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Iako je Drugi svjetski rat, pun užasa i do tada nezamislivih zločina, službeno počeo 1.9.1939. na dan kad je Njemačka napala Poljsku, mi ga računamo od 6. aprila 1941. i napada na Jugoslaviju. No, on je zapravo počeo par dana ranije, odnosno 27. marta 1941., kad je nakon masovnih beogradskih demonstracija koje su se proširile po zemlji, izvršen vojni udar u kojem su s vlasti srušeni potpisnici Trojnog pakta. Taj izazov je za Hitlera bio previše, zbog čega je unatoč nastojanjima nove vlade da to spriječi, odlučio napasti i Jugoslaviju. Čitav niz knjiga je napisan o 27. martu, o ulozi britanskih tajnih službi u čitavoj priči, o tome u kolikoj mjeri su komunisti obilježili demonstracije, što je bila službena istina u SFRJ i o raznim zakulisnim igrama.
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Ovaj Zbornik radova je rezultat konferencije koju je Institut za istoriju u Sarajevu organizirao 12. i 13. maja 2005. povodom 60 godina od završetka Drugogsvjetskog rata. Smatrali smo da je šezdeset godina od završetka Drugog svjetskog rata prilika da se o tome događaju povede naučna rasprava iz perspektive onoga što je slijedilo u kasnijem povijesnom razdoblju.
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Regimul comunist a demonstrat ca Republica Moldova e vulnerabila, nu are instituţii solide ale societăţii civile, presă liberă, partide stabile (lideri de partid fără convingeri susţinute sau corupţi). La 5 aprilie 2009, acest regim printr-o serie de falsificări a încercat să anuleze toate principiile democratice, însă a primit o ripostă din partea societăţii, în special a tinerilor care nu au acceptat să fie umiliţi. Tinerii din Republica Moldova au ieşit pe străzile Chişinăului pentru a protesta împotriva rezultatelor alegerilor parlamentare, care le asigurau comuniştilor încă patru ani la conducerea Republicii Moldova. După publicarea primelor rezultate oficiale de către Comisia Electorală Centrală, reprezentanţi ai societăţii civile (Asociaţia Obştească „Hyde Park” şi Think Moldova) au declarat ziua de 6 aprilie drept „Ziuă Naţională de Doliu” şi au chemat pe cei interesaţi să se adune pentru a aprinde lumânări în acest sens. Tinerii sau mobilizat prin intermediul reţelelor de socializare din internet (deoarece mass-media era controlată aproape în totalitate de regimul comunist) („Dacă nu ai votat pentru PCRM - ia o lumânare şi ieşi în stradă!!! Ne vedem la orele 18.00, la monumental lui Ştefan cel Mare!”). La orele 18:00, peste 10 mii de tineri, cu pancarte şi lumânări în mâini, strigau în centrul capitalei “Jos Comuniştii”, “Alegeri fraudate”, “Vot repetat!”, "Luptăm, rezist, sunt anticomunist", "Comuniştii la gunoi", "Libertate", „Alegeri repetate”, „Jos dictatura” sau „Nu fraudării alegerilor”. Liderii partidelor de opoziţie (PLDM, PL şi AMN) susţineau că alegerile au fost fraudate, cerând organizarea unui nou scrutin.
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At the end of the 19th century and in the first years of the 20th century, as it has already been presented in my studies, the socialist movement was at a critical point. Some socialist intellectuals left PSDMR and joined the “Sincere Liberal Faction”, united with the National Liberal Party. Other socialists came closer to the actions of the Russian socialists that had, in Romania, connections as Constantin Dobrogeanu Gherea, Christian Rakovski and other political activists. The Social Democratic Party from Romania, during the last stage of the World War I, divided between the socialists and the communist followers after the Russian Revolution of February 1917 and the Counterrevolution of October 1917, when the radicals, “the reds” or Bolsheviks seized the power having V.I. Lenin and Lev Trotsky as main leaders. In January 1918, Romania and the Soviet Russia ended the diplomatic relations and a lot of Bolsheviks from Bessarabia entered in Romania. There were some strikes, as that in December 1918 (workers in printing industry). In the summer of 1919, Romanian Army had destroyed the Bolshevik Republic from Budapest, led by Bela Kun, a Bolshevik agent, preventing the communism to get positions in Central and Western Europe. In 1919, the communist uprising of Spartakist Movement in Germany was defeated. In Romania, a group of communists, many of them with other origins (Ukrainian, Polish, Bulgarian, Jew, Hungarian) put the bases of the Communist Party from Romania (PCdR) founded in Bucharest on May 8th 1921. Because of its anti-Romanian attitude, PCdR was declared illegal in April 1924, being in this situation until August 23 1944. In this article we will try to present the activity between 1921 and 1924 because, later, even the communist government of Romania, tried to minimize the importance of the “illegal activity”, because of the assumed Soviet political line.
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Ovaj rad govori o Husinskoj buni kao najvećem radničkom i socijalnom buntu bh. radništva. Bio je to štrajk i oružani otpor rudara rudnika uglja ''Kreka'' zbog Vladinog kršenja sporazuma o visini rudarskih nadnica. Učešće u ovoj buni uzelo je preko sedam hiljada radnika, a glavni organizator bila je tada još legalna Komunistička partija preko Saveza rudara na čijem se čelu nalazio istaknuti predratni tuzlanski radnički i sindikalni aktivista MitarTrifunović Učo. Zbog represalija monarhističke vlasti koje su prethodile generalnom štrajku rudara od 21. do 28. decembra 1920. godine, 300 rudara je iseljeno iz tuzlanske četvrti Kreka, te su se povukli sa štrajkačkim odborom u tuzlansko prigradsko naselje Husino. Njihov otpor je u krvi ugušen i to osam dana nakon pobune. Svi učesnici su pohapšeni, njih 350. U optužnici, koja je uslijedila godinu dana kasnije, jedan od glavnih aktera pobune, husinski rudar Jure Kerošević, optužen za ubistvo žandara, osuđen je na smrt vješanjem, a ostali učesnici bune na dugogodišnje zatvorske kazne. Protiv ovog suđenja i optužnice prema Keroševiću, u tadašnjoj Kraljevini SHS ali i u inostranstvu, vođena je velika akcija radničke solidarnosti, pa su monarhističke vlasti bile prinuđene da smrtnu kaznu Juri Keroševiću preimenuju na 20 godina teške robije. Cilj ovog rada je da u kraćim crtama prikaže društveni ambijent prvih godina nove države Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca nakon kraja Prvog svjetskog rata, ekonomsku situaciju u zemlji, uzroke, tok i završetak Husinske bune, te posljedice koje je ona ostavila na istoriju radničke klase ina istorijska zbivanja uopšte u Tuzli i BiH.
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Anniversaries dedicated to historical events from Romania’s history were a regular phenomenon during the years Nicolae Ceaușescu was in power. This was a particularity due to the fact that the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) wanted to gain national legitimacy, which it lacked due to its seizing of power with Soviet aid. One of these celebrated events was the 375 years anniversary of the Unification of 1600, which took place in 1975. It was organized due to the fact that the Communist regime deemed Michael the Brave as the most important figure of its cult of heroes. He gained such an image because of his accomplishment of national unification. This accomplishment was in line with party policy, which promoted the “national unity myth” which stated that throughout history, the Romanians from Wallachia, Moldavia and Transylvania were aware that they were the same people and their struggle against foreign invaders was done in the name of national independence. Therefore, PCR stressed the importance of “honoring the memory of the ancestors” as a component of its policy. The aim of this paper is to present the historical discourse used by preeminent historians in the papers published on the occasion of the anniversary. We shall observe how some historians presented the Unification using a term that didn’t toe with the party line. Their interpretations of this historical event were somewhat different from the official canon. We shall also present the event’s celebration from May 20th 1975, when a gathering took place at Alba Iulia in honor of the Unification and of the city’s 2000 years anniversary. Thus, we shall see what the party’s predominantly biased perspective stated. Consequently, we shall have a better picture of how it differed from the one used by historians.
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Long-term imprisonment involving forced labor in mines under inhumane and degrading conditions was one way of getting rid of “class enemies” without attracting too much attention to the Czechoslovak Communist regime.
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In 1968 the Csemadok (Cultural Society of Ethnic Hungarians in Slovakia) became the main representative of the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia although it was established in 1949. The Csemadok wanted to arrange the status of the ethnic minorities by self-determination or rather cultural autonomy. But the promising reform process was over due to the occupation of Czechoslovakia by the armies of five socialist states. The rearrangement led by Gustáv Husák pulled off its mask and blocked the political movement of the ethnic minorities before 1989. I researched the documents of Csemadok and I made oral history interviews. My aim was to study the elite of Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia between 1949 and 1989, with special regard to 1968.
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The article analyzes the failed assassination attempt by the Yugoslav communist security service on Croatian émigré Berislav Đuro Deželić and his family in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1965. The unofficial position of the Yugoslav communist regime was that only those political opponents who engaged in violent anti-Yugoslav actions were killed abroad. Based on the documents of the Yugoslav Security Service, it is proven that Deželić was not involved in such activities, but that the Yugoslav regime tried to kill him for exclusively non-violent political work.
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The study refers to a case still little known in Romania’s contemporary history: the arrest of foreign diplomats in Bucharest in order to ensure the economic and commercial advantages for the Communist regime. It’s about Eraldo Pintori, an official at the Italian Legation in Bucharest, kidnapped, arrested, prosecuted and imprisoned by the Bucharest regime in order to negotiate with Italy the ownership of the largest Romanian building abroad - the Accademia di Romania in Rome and obtaining financial and commercial facilities based on the blackmail made with delaying the release of Pintori. It is a serious and obvious case of harm to human dignity in which the political unites with the religious, Pintori being condemned in the „Process against Vatican Spies”.
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The paper reveals considerable hitherto unknown biographical detail on Romanian-born Mîndru Katz, a pianist with a prominent international career in the 1960s and the 1970s. Choosing not to return to Romania and resisting the apparently generous offers of the Securitate (the Romanian Secret Police), he became a nonperson in the country where he was born and where he received his musical education. Having risen to fame in the free world, he moved to Israel to be reunited with his family. The paper also presents some of the methods used by the Securitate to keep all people, irrespective of their social or professional backgrounds, under control, and shows how their interference in Mîndru Katz’s life changed his destiny. Though Katz died forty years ago, his piano playing is still highly rated by connoisseurs.
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Review of : Cristina Modreanu, Teatrul ca rezistență. Oameni de teatru în arhivele Securității, Polirom, Iași, 2022, 288 p.
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Berend T. Iván és a párttörténetírás a hatvanas évek közepén
In the post-1956 years, when the socialist era first became a subject matter of national historiography, the study of the party’s past by the officially established party history collective at the MSZMP (Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party) was complemented by researchers from other historical institutions, for example by economic historian Iván T. Berend.Berend’s first work in this field, Economic Policy at the Start of the First Five-Year Plan 1948–1950, published in 1964, was a turning point in his career as a historian. The analysis of the book’s content and reception, as well as the context in which it was written shows that it also functioned as a thesis on party history proper. From the perspective of analysing historical economic processes Berend was able to formulate at times ideologically sensitive observations concerning the party, thus the book became something of a critical party history. The subsequent debate between Berend and economic politician István Friss concerning the monograph made some genre characteristics of party history as a fusion of ideology and academic discourse marked and palpable.With this work, Berend has proven that he was in possession of a type of knowledge within the traditional institutional framework of learning (i.e. academic-university circles), which can integrate academic research and ideology even in the most ideologically charged environment, that is, regarding the Party. In his memoirs he noted that it was thanks to this volume that his career became intertwined with the birth of the so-called New Economic Mechanism model.
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The early nineteen-seventies in Slovenia in particular and in federal Yugoslavia as a whole were marked by sweeping political purges. Marshal Tito, with a cunning sharpened by years of dictatorship, correctly surmised that the increasing autonomy of the federal republics, boosted by the growing emancipation of their economies from cumbersome centralized direction, would slowly undermine the absolute power of his Communist Party.
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For Romanians the work-rest dynamic is a product of historical forces unique to this population. Therefore, the factors that have influenced the relation of Romanians to the work and rest dynamic and fatigue were examined. The factors are the turbulent medieval history of the Romanian people, the Orthodox Church, whose teachings have played an essential part in the development of the Romanians’ relation to work and rest, as well as the communist regime and the social and economical dynamics specific to the post-1989 era.
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Out of all the western press photographs and illustrated reportage taken during the 1956 Revolution, the ones published in the leading forum of international photojournalism, Life Magazine, were the most influential at the time. The magazine delegated three reporters and three photographers during the first days of the revolution. Their reportage was published on November 12. Thanks to the conscious publishing policy of Time Inc., the photos of the Hungarian revolution became known around the world almost immediately. Besides the English issue, the Special Edition of Life Magazine was also published in Italian and Spanish, and the Arabic version issued in 1959 was to become a bestseller in the Middle East.John Sadovy’s photographs about the Köztársaság Square siege, the disturbing images of the subsequent mob rule, accompanied by his personal report, comprised the most divisive material of all. It is not a coincidence that the violent images were adopted for propagandistic purposes both by the anti- Communist and Communist media, as well as the Kádár regime. The study describes photographers’ circumstances during work, the strategies of publishing their photographs, and the reception of the images. In addition, the essay also addresses how the photos became globally known, how they were used in anti-Communist and Communist propaganda, and how they were manipulated to fit the agenda of various ideologies and political considerations. The essay is concluded with a brief analysis of the afterlife and reception of the images in post-1989 Hungary.
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After a brief period of open borders, barriers at border crossings were lowered again between 1968 and 1969. Travelling anywhere became difficult again, and journeys to the West almost impossible, at least for those whose “cadre profile” was not “up to the mark”. The change was to be brought by the Helsinki agreement, but despite the affixed signature of the Czechoslovak party and state officials, the practical consequences were negligible and those interested in travelling abroad went through an ordeal of official bullying, prohibitions and obstacles. This lasted until the fall of the Communist regime.
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