be associated with. Despite the efforts that have been made over the last decade, it is still too early to speak about political, economic, and institutional stability. Against this background of uncertainty, and despite the lack of legislation, funding, and investment tools, Afghanistan's flag is being played in the finals of many international events. This is the phenomenon that provokes our research interest. The present aims to give a brief overview of the country's national sporting achievements and to examine the views of two key experts in the field to identify how the development of sport in the country influences the peace-making processes from a social perspective. The used methodology includes a semi-structured interview conducted independently with both respondents in 2019 which is analyzed in the context of social reconstruction of a war-torn society. The results show that national success in elite international sports events has a high potential to be an effective tool in neutralizing some of the negative social effects of war on the society (like distancing, hatred, identity restructuring, etc.) by bringing hope, creating role models, changing perceptions, uniting people under one flag, creating heroes.
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South Asia’s political and socio-economic landscape has been greatly transformed in the seven decades since India and Pakistan achieved their independence. Nonetheless, many features are only explicable with reference to the legacies of the 1947 Partition. This essay traces these legacies with respect to ethnic and religious nationalism, state construction and the contrasting trajectories with respect to democratic consolidation. It argues that while the recent scholarship has acknowledged the enduring presence of the Partition on the lives of refugees and their descendants, accounts of its ongoing impact on statecraft are less developed. It is only when such legacies are analyzed that a fuller understanding is possible both of domestic developments and of the enduring rivalry between the two states.
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Postoje prijelomni događaji u našim životima, ili su nam se takvima učinili u trenutku kad su se dogodili, i koje stoga pamtimo cijeloga života, i to s takvom živošću da nerijetko pamtimo i neke banalne detalje vezane za trenutak kad smo doznali za njih. Svatko onaj tko je odrastao u bivšoj državi, vjerujem, sjeća se trenutka kad je čuo vijest da je umro Josip Broz Tito, kao i toga gdje se nalazio u tom trenutku, što je radio, kao i osjećaja zbunjenosti i straha pred nečim novim, jer smo intuitivno bili svjesni da ništa više neće biti kao što je bilo. Ili nam se tako činilo u tom trenutku?
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Cilj ovoga rada je ukazati na mnoge objektivne slabosti ustroja grada Mostara, koje su ga dovele u situaciju da bude proglašen „gradom slučajem“. Da bi dokazao polaznu hipotezu kako je to neopravdan naziv, autor temelji svoje istraživanje na Daytonskom mirovnom sporazumu i činjenici da su dvije županije / kantoni – Hercegovačko-neretvanska, u kojoj je Mostar i Srednjobosanska, u kojoj je Travnik, proglašene mješovitim županijama te da su se Mostar i Travnik trebali identično uređivati. Nažalost, međunarodna zajednica se orijentirala samo na Mostar. Dodatne poteškoće stvorio je i nametnuti prijelazni Statut visokog predstavnika Paddyja Ashdowna kojim je ukinuto šest općina – tri bošnjačke i tri hrvatske, čime je oko 1000 ljudi ostalo bez posla. Na temelju ovih činjenica i njihovih posljedica, autor istraživačkim metodama dubokog intervjua, dolazi do potvrde svoje polazne hipoteze. Također, obrađuje i vrijeme koje je proteklo u Mostaru u stalnim netrpeljivostima između Hrvata, koji su Mostar smatrali svojim jedinim većim gradom jer se u njemu nalaze sve značajnije hrvatske institucije – jedino Sveučilište na hrvatskom jeziku, kazalište, arihivi, bolnica…. i na drugoj strani – Bošnjaka, za koje je Mostar značio temelj opstanka Bosne i Hercegovine. U tom vremenu stalnih sukobljavanja i svježih ratnih rana, punih 12 godina se nije mogao izabrati gradonačelnik Mostara. Autor je i neposredni svjedok – kako ratnih, tako i poslijeratnih događanja u Mostaru. Izbori za gradonačelnika Mostara održani su tek 2020. godine, a izbore su pratile mnoge nepravilnosti. Na temelju svega istraženog možemo zaključiti da je Mostar neopravdano dobio naziv „grad slučaj“.
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This article explores the role played by the 1940 Katyń massacre in structuring foreign relations between post-communist Poland and Russia. In so doing, it offers a theoretical model through which to understand the combative politics over history that have burgeoned in Eastern and Central Europe after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Tracing how political discourse over the massacre has evolved from the late 1980s to the present, it examines the impact of exogenous influences and changing geopolitical realities on how this event is recalled within these two states, which exhibit markedly different relationships to their shared past. Questions of regime type, relative standing within the region, and how—as well as by whom—interstate discourse over contentious historical events is initiated are all central to the model of dispute origination developed herein, as is the presence of various institutional factors, chief among them membership in the supranational European Union (EU). A shadow study of Polish–Ukrainian relations concerning history, focusing on the mass killing of ethnic Poles that took place in Volhynia and eastern Galicia in the period 1943–1945, is also undertaken in order to illuminate the significant differences in how the past has been politically activated in relations between the respective post-Soviet dyads of Poland–Russia and Poland–Ukraine.
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The purpose of this article is to describe the processes that lead to the involvement of young people in terrorist activities undertaken by international jihadi organizations. The main research question was what kind of group and individual mechanisms pushed young people towards terrorism. A detailed research was aimed at addressing the following issues: 1) how do the theoretical models of radicalization, so far developed by social science, apply to explaining the current mobilization of fighters in Syria and Iraq?, 2) how – in the light of available knowledge – can the Islamist radicalization of young people from the Northern Caucasus be explained? The author applied the critical literature review method, as well as general methods, such as analysis, deduction and synthesis. The review of modern conceptions of radicalization allowed to formulate a thesis that this phenomenon could be explained with the “3P” Model, calling attention to push, pull, and personal factors. Whereas the analysis of the situation in the Northern Caucasus showed that most important in the last phase before making the decision to join a terrorist group are the pull factors: the influence of the closest social circle, the influence of the so-called radicalization vehicles, group dynamics and recruitment activities conducted by terrorist organizations.
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Review of: Alen Borić - Richard Mills, Nogomet i politika u Jugoslaviji. Sport, nacionalizam i država. Zagreb: Profil knjiga, 2019, 383.
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This article focuses on three contemporary Portuguese literary works that feature Roma characters and culture-specific elements within a wider selection of authors who mention or delve into past and present Romanian realities. This selection was aimed at determining which are the themes, historical events, lived or narrated memories, symbols, images, and ethnotypes that interest contemporary Portuguese authors in relation with the Romanian immigrant segment, a population fairly representative in Portugal (ninth largest minority group, with some 31,000 residents and an annual immigration rate of 2,000 new arrivals). My exploration (through several channels: library catalogues, oral sources, databases) revealed ten literary works which tackle elements related to: the Roma ethnic group and the negative ethnotype of prostitution, crime and begging; the former elite (aristocracy, intelligentsia), above all, temporally anchored in the early years of the 20th century; and the Communist regime, its apparatus (party and secret police) and its fall at the end of the eighth decade of the 20th century. In this article I shall focus on the analysis of the first group, basing this on the concept of “ethnotype”, observing how the image of a given immigrant population is constructed, and how this image affects its members in the public and private spheres.This article focuses on three contemporary Portuguese literary works that feature Roma characters and culture-specific elements within a wider selection of authors who mention or delve into past and present Romanian realities. This selection was aimed at determining which are the themes, historical events, lived or narrated memories, symbols, images, and ethnotypes that interest contemporary Portuguese authors in relation with the Romanian immigrant segment, a population fairly representative in Portugal (ninth largest minority group, with some 31,000 residents and an annual immigration rate of 2,000 new arrivals). My exploration (through several channels: library catalogues, oral sources, databases) revealed ten literary works which tackle elements related to: the Roma ethnic group and the negative ethnotype of prostitution, crime and begging; the former elite (aristocracy, intelligentsia), above all, temporally anchored in the early years of the 20th century; and the Communist regime, its apparatus (party and secret police) and its fall at the end of the eighth decade of the 20th century. In this article I shall focus on the analysis of the first group, basing this on the concept of “ethnotype”, observing how the image of a given immigrant population is constructed, and how this image affects its members in the public and private spheres.
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