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Tendencje w wykorzystaniu czasu pracy w państwach wysoko rozwiniętych na początku XXI wieku
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Tendencje w wykorzystaniu czasu pracy w państwach wysoko rozwiniętych na początku XXI wieku

Author(s): Tomasz Budnikowski / Language(s): Polish

The discussion on the importance of working time began with the turbulent development of capitalism in the mid-19th century. The importance of the problem is evidenced by the fact that the discussion was addressed by anti-system economists and socialists on the one hand, and by the popes of the time on the other. The accelerated technological progress that we have been experiencing for several decades has sparked a lively discussion on the role of the labor factor in the process of economic growth. The growing importance of labor-saving technologies, combined with the simultaneous popularization of information technology, as well as the increase in the price of labor, are resulting in a certain decrease in the demand for labor. Structural changes in the economy involving the movement of labor between sectors also seem to be important. This process, observed for many decades, has recently accelerated significantly.

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Integrated Border Management, Best Practices and Applicability – The Case of Kosovo and Albania
4.50 €

Integrated Border Management, Best Practices and Applicability – The Case of Kosovo and Albania

Author(s): Abit Hoxha / Language(s): English

This policy brief intends to examine the Integrated Border Management situation in Kosovo, looking at good practice with par¬ticular focus on the ‘one stop shop’ at a Kosovo-Albania border crossing point (Vermicë / Morinë), which by agreement between the two governments (Albania and Kosovo) operates in a unique manner. Its methodology aims to decrease queues of travellers, especially during the flux of holiday travellers to Alba¬nia and during the flux of Kosovar diaspora visits to Kosovo. This practice works on the basis of border checking on only one side of the border (usually the country receiving the individuals or goods) and also mutual ex¬change of information. In short, this practice has been very creative in aiming to more effectively avoid queues and manage borders. With this policy brief, we intend to examine these practices from a functional perspective and determine whether it is appropriate to apply similar arrangements at other borders (e.g. Kosovo-Serbia) and what practical implications would follow such an arrangement.

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Police Cooperation between Kosovo and Serbia
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Police Cooperation between Kosovo and Serbia

Author(s): Shpend Kursani / Language(s): English

Both Kosovo and Serbia are situated in a region susceptible to various organized crime activities. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the Balkan region is one of the main heroin trafficking corridors linking Afghanistan to the huge markets of Western Europe.1 “The Balkan route traverses the Islamic Republic of Iran (often via Pakistan), Turkey, Greece and Bulgaria across South-East Europe to the Western European market, with an annual market value of some $20 billion.2” Despite the large market value of the drugs passing through the Balkans, only 24 per cent of the 73.7 metric tons of heroin seized worldwide was intercepted in the region,4 while 39 per cent is seized in the Near- and Middle East and South-West Asia and 10 per cent in Western and Central Europe respectively.

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Serbia – NATO Defence Cooperation
4.50 €

Serbia – NATO Defence Cooperation

Author(s): Foto Duro / Language(s): English

Serbia has entirely ruled out joining NATO thus far, but it has joined the PfP initiative and established permanent relations with the alliance. This study analyses the “exceptionality” of Serbia’s relations with NATO, both from a broad perspective concerning Serbia’s society and political landscape, and from a more specific perspective related to defence. // Serbia’s political set-up remains highly influenced by public aversion to NATO, caused by memories of the 1999 bombing campaign, as well as by NATO’s support for the independence of Kosovo. This has inhibited the build¬ing of a national consensus on key security issues and the development of adequate strategies, meaning that defence cooperation between Serbia and NATO has remained at an underdeveloped stage. Nevertheless, there are several areas of Serbia’s defence sector which have benefited to various degrees from cooperation with NATO, such as defence-reform, defence-planning, personnel management, military education and training and the disposal of excessive and obsolete ammunition and weapons. While this cooperation has been somewhat overstated by both sides, a more pragmatic approach should be applied to further progress, better supported by cost-benefit analysis. In addition, it should be better presented to Serbian society.

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Towards more effective Police Cooperation between Serbia and Kosovo
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Towards more effective Police Cooperation between Serbia and Kosovo

Author(s): Bojan Elek / Language(s): English

This policy brief analyses the existing institutional and procedural landscape for exchange of operational information and police cooperation between Serbia and Kosovo, with a view to proposing a model for establishing more effective direct cooperation between the two police forces. Based on the analysis of the Serbian Government’s strategic approach to the transposition and implementation of the best EU standards and prac¬tices in the area of police cooperation and also taking into account agreements already reached and mechanisms put in place, a set of recommendations is proposed to Belgrade and Pristina, as well as to the EU institutions. These are as follows: (1) Effective mechanisms for police cooperation that are already in place (such as ILECUs) should be formalised and further enhanced. (2) An Agreement on Police Cooperation, modelled after similar arrangements in the region and focusing on fighting organised crime and human security issues, needs to be reached. (3) Police Contact Points should be established to facilitate police cooperation. (4) An independent oversight body needs to be established to ensure the implementation of this Agreement. (5) The EU should set the agenda and facilitate dialogue on police cooperation.

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Albanian Minority Representation at the Serbian Ministry of Interior: Progress and Remaining Challenges
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Albanian Minority Representation at the Serbian Ministry of Interior: Progress and Remaining Challenges

Author(s): Sofije Kryeziu / Language(s): English

There are three sets of challenges to Albanian representation in the police. The first is related to the lack of political will by the Serbian authorities to work towards full integration of the Albanian minority at all levels of the public structure. This is evidenced by the slow progress made towards recognising diplomas issued by Kosovo’s universities (where most Albanian police officers are educated) and practical limitations on the use of the Albanian language in the predominantly Albanian inhabited municipalities. The second set of challenges is related to inadequate internalisation of diversity policy by the police, evidenced by inadequate access to police education and difficulties in integration with the environment. Full and consistent integration of Albanian ethnic minorities into the police in the three southern Serbia municipalities is further challenged by the third set of challenges, related to the prejudice against the Albanian ethnic minority which is encountered in Serbia. One of the main recommendations, therefore, is to ensure sustainable inclusion of the Albanian minority into the Serbian police by ensuring that they are represented at a level which reflects their proportion of the population.

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Albania–Kosova Defence-Cooperation
4.50 €

Albania–Kosova Defence-Cooperation

Author(s): Foto Duro / Language(s): English

Ethnic commonalities and affiliations between the Albanians of Albania and Kosovo, along with the two governments’ commitment to cooperation in general, are both conducive to intense defence cooperation between the two countries. Defence cooperation between Albania and Kosovo, which began in the early 1990s, can be characterized as falling into three distinct periods: first from 1991 until the end of Kosovo war in June 1999; second from June 1999 to Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008; and third post-independence, when cooperation between the countries began running normally. However, various countries in the region and the international community have shown some uneasiness, both implicitly and explicitly, about such cooperation between Albania and Kosovo. Furthermore, the depth and quality of this cooperation remains short of expectations due to overlap with similar cooperation with other countries, sometimes combined with Albania’s inability to provide the necessary expertise. // The areas in which defence cooperation between Albania and Kosovo is most developed are military education and training (E&T) and Euro-Atlantic integration. The removal of constitutional limitations on Kosovo’s defence sector, which is expected to take place in the near future, would allow a true armed force to be built, and would in turn provide a new opportunity for defence cooperation between Albania and Kosovo. While this cooperation should be widely developed, it must also be done carefully to ensure that all such activities are carried out to a high standard. In particular, certain high-visibility areas such as ‘operations’ should be given priority for cooperation due to the mutual benefits they can provide in helping to resolve security situations which might arise and their positive effect on public opinion and on the general climate of cooperation and security between the two countries and beyond.

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WAR ECHOES INTENSIFY FEARS: VIEWS OF SERBIAN CITIZENS ON RELATIONS IN THE REGION
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WAR ECHOES INTENSIFY FEARS: VIEWS OF SERBIAN CITIZENS ON RELATIONS IN THE REGION

Author(s): Gorana Pebić,Ivana Ranković,Luka Šterić / Language(s): English

The Belgrade Centre for Security Policy conducted the annual public opinion survey on relations in the region, with a special focus on the Western Balkan countries and current events and trends. This report analyses Serbian citizens’ views on three main topics – the possibility of conflicts in the Balkans, Serbia’s bilateral relations with its neighbours, as well as key benefits and opportunities of regional cooperation and initiatives. Due to the current war in Ukraine and the war-mongering rhetoric in the Balkans, the fear of outbreak of conflict in the Balkans has risen. Compared to results from 2020, when more than half of citizens were not afraid of possible conflicts at all, the 2022 survey shows that almost two thirds of respondents are to a certain extent afraid of the outbreak of conflicts in the region in the next five years. Concerning potential causes of the conflict in the region, two-thirds of Serbian citizens believe that it is very or somewhat likely that a conflict might break out over the status of Kosovo. On the other hand, the results of the survey indicate a significant decrease in support of the reintroduction of mandatory military service, in comparison to results from 2020. When it comes to bilateral relations between Serbia and its neighbouring countries, the data shows a decline in support for potential separation of Republic of Srpska from Bosnia and Herzegovina and unification with Serbia. Citizens believe that relations between Serbia and Montenegro have not improved significantly, despite the signing of the Fundamental Agreement with the Serbian Orthodox Church. On the contrary, the negative perception of Serbian public towards Albania has slightly improved over the last two years, mainly due to the closer cooperation between the leaders of the two countries through the Open Balkan initiative. However, regional relations are still seen as strained, in part due to the promotion of the concept of Serbian world which creation is supported by slightly more than 40% of citizens. In 2022, the focus of the public in terms of regional cooperation was directed more directly to the Open Balkan initiative as a platform for collaboration between Albania, North Macedonia and Serbia. Although the data show an increase in the number of Serbian citizens who are familiar with the idea, there are still no concrete and publicly visible results of the initiative.

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Attitudes of Serbian Citizens Regarding Relations with Kosovo and Albania
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Attitudes of Serbian Citizens Regarding Relations with Kosovo and Albania

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

Relations between Serbia and Kosovo are currently reduced to the EU-facilitated talks in Brussels. The long-stalled talks went “back on track” after the appointment of EU Special Representative Miroslav Lajcak. The resumption of the dialogue was influenced by a different US approach to the Balkans following the presidential election and the appointment of Special Envoy Gabriel Escobar. Despite the international community’s strong desire for the leaders of Serbia and Kosovo to return to the negotiating table, it seemed that Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti were unwilling to take a step forward. Their first meeting in June 2021 in Brussels was not encouraging, as it revealed personal animosities that threatened to bring the dialogue to another impasse. With an accession perspective that includes no date, i.e. without a tangible ‘carrot at the end of the stick’, leaders seem less motivated to make bold decisions. The actors were more engaged in the production and management of a crisis than in taking an effort to reach a final solution and progress towards EU membership. All in all, ten years after the dialogue began, there is little room for optimism as relations between Serbia and Kosovo are now at their lowest level. Many agreements have not been fully implemented, while the implementation of Brussels’ provisions concerning the association of Serb-majority municipalities is still pending.

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Od społecznej odpowiedzialności do ESG w zarządzaniu. Wybrane aspekty
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Od społecznej odpowiedzialności do ESG w zarządzaniu. Wybrane aspekty

Author(s): Karolina Łudzińska / Language(s): Polish

The monograph "From Social Responsibility to ESG in Management. Selected Aspects" explores the concept of corporate social responsibility by considering environmental, social, and managerial criteria, known as ESG criteria. It specifically examines the integration of ESG factors by companies and capital markets in response to stakeholder needs and expectations. The monograph provides up-to-date information, research findings, and the most recent guidelines for non-financial reporting. It focuses on the evolution of ESG factors integration in the Polish market, analyzing socially responsible investing, ESG indices on the Warsaw Stock Exchange, and the current state of non-financial reporting in Poland. Using various research methods, this publication offers comprehensive analyses of the significance and role of CSR concepts and ESG dimensions, making it a valuable resource for both management theorists and practitioners.

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Sigurnost žena u lokalnim zajednicama
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Sigurnost žena u lokalnim zajednicama

Author(s): Sabahudin Harčević,Lajla Leko / Language(s): Bosnian

Centar za sigurnosne studije (CSS) ima za čast predstaviti publikaciju „Sigurnost žena u lokalnim zajednicama“ koja objedinjuje nalaze i rezultate istraživanja sprovedenog u okviru šestomjesečnog projekta „Unapređenje sigurnosti žena u lokalnim zajednicama - AwareBiH“. Projekat je finansijski podržala Vlada Kanade putem Kanadskog fonda za lokalne inicijative (CFLI). Cilj ovog projekta jeste da senzibilizira društvo, posebno predstavnike sektora sigurnosti, zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti na percepciju sigurnosti iz pozicije žene. To bi doprinijelo većoj vidljivosti i uvođenju rodne perspektive u sigurnost, posebno kada je u pitanju kreiranje politike i njeno implementiranje. Projekat je uključivao tri ključne aktivnosti. Prva aktivnost projekta se odnosila na istraživanje, tačnije anketiranje reprezentativnog uzorka žena iz Sarajeva, Banja Luke i Mostara. Upitnik je bio fokusiran na faktore koji utiču na osjećaj sigurnosti ispitanica u njihovim lokalnim zajednicama. Osim toga, istraživanje je uključivalo i percepciju žena o policijskim službenicima i drugim relevantnim sigurnosnim pitanjima. U okviru prve aktivnosti su obavljeni i online intervjui žena u BiH, putem kojih smo pitali da navedu način na koji one smatraju da njihovi sugrađani mogu doprinijeti boljem osjećaju sigurnosti u njihovim lokalnim zajednicama/mjestima boravka. Druga aktivnost se odnosila na pisanje izvještaja o nalazima sprovedenog istraživanja. Treća aktivnost uključivala je javnu kampanju s ciljem predstavljanja nalaza sprovedenog istraživanja. U konačnici, projektom se nastoji doprinijeti unapređenju sigurnosti žena u lokalnim zajednicama, ističući pitanja koja utiču na sigurnost žena na osnovu njihovih iskustava i predstavljanjem rezultata analize ključnim akterima i široj javnosti. Zahvaljujemo se Vladi Kanade koja je kroz finansijsku podršku omogućila realizaciju ovog projekta putem CFLI.

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Istraživanje stavova LGBTIQ+ osoba o političkim strankama u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Istraživanje stavova LGBTIQ+ osoba o političkim strankama u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Anes Hodžić / Language(s): Bosnian

Ovo istraživanje proučava prioritete, političko angažovanje te stavove LGBTIQ+ osoba prema strankama kroz sveobuhvatan upitnik. Rezultati pokazuju da većina ispitanika i ispitanica, koji_e su uglavnom mlađi_e od 44 godine, visoko obrazovani_e i većinom žive u urbanim područjima, aktivno sudjeluje u političkom životu BiH. Naša stranka (NS) se ističe kao stranka sa najvećom podrškom, s velikim brojem članova i potencijalnih birača među LGBTIQ+ zajednicom. Socijaldemokratska partija Bosne i Hercegovine (SDP BiH) također privlači značajan broj simpatizera_ki unutar LGBTIQ+ zajednice. Ispitanici i ispitanice su također izrazili_e visoku razinu svijesti o političkim programima NS-a i SDP-a BiH, dok ostale političke stranke nisu toliko prepoznate. Bosanskohercegovačka povorka ponosa igra važnu ulogu u aktivizmu, te je tako više od polovine ispitanika i ispitanica sudjelovalo u protestnoj šetnji ili planira sudjelovati u budućnosti. Prioriteti i očekivanja LGBTIQ+ zajednice su usmjereni prema osiguravanju izmjene Zakona o slobodi okupljanja i borbi protiv govora mržnje, s jasnim očekivanjem da državne institucije preuzmu ključnu ulogu u zaštiti tih pitanja. Ispitanici i ispitanice su izrazili_e nezadovoljstvo trenutnim političkim stanjem, s većinom koja ne podržava trenutnu vlast. Ovi nalazi ukazuju na potrebu za intenziviranjem političkog angažmana i pružanjem podrške strankama koje aktivno zastupaju interese LGBTIQ+ zajednice, radi unapređenja prava i integracije LGBTIQ+ osoba u društveni i politički život Bosne i Hercegovine.

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Standardi skrbi za zdravlje transrodnih i rodno raznolikih osoba, verzija 8 - Svjetska strukovna organizacija za zdravlje transrodnih osoba
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Standardi skrbi za zdravlje transrodnih i rodno raznolikih osoba, verzija 8 - Svjetska strukovna organizacija za zdravlje transrodnih osoba

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Krajnji je cilj osme verzije Standarda skrbi (SS8) Svjetske strukovne organizacije za zdravlje transrodnih osoba (engl. World Professional Association for Transgender Health, WPATH) dati kliničke smjernice zdravstvenim radnicima kako bi pomogli transrodnim i rodno raznolikim (TiRR) osobama u pristupu sigurnim i učinkovitim putovima za postizanje trajne ugode sa samima sobom kao rodnim bićima, a s težnjom optimiziranja njihova cjelokupnog fizičkog zdravlja, psihičke dobrobiti i samoispunjenja. Ta pomoć može uključivati, ali nije ograničena na hormonske i hirurške zahvate, glasovnu i komunikacijsku terapiju, primarnu zdravstvenu zaštitu, uklanjanje dlaka, reproduktivno i seksualno zdravlje i brigu o mentalnom zdravlju. Sistemi zdravstvene zaštite trebali bi osigurati medicinski nužnu rodno-afirmirajuću zdravstvenu skrb za TiRR osobe: v. drugo poglavlje – Globalnu primjenjivost, preporuku 2.1.

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Imaginarni Albanac
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Imaginarni Albanac

Author(s): Aleksandar Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian

The book "Imaginary Albanian" talks about how Serbs perceived Albanians throughout (relatively recent) history. Essentially, the book focuses on the long 19th century, the term Eric Hobsbawm used to denote the period from the French Revolution to the end of the First World War. This period, when national-romantic movements flourished in Europe (and, consequently, in the Balkans) and when nation-states emerged, is taken as crucial in shaping the hostile image of Albanians in Serbian culture. The book shows how in the period from the middle of the 18th to the middle of the 19th century Serbian culture was dominated by the idea of ​​Albanians as Christians and brave and rebellious mountaineers, who are similar to Montenegrins and in alliance with them resist the Turks. But, as the interest of the Serbian public from the second half of the 19th century became more and more related to Kosovo, Serbian authors began to describe Albanians as Muslims and associated them with the Turks, and therefore saw them as Serbian enemies. In this context, special attention is paid to the Kosovo myth, which is considered crucial for understanding Serbian ideas about Albanians and the establishment of their hostility. However, contrary to today's widespread opinion about centuries-old enmity between Serbs and Albanians, documentary sources from the past, various cultural writings and their reception in Serbian culture indicate that Serbs and Albanians did not see their relations as problematic for centuries. Therefore, the representation of Albanians in this period - although undoubtedly subjective and prejudiced - is not simple and contains ambivalences and contradictions that testify to the different relations between the two peoples. Therefore, the book emphasizes those inherently positive attitudes that emerge from centuries of common traditions and common life in the Balkans, and seeks to identify voices, personalities and perceptions that can change the view of Albanians in Serbian culture, which has long been marked by hostility and radicalism.

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OKO IZBORA 23 - Izbori za narodne poslanike / Izbori za predsednika Republike / Izbori za gradske odbornike Beograda (3. april 2022. godine)
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OKO IZBORA 23 - Izbori za narodne poslanike / Izbori za predsednika Republike / Izbori za gradske odbornike Beograda (3. april 2022. godine)

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

It is the twenty-third edition of CeSID's "About Elections" edition, which was launched in 1997 with the aim of offering citizens and the professional public a detailed and complete review of the electoral processes in Serbia and Montenegro (until the 2006 referendum). As in previous years, the authors made an effort to list, systematize and tear from oblivion all the most important details that accompanied this election cycle. The emphasis in this edition is on the parliamentary and presidential elections, but the authors tried to point out important features of the local elections in Belgrade, especially in the work of the city election administration and the quality of the election day. According to tradition, the elections in Serbia are the only and most important topic during the campaign, but we have often witnessed that with the announcement of the results, they quickly move on to other topics, leaving the public deprived of in-depth insights and analyses. The edition was created with the aim of keeping in one place a detailed analysis of all aspects that accompany an election cycle...

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Političke partije i izbori u demokratskom poretku
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Političke partije i izbori u demokratskom poretku

Author(s): Vladimir Goati / Language(s): Serbian

The Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID) is launching an edition of popular publications intended for the widest circle of readers - the citizens of Serbia, on whom CeSID has relied in its activities in the past period. Through selfless engagement, as election observers, citizens contributed to CeSID carrying out all activities related to election observation. The participation of citizens in observing the elections also showed their interest in directly participating in the process of establishing and building democratic institutions in Serbia and acquiring the knowledge needed for this type of activity. By launching this edition, CeSID continues its mission of training citizens and thus meets their growing needs for objective and as complete information on all important issues related to the process of democratization of society.

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Rečnik osnovnih pojmova i termina o izborima
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Rečnik osnovnih pojmova i termina o izborima

Author(s): Mirjana Pajvančić / Language(s): Serbian

During the election, citizens - voters and other election participants encounter many specific expressions, the meaning of which is not always sufficiently known. Many of these terms originate from comparative electoral practice. Only recently, with the introduction of multi-party elections, and in our increasingly rich literature on elections, do we encounter these terms. Certain expressions are difficult to translate into our language, and are often used in election terminology. The colloquial use of some, otherwise widespread, terms is not precise (e.g. electoral right - the right to vote), so it is necessary to explain their meaning and content.

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Iskustvo paralelnog prebrojavanja glasova
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Iskustvo paralelnog prebrojavanja glasova

Author(s): Zoran Lučić ,Nebojša Vasiljević,Dragiša Bjeloglav / Language(s): Serbian

It sometimes happens in some society that political competitors are so opposed to each other that there is no trust between them and the gap of intolerance cannot be bridged even because of the fear that during or after the elections in which the outcome of their political struggle is decided, an open physical conflict may occur. In such circumstances, it is important to find a group of interested observers, organized around the election monitoring project, which, regardless of the political convictions of individuals from that organization, wants to determine the true results of the election and announce them to the public in order to prevent conflicts and force the defeated party to accept defeat peacefully. If in such a society a political competitor in power is ready to change the electoral will of the citizens by fraud and to apply coercion or even force in order not to achieve his goal, then the election monitoring organization, although it may seem biased to some, has an even more important role because, in conditions of danger, by monitoring the electoral process in order to determine the real truth, it makes electoral fraud difficult or, moreover, prevents it.

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Izborna nadmetanja u Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji od 2000. do 2003.
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Izborna nadmetanja u Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji od 2000. do 2003.

Author(s): Vladimir Goati / Language(s): Serbian

The elections on the territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) held in 2001 and 2002 - which we deal with in this study - were, by coincidence, the last election contests in the short and stormy history of the FRY. Because we covered the election contests in the previous period in the book Elections in the FRY from 1990 to 1998, Addendum: Elections 2000 (Goati, Belgrade, CeSID, 2001), with this study we will "circle" all the elections (at the federal and republican level) that took place in the ten years of the FRY's existence, because with the establishment of the state union of Serbia and Montenegro on February 4 In 2003, the "third Yugoslavia", after a decade of existence, irretrievably went into the past. This is the reason why we will first recapitulate, quite summarily, the already "completed history" of the FRY, and then we will deal with the elections held in its two republics between 2000 and February 4, 2003, when the FRY was transformed into the state union of Serbia and Montenegro. At the end of the book is a Documentary appendix containing the results of all parliamentary and presidential elections held in the period under consideration.

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O učincima slabih institucija
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O učincima slabih institucija

Author(s): Miša Brkić / Language(s): Serbian

Systemic corruption is not the only feature of the transition in Serbia. That which, nevertheless, sets Serbia apart in the society of transition states of Eastern Europe is never ending transitional agony and complete absence sanctions that would recover at least a small part through transitional corruption alienated public goods.

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