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Felix Kanitz; Bulgarians; Ottoman Empire
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Бечка архивска грађа о Првом српском устанку има прворазредан значај за његову историју, о чему сведоче једанаест томова Списа бечких архива о Првом устанку Алексе Ивића и пет томова Грађе бечких архива о Првом српском устанку Славка Гавриловића. И поред тих волуминозних збирки извора о Устанку, још увек се мо- же наћи списа о њему који су промакли пажњи или били недоступни овој двојици истраживача. Другоспоменутом истраживачу десило се да је у време публиковања наведене Грађе затурио конволут већ преписаних аката, мислећи да су она остала у Стариграду на Хвару, где их је као ксерокопије носио ради припреме за публиковање у својој збирци извора о Устанку. Срећом, сада су та акта пронађена и као додатак Грађи могу да буду публикована, што овде и чинимо.
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Прослава стогодишњице Ι устанка обележена је низом манифестација, током скоро целе 1904. године. Рад на овоме резултирао је и великом количином списа. Она је, и поред спољњег познавања догађаја из те године, остала највећим делом, сем архивистима, непозната нашој научној и широј јавности. Задатак архивисте је да своје знање о овој, као и о другој грађи пренесе и својим колегама и најширој јавности. Из улоге коју имају архиви, а то је да служе потребама друштва у целини, пре свега науци, произлази и њихов задатак да архивску грађу учине приступачном јавности и тиме омогуће научноистраживачки рад у свим доменима друштвеног живота.
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Већ се раније у историјској литератури, на основу оскудне турске грађе, знало да је у селу Жеравице (на ријеци Ступчаница) започела производња жељеза почетком XVI вијека и да је на подстицај досељених рудара из Чајнича, током четврте деценије достигла врхунац, тако да је половина укупних прихода тога насеља отпадала на тај у Босни сваким даном траженији метал. Сазнања о његовој производњи могу се унапријед временски помјерити једним уговором из Дубровачког архива из 1492. године о закупу којим је Радован Радибратовић преузео половину самокова и половину пећи и другог што припада томе самокову за 40 златних дуката2 . Још прије пола вијека, покојни професор И. Божић је у једној напомени своје сјајне књиге: Дубровник и Турска у XIV и XV веку успут парафразирао овај уговор, замјењујући при том (вјероватно нехотично!) име власника једне половине тих рударских постројења Франческа (Радоњића) с именом власника њихове друге половине Антонија (Мароја Милутиновића).
More...Horizons oubliés des marchands grecs: la foire de Senigallia (XVIIIe-début du XIXes).
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The village of Sakuneti was connected to the Samtskhe Saatabago for 312 years (1266- 1578) and 250 years (1579- 1829) to the Childir Province of Atskhuri region of Ottoman state. Today this village is within the borders of Akhaltsikhe Municipality, the Republic of Georgia. In this research, we made some determinations about the agrarian structure of the village based on Ottoman State recordings called “Defter-i Mufassal Vilâyet-i Gürcistân” dated by 1595 TTD and 1003 year by Hijri Calendar. The etymology, brief history, geographic position, and religious affiliations of Sakuneti village are also mentioned. At this date, the population of Sakuneti Village consisting of 17 families was 136 people. Most of them were not Muslims. According the recordings, it is possible to say that the means of existence of the villagers depended on farming and agriculture. Wheat and barley were the most common means of income, and viniculture and horticulture was common. According to the recordings, there was apiculture and ovine breeding. In addition, mills were operating in the village, too.
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Studies on the perception of time, leisure and timekeeping in the Ottoman Empire have focused in the Tanzimat period, as the main paradigm is the development of such attitudes and practices during the rise of capitalist economy in Europe, now identified with the rise of “modernity”. The paper questions the use of “early modernity” as an interpretational tool and tries to assess developments and transformations in these perceptions during the earlier Ottoman history, in order to locate established mentalities and their changes. For this aim, different sources are analyzed, including diaries, chronicles and travel accounts in Ottoman Turkish and Greek. It is shown that, while there is a strong tendency for the use of temporal precision in various fields of everyday life and of state institutions throughout the eighteenth century, the use of clocks in labor appeared with a considerable delay, in the second half of the nineteenth century.
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The invention of precise time keeping machines in Central and Western Europe revolutionized the way time was perceived and systematized. Daily actions, earlier relatively estimated, were eventually, henceforth, precisely defined and organized. Later, public clocks were installed in the Ottoman cities, gradually changing the perception of time in a variety of ways. The sprawl of installation reached a peak during the late 19th century. During the 20th century, cheaper personal watches led to the decrease of public clocks on clock towers, which however continued to be installed in smaller cities and villages, due mainly to symbolic reasons. Public clocks, although seldom installed lately, continue to be an option as decoration of monuments in the public space.
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This paper focuses on the transformation of the perception of nighttime, explores the city’s main arteries of nocturnal sociability; and elucidates the Ottoman authorities’ measures to control nighttime activities in fin de siècle Istanbul. It contends that a clash between regulatory modernity and urban modernity and a dilemma between control and cultivation of nocturnal movement always remained in the agenda of the Ottoman bureaucratic and commercial authorities. On the one hand, the authorities tried to tolerate nocturnal conviviality because they knew that some urban vitality was crucial as a sign of progress; such public gathering sites provided revenue for the state and commerce, compelling the state to balance calls for order with demands that it foster socio-economic dynamism. On the other hand, they tried to police night life by lighting the commercial areas and busy streets, inspecting the entertainment and leisure venues, surveilling the crowd-attracting sites, implementing closing-times for drinking establishments, confining the public visibility of women, since they believed that increasing nocturnal activities would generate serious public security and moral decency concerns.
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The modernization process and its relation with citizenship in the Ottoman Empire was connected to the project of modern state-building. Throughout the late Ottoman era, modern practices of time organization were concerned with regulating the Ottoman bureaucratic institutions. In the early Republican era how-ever, modernization process underwent a drastic transformation taking a new form which aimed to reshape the whole social fabric and landscape of the country. In this paper I try to provide a reading of the relationships between the changing meaning of time and the understanding of both state and citizenship in Turkey by analyzing the political discourse generated by the legislation and the governing elites’ ideas of the time. By doing so I delineate how the concept of time was seen as an instrument and vigorously employed to construct a new citizen that was also seen fit for the expectations and needs of the new republic.
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The Armenian issue, which is complex and multi-dimensional, is closely intertwined with almost all social sciences, particularly, sociology, history and politics. In the period following the break-up / regression of the Ottoman Empire, groups taking part in ethnic conflicts demanded the formation of a nation-state, re-definition of national identity and determination of the properties of majority/minority relations. In the Turkish-Armenian conflict, the social and cultural heritage, language and religion of Armenians were decisive factors. Armenians, who were one of the multi-ethnic subjects of the Ottoman Empire, continue to fight over and discuss the old and new characteristics of their historic and cultural properties. That the debates on the Armenian issue are centered in the United States and Europe can be explained by the fact that the global political power has shifted to these centers and the current power of the Armenian diaspora is mainly settled there. For this reason, the debate about the events of 1915 in Turkey becomes important in terms of both external and internal social dynamics. In this context, how Armenian issue is defined in the Western world turns into a sociological matter. This study can also be considered as an attempt towards this goal.
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