Cookies help us deliver our services. By using our services, you agree to our use of cookies. Learn more.
  • Log In
  • Register
CEEOL Logo
Advanced Search
  • Home
  • SUBJECT AREAS
  • PUBLISHERS
  • JOURNALS
  • eBooks
  • GREY LITERATURE
  • CEEOL-DIGITS
  • INDIVIDUAL ACCOUNT
  • Help
  • Contact
  • for LIBRARIANS
  • for PUBLISHERS

Content Type

Subjects

Languages

Legend

  • Journal
  • Article
  • Book
  • Chapter
  • Open Access
  • Theology and Religion
  • Islam studies
  • History of Islam

We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.

Result 61-80 of 740
  • Prev
  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • 4
  • 5
  • ...
  • 35
  • 36
  • 37
  • Next
Chrześcijańska arabskojęzyczna literatura apologetyczna Bliskiego i Środkowego Wschodu w okresie Abbasydów (750–1050)

Chrześcijańska arabskojęzyczna literatura apologetyczna Bliskiego i Środkowego Wschodu w okresie Abbasydów (750–1050)

Author(s): Michał Sadowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: _/2012

The new socio-political context of the conquered nations of the Middle and Near East caused an unexpected and profound changes on the map of the religions in the area. As soon as in a decade after the death of Muhammad (632AD) the rise of Islam and the spread of the Qur‘anic message became a fact in the Eastern frontiers of the Byzantine Empire. In consequence, Christian communities living in the territories controlled by the new political power, had to answer these challenges. First hundred years after the Muslim conquest of the Middle and Near East were characterized by a separated development of both religious communities. Therefore, by the end of the Umayyad Caliphate (749 AD) we do not find any Christian document written in Arabic. The turning point happened under the Abbasid rule (750–1258). The appearance of the oldest-known Christian text in Arabic (Fi tathlith Allah al-wah?id), dated to the 755–770 AD, was undoubtedly coincidental, but significant. However, we must keep in mind that the openness of the Abbasid rulers supported both the cultural and religious exchange. The encounter between the believers of these two religions forced them to explore their differences and to face new and unexpected challenges. The faith in the one God in the Trinity of Persons and the Incarnation confronted with the Islamic approach to monotheism is one of the challenges that the Christians of the Middle and Near East had to deal with. They had to meet this challenge for at least two reasons: (1) To preserve their own communities from conversion to Islam; and (2) To expose Christian doctrine and defend the faith against the accusations of polytheism. The defense of the faith was at the heart of Arab Christian apologetic literature, which usually dealt with the following topics: (1) God, the Holy Trinity; (2) Jesus Christ: Divine filiation, Incarnation, Redemption; and (3) The authenticity of Christianity.

More...
Ko se smatra ashabom

Ko se smatra ashabom

Author(s): Muhammad Asad / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 60/2014

Saḥīḥ Al-Buhārī, The Early Years of Islam” je jedino Asadovo zasebno djelo iz hadiske nauke. Prvi put je izdato u Lahoreu 1938. godine, a drugi i treći u Gibraltaru 1981. odnosno 1993. godine. U navedenom djelu, Asad je preveo i prokomentarisao sve hadise iz tri knjige Buharijine zbirke hadisa, “Početak Objave”, “Vrline ashaba” i “Vrline ensarija”, te hadise iz knjige “Bitke” o bitci Al-‘Ušayra ili Al-‘Usayra i bitci na Bedru. Dvadeset devet zadnjih poglavlja knjige “Vrijednost ensarija” je uvrstio u posebnu knjigu koju je naslovio “Počeci islama”.

More...
L'islam dans première grandeur (VIIIe-IXe siècle) o reeditare binevenită
4.90 €
Preview

L'islam dans première grandeur (VIIIe-IXe siècle) o reeditare binevenită

Author(s): Dragoş Dragoman / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1-2/2015

The study of early Islam made by Maurice Lombard is a glimpse into a particular setting of historical development of large territories, from the fall of the RomanEmpire to the modern ages. Those territories encompass old and new nations and religions, stretching from the Sahara desert to Spain and Sicily, and from the Atlantic shores of Africa to Western India and China. Its astonishing economic and urban development, accompanied by innovations in agriculture, various industries and transportation, made this huge space a land of knowledge and civilization, working as a bridge between East and West, past and future. Its heritage for modern Europe is still visible in science and culture, especially by the transmission of ancient writings of Greek and Latin scholars. This perspective could somehow change the way ordinary Europeans currently consider Islam and its cultural values and work against established prejudices.

More...
Bektašijski dah (nefes): duhovni izraz mističnosti kroz vrijeme

Bektašijski dah (nefes): duhovni izraz mističnosti kroz vrijeme

Author(s): Stefanija Leshkova Zelenkovska / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 68-69/2015

In the Republic of Macedonia. Bektashi dervish order has its roots in the 13th century, before the arrival of the Ottomans, through the activity of the dervishes who traveled and settled in this territory. One of the most important and influential tekkes is Harabati Baba in Tetovo, built during the 16th century, which in the course of history has passed through turbulent social ordeals, but still remains a synonym of Bektashism in the Republic of Macedonia. This Tekkein its existence so far has under gone major social challenges and difficulties, but it still remains a symbol of Bektashism not only in Macedonia but also in a wider region. Therefore, the goal of this paper isto present social transformations that followed as a results of socio-political situation after the independence of the Republic of Macedonia. This situation will be presented through a musical tradition as one of the main components of this mystical and theosophical current in the Islamic culture. Music as asublimation of folk tradition and spiritual expressionis modified according to the circumstances through which this tekke has passed. Today these transformations are notice able regarding the ethnic structure and the number of followers which causes changes in the sound picture of musical tradition itself.

More...
The Transition from the Temple of Jupiter to the Great Mosque of Damascus in Architecture and Design

The Transition from the Temple of Jupiter to the Great Mosque of Damascus in Architecture and Design

Author(s): Kamil Sobczak / Language(s): English Issue: 5/2015

Great Mosque of Damascus was built between 705 and 715 by the Umayyad Caliph al-Walid I. However, the origins of this building dates to the distant past. At first it was a location of an ancient Aramaean temple dedicated to the god Hadad. With Hellenization the temple was dedicated to Zeus and in the first century BC the Romans transformation it into the Temple of Jupiter Damascenus. In 391 Emperor Theodosius converted the temple into Christian Cathedral of Saint John. Erection of the mosque by Caliph al-Walid I was under strong influence of earlier constructions. Meaning and consequences of such transitions, from the Roman temple (there is almost no data of the Aramaic building) through the Christian Cathedral to the Islamic mosque is an interesting process. Issue not only within the art and architecture, but what is more, in a religious aspect of the continuity of sacred space.

More...
Uvod
5.00 €
Preview

Uvod

Author(s): Timothy Winter / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 72-73/2016

Ova knjiga predstavlja niz kritičkih učenjačkih razmatranja o razvoju i glavnim temama predmoderne muslimanske teologije. S obzirom na važnost islama u religijskoj historiji i njegovu ulogu kao posljednjeg religijskog nasljednika baštine monoteizma i klasičnog antičkog svijeta, teško da je i potrebno opravdavati takvu zbirku. Značaj islamske teologije odražava značaj islama kao središnjeg dijela monoteističkog pothvata u cjelini. Tome doprinose njegov prepoznatljiv pristup i stil te niz rješenja trajne vrijednosti.

More...
İlk Dönem Eş‘arî Kelâmında Müteşâbih Âyetlerin Te’vili Sorunu

İlk Dönem Eş‘arî Kelâmında Müteşâbih Âyetlerin Te’vili Sorunu

Author(s): Yakup Bıyıkoğlu / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2016

The founder of Ash‘arī kalām is Abu’l-Hasan al-Ash‘arī (d. 324/935). The principles, which are presented by Abu’l-Hasan al-Ash‘arī, completed their first period after one century with Ibn Fūrak (d. 406/1015) and al-Bākıllānī (d. 403/1013). In this period, Ash‘arī and his second-generation students adhered to the apparent meaning of the verses. However, as the resources reveal, there are few scholars in this period that show the tendency to explain the attributes of Allah, and these explanations were done in a restrict way, without breaking the nature of those attributes. We have applied as the main reference two basic works, the books Ash‘arī, al-Ibāne and Kitâb al-Luma‘, for building a major head of this research. In the context of reflecting his ideas, we have applied the Works of Ibn Fūrak al-Mucerred, Bākıllānī, al-Tamhid, al-Insaf and Kitāb al-Bayān. Besides these ones, there are other works which are directly related to our subject and guide our research thus being applied in the study. We try to present the views of the first period members of Ash‘arī kalām about mutashābih (one another) verses till the term of Bākıllānī, covering a century. Concerning the method and the perspective of our study, firstly we have examined the concept of mutashābih within the context of explanation way Then, we have examined how the Kalāmallah subject was viewed during the first period of Ash‘arī. In the last part of the study, we have looked into the view of attributes of Allah and the application way of explanation method in the context of mutashābih verses of first period of Ash‘arī Sect. In addition to this, we have made the comparison of the subjects of how the explanation of these attributes was done by scholars of the succeeding periods. Lastly, we have discussed the subject of ru’yatallah (seeing Allah in Heaven), which is important for the issues of kalām. The first period of Ash‘arī kalām’s approach to mutashābih verses, how they view the attributes of istivā, kürsī, yed, vech ve ‘ayn in the context of explanation way (te’vil) and how they view the matter of Kalāmallah, is of high importance. As a matter of fact, this issue is related with the kalām’s divinity. The primary statements about Kalāmallah in Ash‘arī kalām belong to the founder of the Sect Ash‘arī. Then, He divided Kalāmallah into two parts; Bākıllānī has advocated these parts and then proceeds with them. Ash‘arī does not give information about the description of muhkem and mutashābih in his writings. Ibn Fūrak explains his viewings about this subject partly. According to Ibn Fūrak as like to other interpreters. Ash‘arī divides Qur’ān verses into two muhkem and mutashābih. In this way, Ash‘arī describes muhkem as apparent and internal meaning of verbal words (lafız). On the other side, mutashābih is described as a thing for the situation of internal meanings and verbal words are similar and guides to several meanings preferred to one another and includes regard (nazar) and inference (istidlāl). In this context, even if Ash‘arī behaves in Salaf way about attributes, some first period scholars (intellectuals) of Ash‘arī likes Ibn Fūrak, adopted to explain attributes of Allah by applying to the source of dictionary to prevent themselves from not having simile (teşbīh). This type of belonging to Salaf way maintained till al-Bākıllānī. However, the subject of explanation way of attributes has changed in Imam al-Haramayn al-Cuvaynī (d. 478/1085) and his student al-Gazzālī’de (505/1111). Accordingly, Ash‘arī kalām, especially al-Gazzālī, adopted the explanations of attributes of Allah easily. This subject has been systematized more by Sayf al-dīn Amidī. However, the explanation of attributes of Allah has been reached the level of Mu‘tazila. The subject of whether Kelāmallah is to be seen as being created is an important discussion issue along with the history of kalām. In contrast with Mu‘tazila, Ash‘arī presents proofs from verses and Sunna to be able to say that Qur’ān is not created and it is an eternal (kadīm) kalām and that is separated into two parts; kalām-ı nefsī (purely) and kelām-ı lafzī (verbely). Ash‘arī asserts that Qur’ān is not being created. However, differently, Ash‘arī try to show effort for meeting rationalists who advocate that Qur’ān is created and narrators who advocates that Qur’ān is eternal (kadīm). So that the followers of Ash‘arī choose the way of integrating kalām-nefsī and kelāmi lafzī in orders to find solution to this ancient matter. Smilarly, al-Bākıllānī, who has important contributions along with the completion process of the Sect, comes up with the theory that if ever Qur’ān was created, it could not be its own subject because of being an object of something and could exists itself with something else, so that He has concerned with verses basic for his mental reasoning results in accepting Kelāmallah religiously as an object. About the issue of rü’yetullah, Ash‘arī and al-Bākıllānī assert that Allah will be seen in Doomsday (kıyāmet). They prove this with some verses and hadiths. Ash‘arī emphasizes that look (rü’yet/nazar) will be done by two eyes on the face. He says that it is exact that making eyes turn to the sky (al-Bakara 2/144) and searching the direction of Kabe and waiting for apocalypse (vahy) will happen. Based on this assertion, he criticised Mu‘tazila who asserts that ‘they wait for meritorious from Allah’ instead of the verse telling ‘they look at their Allah’ (al-Kıyāmet 75/23). Also al-Bākıllānī comments the seeing of Allah with a positivist perspective. As a proof, he says that Allah is present and seen but something should happen for that. He mentions that we cannot be the seeing subjects of things so that, we cannot see the occurring of subjects. He try to make the matter more clear philosophically. In Mu‘tazila there is a faulty about the comment of the verse my Allah, Show yourself to me and then I look to you’ (al-A‘raf 7/143). While the prophet Mūsā has the qualification of the task of being prophet, it is not possible that he asks Allah about impossibility. Because al-Bākıllānī thinks that such a situation means ignoring of Allah by the prophet. But he says that this is not valid for prophets. Briefly, like Ash‘arī, al-Bākıllānī is congruent with his predecessors (selef) about the issue that knowing whatever comments about Allah are accepted religiously is possible just for prophets. This reality should be reminded to Mu‘tazila. As mentioned in nass, Ash‘arī Sect says that Allah will be seen. As a conclusion, Ash‘arī does not prefer to explain attributes but to look at attributes without knowing about them transmitting from predecessors. According to resources, in the first period of Ash‘arī kalām, even if there were some explanations of some attributes in general, based on the information from dictionary, attributes are not based on qualifications. About a century later, Bākıllānī also interpreted and evaluated the attributes within some contexts. At this term, Ash‘arī followers emphasize that Kelāmallah is eternal as an apocalypse. In addition to this, they accept ru’yatallah and they view themselves as following Ahl al-Sunna way about the subject of seeing Allah after life.

More...
Mâtürîdî Âlimi Ebû İshâk Zâhid es-Saffâr’ın Kelâm Müdâfaası

Mâtürîdî Âlimi Ebû İshâk Zâhid es-Saffâr’ın Kelâm Müdâfaası

Author(s): Abdullah Demir / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2016

Abū Ishāq al-Ṣaffār was one of scholars of the Western Qarakhānids’ period who followed the Kalām thought of al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944). His theological works Talkhīs al-adilla and Risāla fī al-kalām, his method in kalām, and frequent reference to his works by Ottoman and Arab scholars indicate that al-Ṣaffār is a respected and authorative Māturīdī theologian. The article focuses on his defense of the kalām. By adding a long introduction to Talkhīs about the naming, importance, and religious legitimacy of the science of kalām, Saffār asserted that the kalām should be learned. When systematical vindication of the science of kalām is examined, it is understood that al-Ṣaffār is the first theologian who reserved a private and voluminous part for defensing the kalām among Ḥanafī-Māturīdīs. Even though he does not state its systematic, it can be understood that vindication of kalām in al-Ṣaffār divides into three parts as of explanation, demonstration and refutation. Al-Ṣaffār’s defending the science of kalām shows that there were opposite thoughts against kalām in the 4th/10th and 5th/11th centuries throughout in Transoxania. In this period Aṣḥāb al-Ḥadīth and Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ were the opposite fronts of kalām. In addition, he was trying to go beyond the oppositions of Ḥanafī jurists. His vindication is consistent and has scholarly depth because it is able to be against a strong opposition.SUMMARY: Abū Ishāq Ibrahīm b. Ismāil Zāhid al-Ṣaffār al-Bukhārī is a scholar belonging to the Ḥanafī theological tradition which was improved by the contribution of Ḥanafī theologians who used thinking system of Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 150/767) as base and adopted Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944) and his thoughts in historical process. The contents of his theological works Talkhīs al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd and Risāla fī al-Kalām, the method that he used, and references to his works made by Ottoman and Arab scholars indicate that he is an important Māturīdī theologian. The article focuses on his defense of the science of Kalām.In Talkhīs al-adilla, there are two sections including the subject of naming, and importance and necessity of Kalām discipline. Here, the necessity of learning Kalām and its value are defended in detail.Besides, rumors “Abū Ḥanīfa turned away from the science of Kalām in his doomsdays” and that “He prohibited to make occupation with Kalām completely” are evaluated.When systematical vindication of the science of Kalām is examined, it is understood that al-Ṣaffār is the first theologian who reserved a private and voluminous part for defensing the Kalām among Ḥanafī Māturīdīs. Even if Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī, Abū al-Yusr al-Bazdawī (d. 493/1100) and Abū Muʿīn al-Nasafī (d. 508/1115) defend that the science of Kalām is not wrong for religion; yet, the vindication of Kalām does not take a place under a separate title and in a detailed manner in any of Māturīdī theologians works.The method that al-Ṣaffār used when he is defending the science of Kalām, differs from strategy of Abū Ḥanīfa. While Abū Ḥanīfa has mentioned that there is a need for the science of Kalām under these new circumstances, al-Ṣaffār has defended theologians who were charged with being Ahl al-Bidaʿ, by trying to prove that the prophets especially the Prophet Ibrāhīm, even the Companions of the Prophet Muḥammad (Ṣaḥāba) and the Successors of the Companions (Tābiʿūn) scholars use their minds and make arguments in religious matters. In this respect, he emphasizes that the Qurʾān orders to think and discuss gently, not to be stay in silence: “And dispute with them, using what is best” (16.125-126). Therefore, he states that this discipline which took a mission to explain and defend the creed of Islam (ʿaqīda), cannot be characterized as an innovation (bidʿah) or illicit.His vindication method can be defined as a more developed type of method that Abu’l-Ḥasan al-Ash’arī’s (d. 324/935) used in Risāla fī istiḥsān al-khawḍ fī ʿilm al-kalām. Even though he does not state its systematic, it can be understood that vindication of Kalām in al-Ṣaffār divides into three parts as of explanation, demonstration and refutation:a) Explanation: Explaining the necessity and importance of the science of Kalām by giving information about its definition, names, value and place among other principles.b) Demonstration: Revealing the religious basics of the science of Kalām from the Qurʾān, the Sunna of the Prophet Muḥammad, the Companions of the Prophet, and the Successors of the Companions thus specifying that it is legitimate for religion.c) Refutation: Replying the claims having aim to weaken the value of Kalām principle and its religious legality.Al-Ṣaffār describes ‘the science of Kalām’ as ‘Knowing the Real with the evidences which help to reach the absolute information’. By allocating the concept of 'Ḥaqq', he repeats the definition of Kalām as “it is to know God with certain evidences” in a part of his work, and “it is to know the principles of religion (uṣūl al-dīn) with certain evidences” in another part. He describes Kalām as “Knowing ḥaqq / God / uṣūl al-dīn by depending on evidence”, and tries to prove that it is wrong to consider a science which performs the stated duty, as illicit and abominable and thus turn away from it. Al-Ṣaffār thinks that it is right to call this principle as ‘Kalām’ because of the certain evidences leading to the truth that this science has used. This thought was defended by other theologians as well.For example, according to Saʿd al-Dīn Masʿūd al-Taftazānī (d. 792/1310) it seems like to say “This is the word (kalām), not the other knowings” by the way of the power of evidences used in Kalām.Thus, it is appropriate to give name Kalām for this science which based on certain evidences.Al-Ṣaffār’s explanations revealed in scope of vindication of the Kalām are adopted by some of following scholars. Ḥusām al-Dīn al-Sighnāqī (d. 714/1314) in his book called al-Tasdīd sharḥ al-Tamhīd fī qawāʿid al-tawḥīd quotes Saffâr’s explanations as the same.Al-Ṣaffār indicates that the method told in the Qurʾān is to reply questions about religion, beliefs and rejection instead of remaining in silence. The duty taken on by Kalām is this vindication activity performed by the prophets whose examples are described in the Qurʾān and which is legal and demanded. His way of thinking and vindication of the Kalām resembles that of Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī. Al-Māturīdī says, “Prophets and we were ordered to invite infidels to Islam. When this invitation happens, the respondents will ask for evidence and explanation, and discussion will be inevitable. Therefore, discussing and talking about subjects of Kalām is not objectionable”.Thoughts of al-Māturīdī and al-Ṣaffār regarding the vindication of the Kalām were repeated by Nūr al-Dīn al-Ṣābūnī (d. 580/1184), and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210) later. According to al-Ṣābūnī, the evidences put against deniers and especially the discussion made by the Prophet Ibrāhīm to defend his own belief, prove the legality of Kalām discipline. Likewise, according to al-Rāzī, the duty of Kalām is just an activity performed already in the Qurʾān and ordered to the prophets. At this point of view, since the prophets were leading to Kalām, banning this activity is nonsense.According to al-Ṣaffār, the reason for why Abu Hanifa avoids his son Hammād from these discussions is that Abu Hanifa does not like discussions based on obstinate. Otherwise, it cannot be that Abū Ḥanīfa prohibits to learn Kalām and make discussion about Kalām. According to him, this behavior of Abū Ḥanīfa results from that people discussing with him are ignorant about the subject of Kalām, discussion turns to an obstinate, and coming to an end of discussion seems impossible. This comment of al-Ṣaffār is quoted in Miftāḥ al-saʿāda wa-miṣbāḥ al-siyāda by ʿIṣām al-Dīn Aḥmed b. Muṣṭafā Tashköprüzāde (d. 968/1561) and in Minaḥ al-rawḍ al-azhar fī sharḥ al-Fiqh al-akbar by ʿAlī b. Sulṭān Muḥammad al-Qārī (d. 1014/1606) as same as his words.Al-Ṣaffār’s defending the science of Kalām shows that there were opposite thoughts against Kalām in the 4th/10th and 5th/11th centuries throughout in Transoxania.In this period Aṣḥāb al-Ḥadīth and Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ were the opposite fronts of Kalām. In addition, he was trying to go beyond the oppositions of Ḥanafī jurists (fuqahāʾ). Because some of the Ḥanafī jurists thought that Abū Ḥanīfa forsook occupation with the science of Kalām and even he prohibited his son to have interest in this discipline. But some of Ḥanafī theologians such as al-Māturīdī, al-Nasafī and al-Ṣaffār protested this thought which describes Abū Ḥanīfa as a banner for Kalām.His vindication is consistent and has scholarly depth because it is able to be against a strong opposition.His book Talkhīs al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd is a unique source in terms of containing vindication of the Kalām in detail and also influencing the approaches of the next period scholars.

More...
ČETRNAEST STOLJEĆA OD SEOBA MUSLIMANA U ABESINIJU

ČETRNAEST STOLJEĆA OD SEOBA MUSLIMANA U ABESINIJU

Author(s): Mustafa Spahić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 63/2015

This and the following year will mark fourteen centuries since the Abyssinian king Negus refused to send back Muslim refugees from his country. These 117 refugees were horribly tortured and prosecuted in their hometown Mecca. Now, fourteen centuries after, Muslims from Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and other countries are subjected to terrifying exodus to Europe and America. What are the basic moral and political motives and causes for this? Fourteen centuries after the exile of Muslims to Abyssinia, a question is still living and pending: who in this world of today plays the role of Meccan pagans and who is spreading stories about magians, spell casters and religion that has, allegedly nothing in common with Christian or Jewish faith? Refugees from Middle East have found asylum and worm welcome with Ansaries who suffered great material and human losses in order to ease the suffering of exiled brothers. Since the year 2011.,in the Muslim world, the role of the Ansaries of Madina in accepting refugees from Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria is played by: Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Turkey alone has accepted two and a half million refugees which cost 8 billion dollars.

More...
Utjecaj islama
5.00 €
Preview

Utjecaj islama

Author(s): Jacques Ellul / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 20/2015

Utjecaj islama na kršćanstvo, to jest iskrivljenje i potkopavanje kojima je izvrgnuto Božje otkrivenje u Isusu Kristu, rijetko se naglašava. A ipak je taj utjecaj bio znatan u razdoblju između devetoga i jedanaestog stoljeća. Odgojeni smo na slici snažnoga i stabilnog kršćanstva kojega napada i u određenom smislu opsjeda islam.

More...
Doktrina džihada
5.00 €
Preview

Doktrina džihada

Author(s): Majid Khadduri / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 20/2015

Pojam džihad izvodi se iz glagola džahada (apstraktna imenica, džuhd) sa značenjem ≫truditi se≪. Njegovo pravno-teološko značenje odnosi se na ulaganje vlastitih napora na Alahovu putu, odnosno, na širenje vjere u Alaha i njegove riječi po čitavom svijetu. Individualna naknada za to značilo bi spasenje, budući da džihad predstavlja izravan put u raj koji jamči Alah.

More...
Değişen Otoriteler: Sünnî ve Şiî Halkalarda Müşterek Nakledilen Bir Rivayetin İncelemesi

Değişen Otoriteler: Sünnî ve Şiî Halkalarda Müşterek Nakledilen Bir Rivayetin İncelemesi

Author(s): Ayşe Nur Duman / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2023

Common narrations in Sunnī and Shī’ite literature are an important source that provide information about the early periods of hadīth history. Because, when the information in the ta’rīkh, tabakāt and rijāl books of Ahl alsunnah and Shī’a about the narrators in the isnāds of these hadīths is researched, the following conclusion is reached: The circle of a hadīth scholar in the 2nd/8nd century is open to the participation of narrators with both Sunnī and Shī’ite tendencies. The isnāds of common narrations also give information about when, where and through which transmitters they were transferred from one school of hadīth circle to another. However, the texts of the common narrations also carry traces of main debates between the Ahl al-sunnah and Shī’a. In addition, the texts of the common narrations give an idea about the debates and crises experienced in the formative period of Shī’a’s sectarian views. Therefore, it’s possible to obtain information about how these narrations changed during and after transmission between the Sunnī and Shī’ite circles, based on their texts. The hadīth, which is the subject of this article and whose text contains meaningful differences, “The essence of Islām is prayer, its branch zakāt and its peak is djihād in the way of Allah” is a common narration with these characteristics. Because this hadīth is narrated in Sunnī sources during a conversation between the Prophet Muhammad and Mu’ādh b. Djabal. But, in Shī’ite sources this hadīth is reported during a talk of Muhammad al- Bākir and Dja’far al-Sādik with his companions. In addition, there is another text of this hadīth in the Shī’ite literature that doesn’t come in the form of dialogue. But, in this hadīth Mu’ādh’s name isn’t explicitly mentioned and he is referred to as “a man”. The differences between the texts of Sunnī and Shī’ite narrations raise the following questions: Could it be that the Shī’ite narrators changed the speech of the Prophet with Mu’ādh as a dialogue between the imām and his companion? Just like the Prophet, did al-Bākir and al-Sādik have a similar conservation with their companions? What is the probability that the narration referred to as “a man” instead of Mu’ādh, due to the negative attitude of the Shī’a towards the Companions? Therefore, the aim of this article is to determine the transition process of this narration between Sunnī and Shī’ite circles and how meaningful changes in its text occurred. For this, information is given about the isnāds and texts of the hadīth in the Shī’ite and Sunnī literature, respectively. The narrators of the hadīth in Sunnī and Shī’ite isnāds have been researched from the ta’rīkh, tabakāt and rijāl works of two schools. Thus, it has been determined whether the narrators in the Shī’ite isnāds are related to the Ahl al-hadīth circles, whether the people in the Sunnī chains also adopt Shī’ite views and what their connections are with the narrators or hadīth circles of the Shī’a. As a result, it has been seen that this narration has gained fame in the hadīth circles in Kūfa since the beginning of the 2nd/8th century. It has been understood the narrators in the Shī’ite isnāds are not related to the Ahl al-Hadīth circles and that Suleymān b. Khālid and Abdullah b. Musqān in the Shī’ite isnāds played a role in the transmission of this hadīth as a conservation between the imām and his companions. On the other hand, the reason why Muādh’s name is left ambiguous as “a man” is that Shī’a position him as an anti-Ahl al-bayt Companion. It has also been determined that the narrators, who have intense contact with Shī’ite hadīth circles in the Sunnī isnāds, played a role in the transmission of this narration to the Shī’ite narrators.

More...
U sjeni kvazi-salafi ideologije: Povratak prosvjetiteljsko – sunnitsko-sintetičkoj teologiji Imama al-Maturidje

U sjeni kvazi-salafi ideologije: Povratak prosvjetiteljsko – sunnitsko-sintetičkoj teologiji Imama al-Maturidje

Author(s): Mustafa Cerić / Language(s): Bosnian,English Issue: 1/2023

There is a consensus today among Muslim scholars: the Muslim global nation (Ummah) is in a big crisis. This crisis is similar to the two greatest crises in Muslim history: the crisis of the fall of the Abbasid caliphate in the 13th century and the crisis of the abolition of the Ottoman caliphate in the 20th century. The current crisis has different external and internal causes. The challenge for nations as well as individuals in crisis, is to discover which parts of their identities are working well and should not be changed, and which parts are no longer working and should be changed. Today, the Muslim Ummah, individually and collectively, needs the wisdom and courage to recognize what must be changed in order to cope with the new situation. But, at the same time, we must draw a line and emphasize the elements, which are fundamental to our religious, cultural and civilizational identities, which cannot be changed. The Muslim Ummah should not be directed towards the utopian idea of ṭubāwiyyah, i.e., a place that does not exist (no-where), but should be directed towards the idea of true faith and common sense, the way it was directed by Imām al-Māturīdī in the 10th century in Samarkand. Namely, Imām al-Māturīdī established a synthesis between Naql (Tradition) and ʿAql (Reason) in the real world of faith and reason, where they do not collide, but meet on the basis of success in this world (al-dunyā) and salvation in the Other World (al-ākhirah). In this paper, the author sheds light on the idea of synthetic Islamic theology of Imām al-Māturīdī in the spirit of Sunni-Hanafi teaching, the idea he elaborated in his doctoral dissertation in 1986 at the University of Chicago under the mentorship of Pakistani professor Fazlur Rahman (1919-1988). This idea may reflect the meaning of the word crisis: "to separate", "to decide", "to draw a distinction", and it could also mean a "turning point" from utopia to the reality of the contemporary history of the Muslim Ummah. So, let us begin again this historical journey from Samarkand with the spirit and mind of the Great Imām Abū Mansūr Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad ibn Maḥmūd al-Ḥnafi al-Māturīdi al-Samarqandī (d. 333h/944m).

More...
On the Hulaguid Khans’ Attitude Towards the Sufi Sheikhs

On the Hulaguid Khans’ Attitude Towards the Sufi Sheikhs

Author(s): Nargiz Akhundova / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2023

This article describes the historical role of Sufism in the adoption of Islam by the Hulaguids and explains why Sufism was the easiest approach for the Mongol pagans. This study also further supports the assertion that Sufism was one of the most successful forms in which Islam spread. The Mongol rulers, having established central power in the cities of South Azerbaijan – Tabriz, Sultaniye, Maragha – nevertheless endured constant pressure from the Mongol nobility, which unlike the ruling Hulaguid dynasty formed a serious political opposition. To establish themselves in this territory, the Mongol rulers needed the support of the local Muslim population. The only way to ensure this support was to accept Islam as a state religion, which was done by Ghazan Khan. However, this process took time. The Islamic religion seemed too complicated to the Turko-Mongol pagans and shamanists. The most accessible form in which the Islamic religion could be perceived was thus Sufism, which appealed to them with its mystical elements, tales of miraculous healings, and even curses of Sufi sheikhs. In turn, the sheikhs of the Sufi orders sought friendly relations with the Hulaguid rulers in order to achieve their highest goal – the spread of Islam. In return, the Hulaguid rulers gave them much financial and moral support, which the Sufis enjoyed (as clearly indicated in the letters of Rashid al-Din Fadl-allah, most thoroughly studied by E. Browne at the beginning of the 20th century). It was obviously a multi-hued process, rich with interesting events and accompanied by vivid episodes related in sources. I have collected and used wide-ranging examples from a variety of sources and scholars in one article. I cite the works of Al-Juvaini, Mustouvi Kazvini, Rashid al-din Fadl-allah, Fadl-allah ibn Ruzbihan Khunji, Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz, together with research, editing and translation of these sources by modern scholars.

More...
Związki między metafizyką a Kalam: Awicenna a Siradż al-Din al-Urmałi

Związki między metafizyką a Kalam: Awicenna a Siradż al-Din al-Urmałi

Author(s): ENGIN ERDEM / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2024

Abstract: The question of how the relationship between metaphysics and theology should be understood is one of the main topics of debate on the agenda of philoso- phers and theologians from Aristotle (d. 322 BCE) to Avicenna (d. 428/1037), from Avicenna to the late Islamic theological tradition, and even to medieval Jewish and Christian thought. Avicenna criticized Aristotle for identifying metaphysics with theology and presented a new perspective on the relationship between those two disciplines. He argues that God is not the subject but the goal of metaphysics, in other words — metaphysics is an ontological science in terms of its subject matter and a theological science in terms of its goal. In Islamic thought after Avicenna, the relationship between metaphysics and kalam continued to be one of the most heated topics of debate. Trying to explain the relationship between those two disci- plines, thinkers such as Imam al-Ghazali (d. 505/1111), Shams al-Din Samarqandi (d. 702/1303), and Sayyid Sharif al-Jurjani (d. 816/1413) made a distinction between “Islamic science and rational science” and argued that metaphysics is an intellectual science while kalam is a religious (Islamic) science. On the other hand, Siraj al-Din al-Urmawi (d. 682/1283), who dealt with the relationship between metaphysics and kalam in his treatise On the Difference between Metaphysics (God-Science) and Kalam, revised Avicenna’s approach and criticized theologians who tried to explain the problem in terms of the distinction between religious and rational sciences. The aim of this article is to analyze Avicenna’s and Urmawi’s views on the relationship between metaphysics and theology, taking into account the historical-problematic context of the issue.

More...
Z al-Kufa do al-Samarqand, z al-Samarqand do Stambułu: Adab al-Bahs ła al-Munazara

Z al-Kufa do al-Samarqand, z al-Samarqand do Stambułu: Adab al-Bahs ła al-Munazara

Author(s): Necmettin Pehlivan / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2024

The chapter seeks to provide a road map of the historical journey of the science of Adab al-bahsa ła al-munazara (the science/art of investigation and de- bate). It has not attempted to identify all the various paths and crossroads of this journey, as it would have stretched the limits of this study too much. The focus was mainly on the Hanafi tradition. Even within this tradition, however, we did not have the opportunity to present all the directions and orientation points on the “Adab map”. We try to show, nevertheless, that if the route/road we have sketched is fol- lowed, then enough knowledge about the fundamental components of the science of debate/argumentation could be obtained. We hope, at the same time, that our study can serve as a guide to more exhaustive research on this subject. Undoubtedly, the road from Kufa to Samarkand described in the first, the largest part of the chapter is quite complex and challenging. Everything on the road seems to be still in the process of formation where not all patterns and principles have been fully revealed yet. The road from Kufa to Istanbul presented briefly at the end of the chapter con- tains probably less unexpected and challenging twists and turns than the previous one, but it is still far from being a simple, straight, and direct line connecting the starting point and the destination. As soon as we enter the Anatolian territory, via Tabriz, we encounter new texts and discourses of the science of debate. Moreover, the commentaries, glosses and taliqs (supercommentaries) produced on this land, have become, so to speak, the main record book and the general manual of the sci- ence of debate in every aspect.

More...
Zagadnienie zła a teodycea w myśli muzułmańskiej

Zagadnienie zła a teodycea w myśli muzułmańskiej

Author(s): ZIKRI YAVUZ / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2024

The existence of evil in our world seems to pose a serious challenge to belief in the existence of a perfect God. If God were all-knowing, it seems that God would know about all of the horrible things that happen in our world. If God were all-powerful, God would be able to do something about all of the evil. Moreover, if God were morally perfect, then surely God would want to do something about it. These facts about evil seem to conflict with the Islamic theist claim that there exists a perfectly good God. Several solutions to this problem have been proposed in Islamic thought. Ibn al-Arabi’s thought on evil goes as far as to say that what is seen as evil is actually illusory and has no reality. According to Ibn al-Arabi, existence is all good. Evil has no existence and belongs only to non-existence. The thoughts of Abu al-Hasan al-Ash‘ari can also be said to have caused a kind of mor- al conventionalism. Ash‘arism, unlike Mu‘tazilite thought, claims that the task of revelation is not only to explain moral statements but to impose and determine them. We encounter Neoplatonist point of view in Islamic thought. Avicenna says that evil has no positive existence or reality of its own. Evil is the incomplete real- ization of a good or existence. As maintained by him, evil arises when something does not show the full characteristics of its nature or type. There is no pure evil in the absolute sense. Solutions to the problem of evil do not always resort to the idea that evil is an illusion or an accidental element. According to Mu‘tazila and Ma- turidism, evil actually exists in this world; for conceptions of evil as an illusion or an accidental element do not adequately meet the conditions of being a free agent. According to this understanding, in order for an agent to have free will, it must not have been caused by external factors, e.g. God or the laws of nature.

More...
Relacja między rozumem a moralnością w myśli muzułmańskiej

Relacja między rozumem a moralnością w myśli muzułmańskiej

Author(s): Ahmet Dağ / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2024

In terms of Arabic philology, the concept of reason performs the function of bonding and is a key to terms such as wisdom, goodness, duty, and autonomy. By using the reason in its proper place, morality that regulates the self (nafs) emer- ges. The reason, which is seen as the source of spiritual values, has given human beings the quality of being the subject of trust (amana). In Islamic Wisdom, human beings are distinguished from animals by the characteristics of carrying the Trust and having morality. Morality is not a factual but a spiritual value produced by the self. Thus, having reason also requires being moral. Reason, which is related to both matter and meaning, must move in parallel like a clock with morality, which is related to ideas and deeds. The unity of reason and morality is like the two boat oars that must be pulled in order to navigate the boat at the sea. The disruption of this balance leads to the disruption of the order. Islamic wisdom emphasizes that when this dual plane is well established, order and dynamism arise, and when it is disrupted, chaos and stagnation occur. In this paper, the unity of reason and mor- ality relationship in Islamic wisdom is discussed.

More...
Halku’l-Kur’ân Fikrinin Ebû Hanîfe’yle İrtibatlandırılması Sorunu

Halku’l-Kur’ân Fikrinin Ebû Hanîfe’yle İrtibatlandırılması Sorunu

Author(s): Hakan Atalay / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 54/2024

Various claims are attributed to Abū Ḥanīfa regarding the createdness of the Qurʾān (khalk al- Qurʾān). Some sources claim that he was the first person to put forward this idea, and that he was about to have this idea when he died. Some other sources, on the other hand, state that he never defended this idea and even suggested that it should not be discussed on this issue. While some works attributed to him do not contain any of his views on this subject, some other works attributed to him contain ideas that he distinguished between the meaning and pronunciation and recitation. Another striking point is that there is no reference to Abū Ḥanīfa on this subject in the Hanafī-Māturīdī works written in later periods expressing their views on this theological issue. Thus, while one group among various sectarian formations accused Abū Ḥanīfa of this view and marginalized him, other Hanafī and Sunnī groups, who evaluated him in line with Ahl al-Sunnah wa’l-Jamāah, tried to purify him from this view. In this study, we aim to analyze the views attributed to Abū Ḥanīfa on the issue of the createdness of the Qurʾān from an impartial perspective. Our research, based on the methods of the discipline of the History of Islamic Sects, is based on an approach that evaluates ideas in terms of their relationship to historical context and events, with a perspective that takes into account the development of the idea of khalq al-Qurʾān in the historical process from the time it was put proposed; it was also carried out by taking into account the socio-cultural and sectarian affiliations of the individuals.The fact that the idea of khalq al-Qurʾān was adopted by some Hanafī people during the Miḥna period must have been effective in attributing this idea to him. In this respect, it can be said that the attribution of conflicting narratives to Abū Ḥanīfa regarding this idea largely reflects a retrospective construction activity. Neither the Hanbalī circles, who accuse those who make a distinction between meaning and pronunciation of the Qurʾān by “Lafziyyah” and condemn them as “Jahmī”; nor other figures from the Aṣḥāb al-ḥadīth who adopted this distinction, such as Bukhārī and Ibn Qutayba, said anything about this distinction by Abū Ḥanīfa. This fact leads us to doubt of the claim that this distinction was made by Abū Ḥanīfa. In general, the main point that makes the contradictory claims presented in our article meaningful is that it depicts the struggle between the groups that exclude Abū Ḥanīfa within the Ahl al-Sunnah and those who defend him. On the other hand, mostly Iraqi Hanafīs, who were interested in kalām and were close to the Muʿtazilah, were influential in attributing this idea to Abū Ḥanīfa; on the other hand, the Hanafīs of Māwerāunehr, who displayed an attitude closer to the Ahl al-Hadīth, stood out with their opposition to attributing this idea to him due to their anti-Muʿtazilah attitude.

More...
Muhammed Abdülvehhâb el-Abbâsî. el-Mu‘cemü’ş-şâmil li’l-Medîneti’l- Münevvere

Muhammed Abdülvehhâb el-Abbâsî. el-Mu‘cemü’ş-şâmil li’l-Medîneti’l- Münevvere

Author(s): Abdulkerim Dik / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 50/2024

Review of: Muhammed Abdülvehhâb el-Abbâsî. el-Mu‘cemü’ş-şâmil li’lMedîneti’l-Münevvere. İstanbul: Mektebetü’l-İrşâd, 2023, 6 Cilt, 2203 s. Madinah is important to Muslims as the city where the Prophet spent the last years of his life after migration. Every corner of the town is full of the memories of the Messenger of Allah. For this reason, works written about Medina are indispensable sources for those who want to learn more in-depth information about Islamic history and the life of the Prophet. Muhammad 'Abd alWahhāb al-'Abbāsī's al-Mu'jam al-shāmil li al-Madīnah al-Munawwara can be considered one of the most comprehensive works on Madinah. This work covers, in detail, not only the geographical and historical features of the city but also the life of the Prophet Muhammad in Madinah, his companions, and the city's social structure. The book's maps, drawings, and tables help readers a better understanding and visualizing of Medina. This work is essential for Islamic historians and anyone interested in Madinah. Thanks to the information in the book, we better understand that Madinah was not only a religious center but also had a rich cultural and historical heritage.

More...
Result 61-80 of 740
  • Prev
  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • 4
  • 5
  • ...
  • 35
  • 36
  • 37
  • Next

About

CEEOL is a leading provider of academic eJournals, eBooks and Grey Literature documents in Humanities and Social Sciences from and about Central, East and Southeast Europe. In the rapidly changing digital sphere CEEOL is a reliable source of adjusting expertise trusted by scholars, researchers, publishers, and librarians. CEEOL offers various services to subscribing institutions and their patrons to make access to its content as easy as possible. CEEOL supports publishers to reach new audiences and disseminate the scientific achievements to a broad readership worldwide. Un-affiliated scholars have the possibility to access the repository by creating their personal user account.

Contact Us

Central and Eastern European Online Library GmbH
Basaltstrasse 9
60487 Frankfurt am Main
Germany
Amtsgericht Frankfurt am Main HRB 102056
VAT number: DE300273105
Phone: +49 (0)69-20026820
Email: info@ceeol.com

Connect with CEEOL

  • Join our Facebook page
  • Follow us on Twitter
CEEOL Logo Footer
2025 © CEEOL. ALL Rights Reserved. Privacy Policy | Terms & Conditions of use | Accessibility
ver2.0.428
Toggle Accessibility Mode

Login CEEOL

{{forgottenPasswordMessage.Message}}

Enter your Username (Email) below.

Institutional Login