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At the end of World War II and in the upcoming days a strong wave of repression and revolutionary terror followed in all the countries of Eastern Europe, so as in Yugoslavia and Serbia, through instrumentalization of antifascism for the purpose of eliminating revolution enemies. This terror was only partially motivated by war, "revenge ethos", even personal reasons, which necessarily follow almost all warfares in history. Larger part of this terror represented the first phase of well-planned communist revolution, whose aim was to gradually eliminate its class and political enemies. At first, it was done by liquidations without trials, directed by secret police. Later on, formed political trials, mostly under the accusation of war crimes or some kind of collaboration, took over.
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The article shows the activity and the facts of repressions of the scientific and pedagogical intelligentsia representatives of the Ivanovo region in the 1930-s. The author comes to the conclusion that collecting of «the compromising materials» had been taking place in the region during the studied period; later they served as a basis for falsification of cases against intelligentsia.
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The socialist revolution and the collapse of the USSR in the 20th century affected all spheres of Russian public life, including the usage of language. Today, the use of Russian shows divergent tendencies toward Sovietness and Soviet newspeak (новояз). The linguistic field of Post-Soviet era is standing on the opposite axis, i.e., on the one hand, on the denial of all Sovietness, and on the inheritance and reproduction of Sovietness, on the other. This paper discusses the reflections of Soviet newspeak in the modern Russian language, mainly, in areas such as: 1) the use of Sovietisms as precedent texts, 2) the language of Russian Internet subculture, and 3) the modern Russian political language.
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Review of: Kuzminykh A. L. “Military Captivity and Internment in the USSR (1939–1956)”, by: Suprun M. N.
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The goal of this paper is to investigate the memory of the Holocaust, i.e. the reception and representation of the suffering of the Jewish population during the rule of the Third Reich (under Nazi rule and occupation) in the capitals of the states constituted after the Second World War - in East Berlin, GDR, and Belgrade, SFRY, during the period from 1945 to 1989/1991. Relying on the achievements of memory studies and analyzing the political moods of that time and the ways of constructing official narratives about Jewish suffering in selected post-war Communist countries, the similarities and differences in the policy of representing Jewish suffering in these two countries and the memory of Jewish victims in places of remembrance and in the practices of remembrance in their capitals will be pointed out.
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The concept of the “socialist yugoslavism” was weakening during 1960-ies, in favor of growth of national diversities in Yugoslavia, and stronger demands for wider decentralization. „Речник савременог српскохрватског књижевног језика с језичким саветником“ (Dictionary of Contemporary Serbo-Croatian Literary Language with Language Manual) by Miloš Moskovljević was one of the examples of growing nationalism in Serbia, which was noticeable after the fall of Aleksandar Ranković in 1966, and an example of establishing of nationalistic front among the Serbian intellectuals. Besides, being a manifestation of nationalism, this case shows the mechanisms of censorship and confirms the repressive character of Yugoslav socialist system and practice of the League of Communists of Serbia. This case of proscription also shows the way the printing houses functioned, and the way the Party acted in such incidents. The reconstruction of the case reveals that both in publishing, and in the sphere of culture, and also in politics, there were more accidences and improvisations that it could be expected.
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The paper contains an analysis of Rodoljub Čolaković ‘s views on the conflict between the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Informbiro in 1948. The author discusses the reasons for hesitation and internal breakdowns, and the change in the initial opinion of the first Prime Minister of the People’s Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, the possible reasons why Josip Broz Tito amnestied the most influential Bosnian communist were explained. In this regard, the indications of the existence of ideas about the role of Rodoljub Čolaković after the eventual dismissal of the first man of Yugoslavia and its closest leadership were analyzed. The paper is mainly based on archival documents of the Provincial Committee of the CPY for Bosnia and Herzegovina / Central Committee of the CP of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Colonialist policy of Soviet power in Turkestan and actions aimed at a strong centralization of all branches of power has led to greater dissatisfaction among representatives of local population in ruling bodies of TASR. When Russian communists carried out a policy of oppression and disregard towards the local people, many representatives of local ethnicities in Turkestan began to implement "the ideas of October" among their own people in order to adapt them to the peculiarities of this region. In this regard, the "Muslim Bureau" of the RCP (B), which is composed of such national Communists as Turor Riskulov, Kaygusiz Otaboev, Abdullah Rahimboev, Sanjar Isfandiyarov, Nazir Turakulov, Inomjon Hidiraliev, Sultonbek Hujanov, Nizomiddin Huja and Abdullah Avloniy, played a crucial role. Actions supporters of the idea of the unity of Turkestan - "Muslim Bureau" were accepted with hostility by the Bolsheviks - representatives of new-comer European nations of the region. The chauvinist policy of Soviet authorities to offend national or religious feelings of the local population and interests of the common people led to the fact that, first some local Communists, and then others distrusted the Bolshevik government. As a result, national Communists began to openly oppose the policy of Bolsheviks in the region.
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The article deals with the process of attracting Tuvan women to education as a consequence of political and socio-economic transformations, as a result of the formation of the independent state of the Tuvan People’s Republic in 1921. Amongst the ruling elite and the lamas of the clergy there were 106 literate and 286 illiterate people out of the 52 700 people in the population of the People’s Republic of China, who knew the Mongolian language. The bulk of the Arats could not write and read. National literacy policy was adopted in 1930. The main element of public education was an elementary school with a four-year term of study. There were three types of schools organized: boarding schools, apprenticeship schools and summer schools. Female education was difficult to break in. Former chieftains and lamas intimidated the people by saying that the study of reading and writing is forbidden by Buddhist teachings, causes female sterility and is harmful to pregnant women. Despite this, courses were created to eliminate illiteracy. For example, in 1937 about 16 thousand women received some education. In 1932 women’s literacy was 12 %, in 1938 — 74 %, and 25 women were teachers. The leadership and activities of the Tuvan People’s Revolutionary Party, the Women’s Council, played an important role in eliminating the illiteracy of the population. In the spreading of education, in providing schools with personnel, the USSR rendered great assistance. In general, the period 1921—1944 under Tuvan People’s Republic is characterized by a significant increase in the general educational and professional level of women. The example of Hertec Anchima, one of the first to study and receive education, shows that women’s literacy has become one of the main conditions for their participation in public life, and engaging in solving social and cultural problems, areas of activities that were closest to them.
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The article focuses on the question how the normalization of U.S. –Soviet relations in the beginning of the 1970s influenced the communication between the superpowers. Four main aspects of the dealings between the United States and the Soviet Union are discussed. They are: the negotiations about the status of Berlin and SALT I; the India-Pakistan and Vietnam wars in the context of relations between the two principal powers of the Cold War period. The main conclusion presented is that triangular diplomacy played an effective role in Europe, but a destructive one in Asia.
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This paper analyzes the interpretation of the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in the Romanian historiography of the 1920s – 1940s, as well as in contemporary academic and publicistic literature of Moldova. Special attention has been paid to the problem of how the concept of Transdniestria as a part of the Romanian ethnic territory developed. Furthermore, the understanding of the USSR policy concerning this region by Romanian historians has been investigated. It has been found that today’s Romanian historians rely mainly on the image of the Moldavian ASSR that developed in the historiography of interwar Romania. They have controversial opinions on the Moldavian autonomy. On the one hand, its establishment lived up to the expectations of the residents in this region. On the other hand, they turned out to be placed under the alien power. Romanian authors consider Transdniester Moldovans as an integral part of the Romanian nation, believing that the Soviet experiments in the sphere of culture were meant to distance Moldovans from their Romanian origin. In the political perspective, the Moldavian autonomy is perceived as a platform for spread of communism in the Balkan area, primarily in Romania.
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The movement for reforms in the Russian Church began much earlier than the cataclysms in the state and gathered speed with the council which was convened in 1917–1918 and restored the patriarchy. The strategic aim of the Bolshevik regime was to liquidate the church as an institution by separating it from the state and depriving it of legal status. With state support, a powerful atheist movement was organized. In the 20s the Church faced severe problems such as the expropriation of its valuables when hunger arose, the persecution of the clergy and the faithful, the renovationist and emigrant schisms. In spite of some hesitation and contradiction, it took the historically correct step of officially recognizing the legitimacy of Bolshevik power in 1927. The internal church opposition to this act was expressed in the appearance of a catacomb wing which still exist today.
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У овој студији анализиран je феномен руског “неокомунизма”, тј. интерпретирани су основни идеолошки u теоријски ставови Комунистичке napmuje Руске Федерације.
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The twentieth century is perhaps the most difficult in the history of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church (BOC). The author aims to explain the causes that lead to the tragic for the BOC events of the late 20th century, and the schism, which, unfortunately, still has not been overcome completely. Based on the historical journey, using archive materials, press materials and publications of researchers interested in the problems of the Church, the author comes to the conclusion that in many aspects the situation that currently “dominates” the ranks of the BOC is directly related to the intervention of state structures in the internal affairs of the Church. This becomes especially apparent after Bulgaria overthrows T. Zhivkov’s regime and begins the construction of a new European democratic state. The wrestle with the socialism heritage leads to the fact that BOC and its Hierarchs appear hostages of the struggle for power. The author describes the invaluable help that the Russian Orthodox Church has always given during the difficult times of isolation of the Bulgarian Exarchy, and pays particular attention to the role of Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Alexy I in an important for the Bulgarian Church decisions such as the removal of the “schism” and the restoration of the Patriarchate.
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The article describes the fate of the unique archives of the headquarters of the Russian Squadron, which was located at the port of Bizerte from 1921 to 1924. After evacuating of the Crimea and spending a short time in Constantinople, the Russian military fleet was sent to this distant colonial port, where the squadron existed until France recognized Soviet Russia in October 1924. After the liquidation of the squadron as a separate military unit, archival documents were stored in Bizerte for several years, and in 1935 were transported to the Military-Historical Archive in Toulon. However, only in 1981, after the transfer of the archives for permanent storage to the Historical Service of the French Army in Vincennes, was this documentary collection officially included in the archive. The author raises questions about the creation and description of the collection and analyzes reference materials available for contemporary scholars. Special attention is devoted to an in-depth description of the collections along chronological and thematic principles, including a detailed classification of documents. In addition, the author describes a collection of various French-language sources related to the history of the Russian Squadron, which are stored in various collections of the Defense Historical Division at the Château de Vincennes.
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The article is timed to the 85th anniversary of the common tragedy of the peoples of the USSR — The famine of 1932–1933, as a result of the agrarian policy of the Stalinist leadership of the country. It is devoted to such an important aspect as the grain procurement campaigns in Ukraine in the early 1930s, which became the main cause of this tragedy. The main attention in the article is given to the analysis of the role of Kosior — the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, and the republican leadership of the Ukrainian SSR in the implementation of grain procurement in Ukraine in 1931–1932. Its source base is made up of documents from the Archive of the President of the Russian Federation and other central archives, as well as published sources. In the article for the first time in the domestic historiography, the relationship between the republican leadership of Ukraine and the Center in the person of I.V. Stalin and his closest associates at the peak of the crisis of the grain procurement campaigns in the early 1930s in the Ukrainian SSR and the famine of 1932– 1933. As a result, it is concluded that in explaining the circumstances of the tragedy of 1932–1933, in Ukraine, it is necessary to take into account the subjective factor: the actions of the local republican leadership, primarily S.V. Kosior, during the grain procurement of 1931–1932. They exacerbated their negative consequences for the fate of the millions of inhabitants of Soviet Ukraine. This conclusion does not call into question the decisive role of Stalin’s leadership and Stalin personally in organizing the great tragedy of the peoples of the USSR in 1932–1933, both in Ukraine and in other regions of the country.
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The paper contains an analysis of the views of the member of the Local Committee of the CPY Sarajevo, Juraj Marek, regarding the conflict with the Informbiro 1948. The author considers factors that influenced his exclusion from the Party, arrest, and his holding and behavior in prison. It is a review of the attitude of the government towards the one who changed his political will, Juraj Marek, after normalizing relations with the Soviet Union. The work is mainly based on the archive documents of the Provincial Committee of the CPY for Bosnia and Herzegovina / Central Committee of the CP of Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e. the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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