‘Censorable’ Structures in W. S. Maugham's Novels - Linguistic and Cultural Elements

Author(s): Ana-Maria Pâcleanu / Language(s): English Issue: 01+02/2014

Communist censorship stigmatised the Romanian cultural life in general, literature in particular. Rejecting and banning anything related to fascism, mysticism, chauvinism, religion, anything demoralising or sentimental, confusion causing or hostile to the regime was common practice. W. S. Maugham’s novels contain many of the historic, cultural and social elements the regime intended to keep people away from. Therefore, some of the translations of his novels (into Romanian) were banned and other versions were published later. The Razor’s Edge and The Painted Veil are two of the censored novels and the present paper deals with these aforementioned aspects from the linguistic point of view, by considering also the translation issues.

‘Optimism against all odds’: Polish National Identity in Jerzy Passendorfer’s War Films

Author(s): Mikołaj Kunicki / Language(s): English Issue: 49/2017

Using archival sources, movie reviews, secondary sources and films, this article examines the cinema of Jerzy Passendorfer, the founding father of action movies genre in People’s Poland, but also the staunch supporter of Władysław Gomułka’s ‘Polish road to Socialism’ and General Mieczysław Moczar’s ultranationalist faction of the Partisans in the Polish United Workers’ Party. It demonstrates how Passendorfer’s blend of mainstream cinema and propaganda legitimized the party state and contributed to the construction of a new ethos, identity, and politics of history that enforced historical amnesia and syncretized past and present. It also argues that Passendorfer’s promotion of nationalist and authoritarian state ideology, militaristic patriotism and Polish-Soviet alliance, commissioned by the regime, sat well with mass audiences, precisely because of the use of popular genres adopted from the West and the quench for optimistic visions of nationhood. Although Passendorfer’s patriotic actions flicks faded away with the fall of Gomułka’s regime, they constitute a model, which can be still emulated.

„Wojskowy Przegląd Prawniczy” i jego rola w wojskowym wymiarze sprawiedliwości w latach 1945—1956

Author(s): Marta Paszek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 14/2021

After World War II, in 1945, the Military Legal Review — a law journal known and valued before 1939 — was reactivated. The reactivated quarterly was one of the many tools which the communist regime used for ideological struggle. The journal promoted a new, revolutionary approach to the theory of law and the practice of jurisprudence. The content of the publications in the Military Legal Review was addressed not only to military lawyers, but also to military commanders and representatives of the communist political apparatus. The journal propagated the “proper” worldview in the readers, one that was consistent with the party line.

„Żydokomuna” w aparacie władzy „Polski Ludowej”. Mit czy rzeczywistość?

Author(s): Mirosław Szumiło / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2018

The quantitative and qualitative participation of communist Jews in the power apparatus of “People’s Poland” was exceptionally large, and in some segments (the central party apparatus, secret police, propaganda) even dominating. Jewish minority enjoyed autonomy and relative privileges in Poland. It was in fact a mapping of the situation from the Soviet Union of the twenties. The purpose of this article is to summarise the results of research on the involvement of Jews in the apparatus of communist authorities in Poland so far, based on scientific and source publications, and partly the author’s own research in this area. The article reminds us of the myth of “Judeo-Communism” (żydokomuna) in the power apparatus of “People’s Poland”, where it came from and what was its influence on anti-Semitic attitudes in Polish society. Next, the number and influence of Jews in the structures of the communist authorities in the Stalinist period and in the times of Gomułka is characterised with particular emphasis on the security apparatus. It also looks into the reasons for such involvement of Jewish on the communist side and their promotion in the power apparatus, and the problem of their national identity. The article is an attempt to verify the myth, i.e. to determine how much it coincided with reality.

„Żywe głosy, żywe losy”1 . Demokratyzacja historii w reportażach Swietłany Aleksijewicz i Małgorzaty Rejmer

Author(s): Anna Karonta / Language(s): Polish Issue: 49/2021

The article analyzes the causative, emancipatory potential of the journalistic essay of testimony, which goes beyond its reporting function to become a new form of liberating the voices of the victims of communist regimes and “remémoration” of the past. Svetlana Alexievich’s Secondhand Time: The Last of the Soviets and Małgorzata Rejmer’s Mud Sweeter than Honey. Voices from Communist Albania generate a space for reckoning with the undemocratic past which makes it possible: to (re)interpret history and regain the experience of its participants, to face up to historical trauma, as well as to restore the identity of the subdued. The discussed essays question the objectivity of history, a homogeneous vision of the past, and thus open historical events up to constant reinterpretation.

„Не може се више поновити 1948. година!“ Југославија и италијански комунисти и социјалисти 1957–1962.

Author(s): Saša Mišić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2022

The paper presents an analysis of relations between Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at a time when relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those Italian parties.

„Румънският Сибир“ в травматичните спомени на българите католици от Банат

Author(s): Marinela Mladenova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2022

The article presents some personal experiences and memories related to the deportation of Banat Bulgarian Catholics (1951-1956) in the open labor camp Baragan, Romania. These processes are related to the plans of the communist regime in Romania to deport, following the Soviet model of deportation, people living within a radius of 25 km along the border with Yugoslavia. This area is inhabited by different ethnic groups – Germans, Serbs, Bulgarians, Jews, Vlachs from Macedonia, Romanians, etc., considered "high risk factors". The publication is based on the memories of Rafael Mirchov, deported with his family when he was only 10 years old from the Banat Bulgarian village Star Beshenov to Baragan.

„СВЕДОЧЕЊЕ ГОЛООТОЧКЕ ЗАТВОРЕНИЦЕ СМИЉЕ ФИЛИПЧЕВ И УТИЦАЈ КОМУНИСТИЧКЕ ИДЕОЛОГИЈЕ НА ЖИВОТ И СТРАДАЊЕ ЈЕДНЕ ПОРОДИЦЕ”

Author(s): Gordana Zalad / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 77/2022

In this paper, we have analysed the authentic testimony of Goli otok prisoner Smilja Filipčev. We interviewed Smilja during multiple encounters from 2011 to 2013. Our second source for this paper was her short book Open Door to Life. Chronicle of a Family. We had chosen Smilja Filipčevʼs testimony because her suffering was a precedent since it had been extended through most of her life. At the time of the Resolution of Informbureau in 1948, all members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had to opt for or against the Resolution. On the party meeting, Smilja said that members of the Party should attend the meeting in Bucharest and defend the Partyʼs stance. Those words were her verdict which affected not only her life, but also the life of her entire family. The sufferings of Smilja Filipčev and her family had begun during the Second World War, had its peak during the Resolution of Informbureau 1948 – 1956 and its concentration camps and they even stretched into the period after her internment.Our main hypothesis was that the most loyal Communists who uncompromisingly believed in their idols of the equality and truth were being most heavily punished in the camps for re-education of convicts. We have shown and proved our hypoth- esis with the life experience of Smilja Filipčev and her family. We selected Smilja because her life had been full of sufferings and because she was willing to talk about it – other women victims we had met were not. We had not found the official evidence of torture and maltreatment done by investigators, managers or revised women prisoners in the prisons and camps, and that fact was the main reason for writing this paper. Everything Smilja said during our encounters and interviews and wrote in her book represents an authentic document worth of our attention.

ІСТОРИЧНІ ЕТАПИ НАУКОВИХ ДОСЛІДЖЕНЬ КАФЕДРИ МІКРОБІОЛОГІЇ ТА ВІРУСОЛОГІЇ БУКОВИНСЬКОГО ДЕРЖАВНОГО МЕДИЧНОГО УНІВЕРСИТЕТУ

Author(s): Volodymyr Bendas,Sviyatoslav Dejneka / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 4/2017

The aim of study: inform the wide of medical workers with major studies of scientific researches of the department of microbiology and virology. Methods of investigation: historical, biographic and systematic analysis. Scientific novelty: Since 1965, the department is working on a single research problem: "The study of antimicrobial activity of quaternary ammonium compounds and other new chemotherapeutic drugs." There have been studied various quaternary nitrogen compounds, phosphonium derivatives, azomethines, salts of quinaldynium and others. The results of the research were a study and implementation in public health in practice of new antimicrobial drug - decamethoxinum, derived quaternary ammonium compounds (H.K.Paliy, H.A.Troyan, K.I.Tyschenko). In the department there were investigated antibacterial (Patratiy V.K., Prodanchuk M.G.,, Burdeynyuk I.P., Dejneka S.E.), antifungals (Sinchenko V.G.) and antiviral (Patratiy V.K., Prodanchuk M.G.) properties of quaternary ammonium and phosphonium compounds, modified azole heterocyclic compounds: imidazole, selenazole, oxazole, thiazole; quinoline, quinoxalines, acetonitriles, pyroles, complexes of polycyclic condensed systems, furan derivatives, silicon organic compounds and many others. Сonclusions. The article describes a brief historical development of the department. Major stages of scientific researches since the formation of the department till nowadays were analyzed.

ЈНА на искушењима 60-их година прошлог века

Author(s): Mile Bjelajac / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The situation in which the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA) found itself at the time of the events in Czechoslovakia in 1968 was the consequence of turbulences which had previously been rocking the political leadership, the Communist Party and the Army itself. Life outside of the Army was marked by the economic reform in two phases (1958 and 1965), crisis in the relations between the Yugoslav republics, malfunctioning of political bodies and federal institutions, as was noted on the secret session in March 1962, as well as by Tito’s inconsistency in domestic and foreign policies, further dismantling of the central authority and strengthening of the power of the republics, i.e. of etatism of the republics, all of which affected discussions about the defence concept. The Brioni Plenum in 1966, student demonstrations in 1968, demonstrations and violence of Albanians in Kosovo and Macedonia in 1968, rise of nationalism in Slovenia and Croatia only served to make the situation in which the YPA found itself, more difficult. Within the Army itself, after the one-sided cessation of the US military aid program (1958), the new doctrine was introduced – Strategy of Total People’s War, coupled with the changes in formation, that would continuously be upgraded. Although the new doctrine foresaw the combination of frontal and guerrilla warfare, the conflicts insured as to its details. There was a pressure that as much rights and duties in the defence system be allotted to the republics. A group of generals demanded that „self-management” be also introduced in the YPA. Tito, who was the supreme authority in Army matters, didn’t want to give up the unity and to allow anyone to interfere with his leadership. Because of that he had confl icts with the highest Party and political leaders. However, he too was inconsequential when it came to the highest cadres. Because of his resistance to deposition of Ranković, Tito dropped Gošnjak and replaced him with a new minister (1967). All that was coupled with smaller or larger purges of the generals’ corps (only in 1968, 38 generals and 2.400 officers were relieved of their posts). Tito was also the initiator of the new rapprochement and full cooperation with the USSR and the Warsaw Pact (natural hinterland). All modern and heavy weapons started to be obtained from that side, from 1961 onwards. The assessment of the Berlin and Cuban crisis, and particularly the crisis in the Mediterranean and the war in the Middle-East in 1967 certainly contributed to such approach. The Soviets and the Yugoslavs found themselves on the same side then, supporting Arab nations. Tito judged that the main potential threat to Yugoslavia was – the West. During 1960s it became obvious that the YPA, its partisan elite, started to be eroded by nationalism. This caused anxiety with the pro-Yugoslav cadre. This conflict would remain a staple characteristic of this army until its demise in 1992. The consequences of the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Warsaw Pact were manifold for the YPA, but also for the country as a whole. Strictly militarily and strategically, all further assessments would recon with the possibility of attack from any side, and war-plans and other measures would be adjusted accordingly. Technical modernization of the Army and further development of the military- -industrial complex gained priority. Having analyzed shortcomings of mobilization activities, comprehensive measures were undertaken in order to improve the situation. The Air-Force and Anti-Aircraft Defence, apart from strengthening capacities for defence from the ground, realized a system of underground airfields and shelters must be adopted, as well as putting the whole territory under radar control. After the political critique of the Army in autumn 1968, it was speedily decided that Central Committees of the republics take defence affairs into their own hands, that general-staffs in the republics be activated, that military staffs were to be founded in municipalities, as well as units and battalions armed with light modern weapons, to secure the communication system and to determine precisely the role of radio and smaller radio stations in case of war. It was believed, with all these measures, the technocratic organization of the Army could be overcome. A new Bill on National Defence was railroaded through the Parliament. Thisopened permanently the question of sovereign command competence and use of the armed forces in Yugoslavia. During the constitutional changes (1969-1974) the wish of some republics was perceptible to gain as much rights in the defence sphere and in managing of the Territorial Defence. The assessment of the student demonstrations in 1968 wasn’t unanimous within the then military top brass. To be precise, it was radically diverging. The question if a socialist army may intervene in internal political situation was raised then. Tito wanted the Army to concentrate on watching the borders and not doing anything without his explicit approval. However, the events in Kosovo and Macedonia (1968) with demonstrations and elements of rebellion of the Albanians, as well as the escalation of the „Mass Movement” in Croatia, soon convinced also the professed „liberals” among generals that the Army must react in certain situations when public order and the unity of the country are endangered.

Југославија и уједињавање Западне Европе 1950–1958.

Author(s): Nikola Mijatov / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2016

The paper analyzes the position of Yugoslavia towards the process of uniϐication of Western Europe, through the formation of the European Economic Community, as well as the perception of Yugoslavia itself in this process, mainly through its relations with the European socialist. On the one hand, attitudes of European socialists, signiϐicant for the process of integration, are being analyzed, while on the other, the attitudes of the Yugoslav government towards this phenomenon. Adding to this, the signiϐicance attributed to the forming of institutions of European integrations in the diplomatic reports is also perceived.

Југославија, СССР и источноевропске земље 1944–1948.

Author(s): Slobodan Selinić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Between the end of WWII and the conflict of Yugoslavia with the Informbuerau power was grabbed by the Communists in all East European countries. During that period of time, Yugoslavia established good relations with all these countries, concluding treaties on friendship with them. However, the place of all these countries in the Yugoslav foreign policy was by no means the same. The relations were best with USSR, Czechoslovakia and Poland, Slavonic countries and wartime allies. Great efforts were made to establish as close ties as possible with Albania, i.e. to exercise as great Yugoslav influence in that country as possible, as well as to convert Bulgaria’s status of a defeated foe into that of an ally and a friend. Good relations were most difficult to establish with Hungary where „reactionary” forces were strong and with Romania with which many opened questions existed and where Communists were weak. In keeping with the place these countries had in Yugoslav foreign policy, treaties of friendship were signed with them: the one with USSR on April 11, 1945, with Poland on March 18, 1946, with Czechoslovakia on May 9, 1946, with Albania on July 9, 1946, with Bulgaria on November 27, 1947, with Hungary on December 8, 1947, and with Romania on December 19, 1947. Cooperation with these countries meant national affirmation for Yugoslavia, strengthening of its position, security in case of renewed German aggression, an expression of Slavic solidarity, a form of siding with USSR in Cold War divisions etc. Everyday propaganda of Soviet models in Yugoslav public also served foreign policy goals, as well as the endeavor to develop as rich cultural exchange as possible with these countries, particularly Slavic ones. For this reason Yugoslav cooperation with East European countries was marked by mutual visits of writers, scientists and sportsmen, exchange of films, mutual artistic propaganda, but political one as well, in the form of exhibitions etc. In that context, particularly important were societies for cooperation between Yugoslavia and East European countries, founded in Yugoslavia and in those countries. The societies had as their goal to contribute to all-encompassing mutual knowledge and cooperation of these peoples. In Yugoslavia they were completely serving the foreign policy goals of the government and the Communist Party.

Југословени о сиромаштву 1964. Трагом једног документа

Author(s): Ivana Dobrivojević Tomić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2016

Југословенски комунисти и српско питање у народнофронтовској фази (1935–1941)

Author(s): Dušan Vojković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Nationality policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia during the inter-war period was, among other things, marked by numerous dilemmas and frictions among the Yugoslav communists, inconsistency in implementing decisions of the Party leadership, by frequent changes in treatment of various Yugoslav peoples and national minorities, misunderstanding and diverging from the official Commintern line. In the process of building the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the Yugoslav communists first saw national liberation of the single people „with three tribes“, i.e. „with three names“. However, under strong pressure from Moscow in early 1920s the idea of ethnic originality of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was adopted. The Macedonian question was opened in 1922, whereas the right to self-determination was recognized to the Montenegrin population in 1928. The relation of the Yugoslav communists toward the Serbian people and Serbia during the first years of the Popular Front (1935– 1938) was based on the views the Commintern and the CPY had previously adopted that saw the Yugoslav state as the creation of the Versailles Peace Treaty and called for toppling of the „greater Serbian military-fascist dictatorship“. The CPY rhetoric branded the Serbian people the strongest hegemonistic element in the country that oppressed and exploited other peoples and national minorities. Since March 1938, parallel with the enlargement of German borders, the Party leadership worked more actively for preservation of the territorial integrity of the Yugoslav community. At the same time, almost all problems that could further endanger the already chipped state unity were pushed to the back burner. During this period (1938– 1941) somewhat milder attitude toward the Serbs and Serbia prevailed within the CPY. On the other hand, the official Party documents testify that deep ingrained stereotypes of two decades before died hard. The Serbian question was not definitively solved during the inter-war period. Also, the leadership of the CPY tacitly refused to define the territory of Serbia and the rights of the Serbian people.

Југословенско-италијански односи и чехословачка криза 1968. године

Author(s): Biljana Mišić Ilić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The crisis in Czechoslovakia greatly influenced the development of political and economic relations between Yugoslavia and Italy. Yugoslavia’s disagreement with the policy of the USSR and her condemnation of the military intervention removed any doubt as to the independence of her foreign policy and spurred Italy to change her policy toward the official Belgrade which had hitherto been marked by reserve and distrust. Furthermore, Italy started regarding her relations with Yugoslavia from the point of view of her own security. This opened the way for improvement of relations between the two countries, so that Italy and Yugoslavia tried to demonstrate by a number of activities, the policy of goodneighborly relations and cooperation. After the August events in Czechoslovakia and the danger the USSR could militarily intervene in Yugoslavia too, Italy started lending support to the official Belgrade through numerous public and secret statements of her state officials. At the same time, she launched initiatives to solve unsolved questions in bilateral relations, such as drawing the definitive borderline. In the field of economy she tried to help Yugoslavia in her negotiations with the European Economic Community concerning export of some Yugoslav commodities to the countries, members of the Community. The new course of Italian policy was welcomed in Yugoslavia, due to the importance of this country for the Yugoslav state. Therefore the official Belgrade tried to use the propitious attitude of Italy to solve numerous matters concerning bilateral relations, particularly those from the sphere of economy.

ЧЁРНАЯ «ВОЛГА» И ГОЛЫЕ НЕГРИТЯНКИ: СОВРЕМЕННЫЕ МИФЫ, ГОРОДСКИЕ ЛЕГЕНДЫ И СЛУХИ О ВРЕМЕНАХ ПОЛЬСКОЙ НАРОДНОЙ РЕСПУБЛИКИ

Author(s): Zuzanna Grębecka / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2013

Каждый польский ребёнок слышал о «чёрной “Волге”». Якобы именно на этом автомобиле, ездили то ли ксёндзы, то ли монашки, то ли сотрудники госбезопасности, или даже высокопоставленные советские чиновники, которые, соблазнив детей конфетами, похищали их и убивали [21, с. 312-313]. Возможно, здесь проявляется отголосок «легенд о крови» — рассказов о хищениях и убийствах христианских детей, якобы совершаемых евреями, которые затем использовали кровь для приготовления мацы [24]. Байки о «чёрной “Волге”» — один из самых популярных современных нарративов, называемых городскими легендами. Впрочем, в области терминологии современного фольклора царит хаос, отражающий, на мой взгляд, существующие дефиниционные проблемы. Дионизиуш Чубала, главный польский исследователь этого явления, пишет: «В своей работе я употребляю множество терминов. Я говорю: “сплетня”, “слух”, “сенсация”, “новость”, “городская легенда”, “современный миф”. Ранее Дорота Симонидес пользовалась терминами: “рассказ из жизни”, “невероятная история”, “ужасная история”, “вампирическая”, а Чеслав Хернас употреблял словосочетание “легенда факта”. Этот номенклатурный плюрализм указывает на некоторую нашу терминологическую беспомощность, одновременно доказывая необ- ходимость срочного уточнения отдельных понятий» [6, 32]. Также и в английском языке нет в этом плане терминологического единогласия: самые часто употребляемые определения — это «urban legend», «modern legend», «contemporary legend», «rumor legend», «modern myth», «rumor», «gossip». По моему мнению, самая важная опознавательная черта рассказов данного типа — это способ отсылки к их подлинности.

Читалищното образование на етническите малцинства в България 1944 – 1956

Author(s): Penka Tzoneva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2018

The research is historical and pedagogical of its kind; it seeks sources and aims to differentiate major trends in the development of the library education of the ethnical minorities in Bulgaria over the period 1944 – 1956. It is a first attempt for researching the contents and the forms of library education of ethnical minorities within a certain period of history. It is completely based on historical sources and enactments. The extracted positive practices and approaches are valuable experience of the contemporary education policy on integration and desegregation of ethnical minorities in one of the types of the extra-school, informal education – the library education which is inseparably involved in the Bulgarian education tradition with its 160-year history.

ШИПТАРСКИ ОРУЖАНИ ИЗАЗОВ КОМУНИСТИЧКИМ ВЛАСТИМА У ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ 1945-1950

Author(s): Bojan B. Dimitrijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2002

The work, divided in 2 parts, documents the challenge of the Albanian uprising in the spring of 1945, which was a reaction to the attempt of new communist authorities to carry out the mobilization and move the Albanians, mostly part of fascistic forces until then, to the front. One part of this segment tells about the efforts of new authorities to eliminate part of latent threat of the new Albanian national movement through the recruitment to army orders. In the second part, it is given the survey of activities in which the Albanian armed guerrilla and its political movement moved until the beginning of the 1950s, when the action ceased due to the foreign policy changes in the region.

Щрихи от идеологическата цензура в областта на музикалното творчество в България (1945 – 1959). Мрежата от музикални институции

Author(s): Angelina Petrova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 9/2018

These musings have to do with the suppression of certain processes related to the New music, in the legitimately regulated space of “official” culture, all part of the history of Communist era music administration and government. Main “heroes” of this study are the Committee for Science, Art and Culture (CSAC) and the Union of Composers, Musicologists and Concert Artists (UCMCA) renamed Union of Bulgarian Composers (UBC) in 1954. The authors, initially exposed to a “sharp critique”, are the first ones that turn modern art into a new, enclosed territory, also in the field of Bulgarian music. The emerging twelve-tone composition poetics is alien to the spirit of the “cultural flourishing” of social realism. It is an important subject not only to said organizations, that actually represent the censure. It is an important “subject”, provoking power and territorial claims of art. In addition to the official reactions towards twelve-tone music representatives as an object of censure, we must also add reactions to the music of Dimitar Nenov, partially Marin Goleminov and Boyan Ikonomov. After 1952, in party and official documents, including those of CSAC and UCMCA, two areas are outlined distinctly: social realism and “hostile” formalism. The entire power apparatus (CSAC, UCMCA, music institution government, professional committees attached to them, party organizations) persecute formalism. This change, which turns UCMCA and CSAC) into a “administrative network” structure, a unified mechanism, comes out as a result of a radical move. This is the change of the bylines of the Art Union in 1952; its work gets reorganized. The objects most discussed, as being an alien formalist art, leading do decisions of censure, are the works of Konstantin Iliev (First and Second Symphony) and Lazar Nikolov (Concerto for Orchestra, First Symphony and Violin Concerto). The “critics’” and “self-critics’” scenarios acquire a unique nuance in discussion of Bulgarian music. “Self-critique” even appears as an official feature, i.e., it is a natural continuation of totalitarian devices used to affirm social realism. On the other hand, various composers like Marin Goleminov and Boyan Ikonomov resent accusations of unreliability. As a highest form of resistance we must note the “refusal to self-criticize” of composers like Konstantin Iliev and Lazar Nikolov. This type of behavior bears witness to the authenticity of their protest.

ЭКЗОГЕННЫЕ И ЭНДОГЕННЫЕ ФАКТОРЫ РЕГЕНЕРАЦИИ ИНДУСТРИАЛЬНЫХ МОНОГОРОДОВ

Author(s): Aleksandr Evgenievich Levintov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2014

The article analyses the peculiarities of the city space formation in Russia. The problems of monoprofile towns creation in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union are stressed. The author offers the typology of Russian cities. The article also outlines certain aspects of economic and socio-demographic problems arisen as a result of the authorities’ hasty policy. Besides the negative facts statement the author offers the possible ways of the issues tackling.