La Macédoine et la Renaissance Bulgare au XIXe Siècle
published by the Bulgarian Association of Researchers, Literates and Artists printed by the Press of the Royal Court, Sofia 1918 author's name in the French edition is written: "Radeff"
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published by the Bulgarian Association of Researchers, Literates and Artists printed by the Press of the Royal Court, Sofia 1918 author's name in the French edition is written: "Radeff"
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The purpose of this essay is to investigate the meaning of “homeland” for Bulgarians under Ottoman rule. The formation of a collective territorial identity can be traced to the period between the late 18th century to 1878 and the creation of a sovereign Bulgarian state. The transition from pre-modernity to modernity is marked by the gradual emergence of an educated elite, a network of schools, and a Bulgarian-language press. The system of mass education is a classical mechanism for homogenizing communities at the supra-local level, and the formation of the Bulgarian nation is no exception to this rule. In other respects, however, the development of Bulgaria’s system of mass education had several peculiarities, and this is what makes it interesting to study. First, the educational system developed free of bureaucratic supervision. It was controlled neither by the Church nor by the state, and it comprised schools maintained and governed by local village and town parishes. Second, the people employed in this system studied at lyceums and universities in different foreign countries and introduced elements from the respective country’s educational standards in Bulgarian schools. None of these countries however controlled the transfer of textbooks and programs.
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This paper takes the nineteenth-century Ottoman administrative unit of county (liva) as its focus. Moving from a general analysis of its structure, to a specifi c analysis of the local institutions within Vidin County, I examine the politics of administering a county.2 Local administration constitutes a set of practices where local agents and appointed offi cials negotiate within a set of bureaucratic roles, defi ned in idealized forms through rules and regulations issued by a central government
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The period between the Battle of Kosovo (1389) and the formation of the eyelets of Buda (1541) and Temesvár (1552) was marked by the breakthrough of the Ottomans in the Danube region and their struggle with Serbia (until 1459) and Hungary to master this area. It is also the medieval period richest in sources for the study of social and economic history and historical geography of the Serbian Podunavlje and Posavina (the Danube and the Sava region). This paper presents a review of previous research on this issue, points out the main historical sources and problems that they put in front of researchers and presents the latest research results, in part resulting from the author’s research. The „land” (zemlja) in medieval Serbia was greater territorial and administrative unit, which included several župas (districts). In the area of northern Serbia, in Posavina, there was the “land” of Mačva, and in Podunavlje the “land” of Kučevo and Braničevo. More recent studies have defined the borders of specified areas and corrected earlier misconceptions about the propagation of the Hungarian government in northwestern Serbia in the late Middle Ages, caused by equalizing the Mačva “land” and the Hungarian Banat of Mačva (Macsó). The Hungarian Banat of Mačva was at that time confined to a narrow area next to the Sava with several fortresses and their districts. By change in the Hungarian-Serbian relations in the first half of 15th century, these regions were connected to the Serbian state until the Ottoman conquest in 1458/1459. Kučevo, which expanded between the rivers Velika Morava, Danube, Jasenica and the mountains of Avala and Kosmaj, was in administrative terms united with the “land” of Braničevo. However, during the 14th and the 15th century Kučevo survived as a particular geographical area. Comparing the data on settlements provided by Serbian charters with material from the Ottoman censuses – defters, one can get a picture of their continuity and discontinuity, which indirectly indicates depopulation during the warfare that led to the collapse of the Serbian state. Such research in the area of Braničevo shows that half of the villages of Braničevo completely lost their inhabitants during the Ottoman subjugation of Serbia. The comparison of the data of the medieval and Ottoman sources also showed a kind of continuity in economic centres – market places in the area of Braničevo. The Ottoman defters have shown that there were a large number of settlements in the Serbian Danube and the Sava region in the second half of the 15th and the first decades of the 16th century, but they were mostly small. Archaeological excavations provide valuable findings on the appearance of the settlements and way of life in the Danube and the Sava region. The Ottoman defters provide the insight into the economic structure in rural settlements during the second half of the 15th and early 16 century. The defters enable to obtain a relatively accurate picture of the proportional representation of crops in total production. On this basis, it may be noted that wheat was grown most of all the cereals (about 35%), followed by barley, rye, millet, oats. Among other crops, in addition to growing fruits and vegetables, followed by flax and hemp, vine was grown to a large extent.
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The article is focused on the region of Kosovo and Metohija in the beginning of the 20th century, or the time until the beginning of the Balkan wars, when most of this region still belonged to the Ottoman Empire. In addition to Kosovo and Metohija, Kosovo villayet included Sanjak (south-western part of central Serbia), the Preševo Valley, the north-eastern part of Montenegro, northern part of Albania and north-western part of Macedonia. The task of this paper is to using the existing population data show by now far less known facts about the changes in the number of population and quality of life under the Ottoman rule. Emphasis is placed on the ethnic transformation of population, which proved to be a very important process which affected the historical development of population of Kosovo and Metohija in general. Special attention is dedicated to the written traces of interethnic relations and relations with Turkish authorities. Work results were obtained through literature sources, using analytic and synthetic methods, and comparing. with this article the knowledge of the processes in the Balkans has been enriched.
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Toplumumuzda iç göçün tarihi, Osmanlı Dönemine kadar dayansa da, demokrasiye ve çok partili döneme geçişin başlangıcı olan 1950’li yıllardan bugüne dek sürekli yaşanmakta ve iç göçün en önemli sonucu olarak da gecekondu sorununu ortaya çıkmaktadır (Çakır, 2011, s. 209).
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Although the development of the women's movement in Ottoman society was different from that in Western countries, it is a fact that they were affected by the women's movement and publications that developed in the West. As a result of the liberation of the press, communication and transportation opportunities that started with the Tanzimat era, the Ottoman intellectual was able to follow the developments in Europe closely. This follow-up broadened the horizons of literate Ottoman women by providing close monitoring of western women's organizations and women's media. Ottoman men also supported the women's movement that flourished in the Ottoman Empire, sometimes by opposing the modernist protectionist discourse, and sometimes by including women writers in their publications. In this study, the formation of Ottoman feminism is examined based on Ottoman women's magazines published in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the writings of Ottoman male intellectuals of the period. The work in which feminist theory of history forms the theoretical framework of the historical process of the emergence of feminism in the world and its debate in Ottoman society, and argues that the roots of the discussions on feminism lie in the late Ottoman women's publications and associations, and extend to the struggle they waged with Ottoman men. It produces a discourse contrary to the expression of women's movements and feminism identified with the Republican period. Archive work was carried out and discussions over the concept of “feminism” were analyzed in Ottoman journals published between 1908-1920.
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It is extremely recent for women to talk about their rights, and obtaining these rights includes many challenges and struggles. Süreyya Ağaoğlu, the subject of the article, was born in the late Ottoman Empire and wanted to exist as a lawyer in a world where women were not in the public space. Perhaps the difference from other women is that she had a wealthy and educated family, as well as the will to work and succeed. The long life of Ağaoğlu, who was recognized as the first female lawyer, also offered her the opportunity to work in many other areas: she represented Turkey abroad many times through professional associations and explained the importance Turkey attaches to women, development and advances in women's rights. In addition, he worked in associations that focused on children's education, and even became the founder of two
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Die Arbeit möchte eine knappe Darstellung der Entwicklung der Osmanistik in der jugoslawischen und postjugoslawischen Periode geben. Die Bibliographie, die Analyse der Arbeiten und die Ergebnisse, die Themen der Projekte und die Anzahl der Forscher selbst belegen, dass die jugoslawische Periode eine materielle und personelle Grundlage für die Entwicklung der Osmanistik geschaffen hat, dass man Themen aus der Militär- und Gesellschaftsgeschichte, aus der politischen und urbanen Geschichte, aus der, Religions- Wirtschafts-, Demographie- und Kulturgeschichte behandelte, dass man jedoch nicht zu einer endgültigen methodologischen Lösung der Originalquellen gekommen ist. Die postjugoslawische Periode zwang das Bedürfnis nach einer multiperspektivischen Herangehensweise bei der Behandlung der osmanistischenThemen auf, wobei man mit einer Reihe von Schwierigkeiten wie mit dem Mangel an einem in diesem Sinne ausgebildeten Fachund Wissenschaftspersonal zu kämpfen hatte, sowie mit einer Erschwerung der Standardisierung durch die nichtwissenschaftliche Orientierung eines Teils der Forscher, wie durch die Eingeschlossenheit der Forschung in lokalen Koordinaten.
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Diese Arbeit ist der Deutung der Bestimmung des Begriffs “DespotenKanon”, der in der Wallachen-Vorschrift für den Smederevo-Sandschak aus dem Jahr 1516 vorkommt, und der eine große historiographische Polemik zwischen B. Đurđev und D. Bojanić ausgelöst hat. Durch die detaillierte Analyse verfügbarer Quellen osmanischer Herkunft, konnte der Autor dieses Aufsatzes den Standptunkt vertreten, dass sich der Terminus “Деспотов канун” wirklich auf ein älteres Gesetz und rechtliche Bräuche aus der Periode des unabhängigen serbischen Staates bezieht, so dass die Einstellung, das Gesetz für die Semederov-Wallachen aus 1476/77 sei die direkte Übersetzung eines Rechtsaktes jeglicher Grundlage entbehrt. Ebenso sollte auch die Richtigkeit seiner Thesen im Zusammenhang mit direkten oder automatischen Übernahmen des Wallachen-Status aus dem serbischen Despotenstaat erwähnt werden; er bestritt nämlich die Behauptung, dass die Organisationsformen der Branicevo- und SmederevoWallachen in der zweiten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts ein gänzlich aus dem Staat des Despoten Stefan Lazarevic geerbtes Modell sei, sondern er sah richtig die innere Dynamik dieser gesellschaftlichen Gruppe, die in das osmanische Herrschaftssystem auf eine Art und Weise eingegeliedert war, die man als am adäquatesten empfand. Es ist nicht strittig, dass die serbische mittelalterliche Gesetzgebung einen starken Einfluss auf einzelne, die Wallachen betreffenden Bestimmungen der osmanischen Kanons hatte, aber ebenso sollte man nicht den besonderen Charakter und die Originalität der osmanischen Staatsverwaltung außer Acht lassen, welche sich auch hierin widerspiegelt.
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In der Historiographie überwiegt der Standpunkt, dass die “Reform” der Einhebung der Dzizja aus 1691 mehr Klarheit in diesen Bereich gebracht hat, und damit den heutigen Osmanisten die Arbeit erleichtert, vor allem bei dem Versuch, demographische Bewegungen festzustellen. Nun scheint aber die Lage keineswegs einfach zu sein. Konkrete Umstände entsprachen meist nicht den allgemeinen Grundsätzen, die man von oben verordnen wollte. Die Ergebnisse der vorliegenden Untersuchung suggerieren, dass es eine Reihe von Phänomenen gegeben hat, die eine Veränderung der bisherigen, hauptsächlich mechanischen Perspektive nahelegen. So scheint das Prinzip, nach dem jeder geschlechtlich reife Nichtmoslem Dzizja zu zahlen hatte, keine praktische Anwendung gefunden hat, so dass sich in der Praxis die Familie als grundlegende fiksalische Einheit nach wie vor erhalten hat. Weiterhin haben die Gläubiger vor Ort als die Basis für die Erhebung dieser Steuer eine größere Einheit von vier-fünf Steuerpflichtigen angenommen, was andererseits der basalen Einheit des Besitzfonds (diş, bzw. şinik) entspricht. Und schließlich große Unterschiede in der Anzahl der Zahlungsbestätigungen (evrak) asu dem frühen und späten 18. Jahrhundert, was weder durch das gigantische natürliche Bevölkerungswachstum, noch durch Migrationen ausnehmend großer Ausmaße zu erklären wären, vor allem wenn man annimt, dass sich die Steuererhebung von einem Äquivalent für einen kleineren Teil der basalen Einheit des Besitzfonds zum immer größeren bewegt hat.
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Die Arbeit behandelt den Ursprung der multifunktionalen Bauten, deren Bauplan die Form des auf den Kopf gestallten Buchstabens T hat, und den typischen Vetreter der Bauten dieses Typs in der Stadt Ihtiman. Die Vorzüge dieser Bauten liegen in der Tatsache, dass nur ein Teil für Gebete benutzt wurde, während man in anderen Teilen des Gebäudes dauerhaft wohnen konnte. Das ist der Grund, warum diese Gebäude als Zavias und nicht als Moscheen entworfen wurde. Das architektonische Denkmal, das hier analysiert wird, kann man an das Ende des 14. Jahrhunderts ansetzen und es befindet sich neben einem der Hauptwege, die die Balkanhalbinsel durchschneide – Via Militaris (Orta Kol). Ursprünglich gewährten diese Gebäude den Riesenden und Soldaten Schutz, wie auch aus originellen Inschriften auf einer anderen Zavia in Komotina zu sehen ist. Erst viel später wurde die Zavia in Ihtiman in eine Moschee verwandelt. Ihre architektonischen Besonderheiten und ihre Bedeutung für die Entwicklung der frühosmanischen Architektur sind im Einzelnen beschrieben worden. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt ihrer Bedeutung als einem Zentrum, das der Verbreitung des Islams und der Übernahme der Kontrolle über den christlichen Raum diente. Das Ende der osmanischen Eroberungen im 16. Jahrhundert und die Veränderungen in Derwischorden, die von der Zentralregierung aufgezwungen wurden, hatten zur Folge, dass die Zavia ihre Bedeutung verloren – was wiederum nicht bedeutet, dass der Bau der Objekte in der Form des auf den Kopf gestellten Buchstabens T gestoppt wurde. Ein Beispiel dafür ist die 1531 erbaute Gazi-Husrev-Beg-Moschee in Sarajevo. Sie wurde von Adzhem Esir Ali entworfen, und sie hat denselben architektonischen Plan, auch wenn sie nur die Funktion einer Moschee hat.
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1. Discussions, articles and contributions 2. Discussions at congresses, scientific meetings and conferences 3. Work on the publication of historical sources 4. Critiques and reviews
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U svom prilogu autor razlaže o razvoju osjećanja bosanskog patriotizma u narodu Bosne u vrijeme postojanja osmanske Bosne. Ukazuje na ulogu islama u tom procesu i ulogu očuvanja narodnog jezika i osnovne narodne kulture, kao i na važnost činjenice da je Osmansko carstvo očuvalo Bosnu kao jedinstvenu upravnu, sudsku i vojnu teritoriju sa značajnom ulogom domaćih ljudi u cjelokupnom ekonomskom, upravnom, vojnom i sudskom sistemu u njoj.
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Language is one of the unifying elements of societies. The Ottoman Empire also became aware of this feature of the language, especially in its last periods. Intellectuals and statesmen developed language policies; They pioneered the conduct of studies related to Turkish. In this study, descriptive analysis method, one of the qualitative research methods, was used and content analysis was also used. Archive documents and printed and electronic resources related to the subject were scanned. By making use of the studies in the literature, the language policy of the last period of the Ottoman Empire and the parts related to Turkish education in the 1869 Maarif-i Umumiye Nizamnamesi were examined. In conclusion; The administrators of the Ottoman Empire saw Turkish as a unifying element in order to ensure the unity and peace of the people. As a result of the long Turkish discussions, the official language was Turkish with the first constitution, Kanun-ı Esasi, and many regulations were made in this regard. Teaching Turkish to the new generation has been the primary goal. Especially in schools, Turkish lessons have been made compulsory. Turkish had an important place in the Ordinance of General Education in 1869. However, financial inadequacies and shortage of teachers made the implementation of the legislation difficult. It has been tried to spread Turkish through measures such as the simplification of the language, the increase of translated works, the encouragement of copyrighted works, the training of Turkish teachers, the fact that those who do not speak Turkish are not allowed in schools and cannot be civil servants, posters and announcements are in Turkish.
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Tribal School was established by the instructions of Abdulhamid II and is a product of his effort to restore the central authority of the Ottoman Empire by making use of local powers. This school, which was established for the children of prominent families of Arab (Urban) tribes, wanted to include the children of Albanian and Kurdish tribes, and the scope of the school was expanded. This school, which was established during the disintegration period of the Ottoman Empire, is an important example of the use of education to strengthen the authority. This school aims to instill Turkish and Ottoman culture in the children of strong families in its regions, to ensure that the graduates have a say in the administration and thus to increase their loyalty to the sultanate and the caliphate. The primary aim of this study is to reveal the work and functioning of the school, which undertakes such an important task, to examine Turkish lessons. For this purpose, historical documents were examined by using content analysis, one of the descriptive analysis methods, and compared with other studies in the literature, it was tried to be revealed impartially. In conclusion; The use of Turkish lessons and the teaching of lessons in Turkish in this school, which was established with the aim of resurrecting an empire, shows that the unifying power of the language is being used. When we examine the Ottoman Empire's understanding of education in terms of the Tribal School, we see the value given to the student and the understanding that aims to raise the student morally as well as academic success.
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This study investigates the historical foundations of the Turkish-Islamic synthesis, a threefold discourse combining religion, nationalism, and modernization in the form of Westernization, which was systematically indoctrinated by nationalist intellectuals in Turkey during the 1970s. The argument of the study is that Young Ottomans were the first voices of the discursive orientation to unite and synthesize all three elements, as part of the quest to construct a modern Ottoman identity to save the state in the last period of the Ottoman Empire. At the official level, this discourse gradually became institutionalized and officialized during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II with the expansion of modernization policies aimed at transforming society and the state and formed the basis for state policies in many areas. To this end, the writings and statements of Young Ottomans are analyzed in detail, followed by a comprehensive evaluation of the policy implementations in the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Abdül Hamid II and their reflections on education, also including the Sultan's own expressions, in terms of ideological attempts to articulate Islam, Turkishness, and Westernization.
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Batum joining the Ottoman lands during the reign of Mehmet the Conqueror was seized by Tsarist Russia in the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian-War, after four hundred years of Turkish domination. While Batum was occupied for forty years, it was turned into a significant military base in the region. When the First World War broke out, Batum played an important role in the occupation of the Eastern Black Sea Region. The Soviet government that came to power following the Soviet Revolution in 1917 decided to withdraw from the war. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed on March 3, 1918 between Russia and the allied states. The treaty was of a nature to change the military and political situation of Elviye-i Selase, where Batum was located. The Turkish army took action just as the negotiations were continuing, liberated Batum and putt an end to occupation lasting for forty-year. When the Ottoman Empire was defeated in the war, the future of Batum became a controversial issue due to the fact that the eleventh item of the Mondros Armistice opened the door to the occupation of Batum, Kars and Ardahan. In fact, the British gave priority to the occupation of Batum while they also wanted the evacuation of Elviye-i Selase based on the armistice on November 11, 1918. Therefore, they sent two warships to the port of Batum. Together with Gyumri, Batum was designated as the gathering and evacuation center for the evacuation of Georgia and Azerbaijan. Batum had appropriate conditions for transition to Anatolia in terms of its geography, port, range organization, provision of supplies and seasonal conditions. However, when the British occupied the city on December 24, 1918, the demobilization and evacuation activities of the Turkish army were interrupted. For this reason, the British Occupation Command prevented the transport of heavy weapons and ammunition by forcing the Turkish forces in Batum to use the land route. They seized weapons and ammunition which the troops could not take. Still not feeling content with this, they were going to take the warehouses of the Ottoman forces under control through imprompt methods and distribute them to the Georgian and Armenian forces.
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On 27 April 1909, Sultan Abdulhamid II was dethroned from the Ottoman throne and his brother Reshad Efendi ascended to the throne as “Sultan Mehmed V”. After his nine-year reign, Sultan Mehmed V died after a short illness on 3 July 1918. His successor, his 57-year-old brother, Vahideddin Efendi, ascended to the Ottoman throne as “Sultan Mehmed VI”. Thus, the last and new heir to the throne became Abdulmejid Efendi. In this study, the developments that took place in the reign of Sultan Mehmed V and his death, the events of Sultan Mehmed VI’s accession to the throne and his abdication, and what was written about the Ottoman Sultans Mehmed V, Mehmed VI and Crown Prince Abdulmejid Efendi in the events mentioned was discussed. The main sources of this historical research based on document analysis are the Austro-Hungarian press. As a result of the research, it was seen that Sultan Mehmed V and the new Crown Prince Abdulmejid Efendi were mentioned with positive character traits, and the accession of the new Sultan Mehmed VI to the throne was praised in the newspapers that were the subject of this study. However, after the abolition of the sultanate on 1 November 1922, it was seen that there were no positive opinions about Sultan Mehmed VI, who was dethroned, and he was referred to as a ruler who could not meet the expectations.
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The book before you is dedicated to our dear colleague and friend Zef Mirdita. In this way, we want to thank him for his exceptionally fruitful, almost 50-year scientific work, and especially for the days he has spent and still spends with us at the Croatian Institute of History in Zagreb from 1993 to the present day. Professor Mirdita has also been an honorary member and advisor of the Albanian Institute (Albanisches Institut) in St. Gallen (Switzerland) since its foundation in 2002. Although he retired in 2004, the scientific community of the Croatian Institute of History will always consider him its distinguished member whose research results are an indispensable part of not only Croatian and Albanian but also European historiography. His life and scientific path took place (and still actively takes place) between Croatia and Albanians (especially Kosovo).
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