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Prije tri godine, u izdanju Visokog sudskog i tužilačkog vijeća BiH (VSTV), pojavila se publikacija pod naslovom “Stanje i kretanje kriminaliteta u BiH za punoljetne osobe u periodu od 2003. do 2012. godine”. Na projektu je radila grupa profesora sa više pravnih fakulteta iz oba entiteta. Rezultati ovog vrijednog i zanimljivog istraživanja ostali su bez odjeka. Ma koliko sakupljeni podaci bili nepotpuni zbog nepostojanja jedinstvene baze podataka i neujednačene metodologije prikupljanja, zabrinjavaju rezultati koji se odnose na strukturu izricanih krivičnih sankcija. Od svih izrečenih krivičnih sankcija u periodu od 2003. do 2012. godine, u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) su najčešće izricane uslovne kazne (oko 75 %). Prezentirani podaci su bili alarm za raspravu o uzrocima ovakvog stanja i hitnim mjerama za njegovo prevazilaženje. Bilo je za očekivati da će VSTV, kao naručilac projekta, rezultate istraživanja iskoristiti za dalju analizu zakonodavnog okvira i funkcionisanja pravosudnog sistema. Iako su autori projekta u svojim zaključnim napomenama upozorili da je neophodno nastaviti istraživanja kako bi se došlo do adekvatne kaznene politike, posebno ukazujući na potrebu donošenja jedinstvene metodologije prikupljanja i vođenja statističkih pokazatelja, regulator pravosuđa je ignorisao alarmantne pokazatelje i preporuke autora istraživanja.
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The paper aims to assess export competitiveness of Bosnia and Herzegovina in its merchandise exchange with the world in the period 2006-2013. The research analyzes different aspects of the country’s export competitiveness – the scope and dynamics of the export flows, the geographical, product and technological export structure, export concentration, export specialization, intensity and tendencies in changes of the export structure. Various export competitiveness indices were employed in the analysis - such as Balassa index of revealed comparative advantages, Michaely index, Herfindahl-Hirschmann index of geographical and product concentration, Lorenz curve, etc. The analysis of a larger number of aspects, which employs more indicators than previous works on competitiveness that take Bosnia and Herzegovina as a case study, enables to obtain a more reliable and complete assessment of the country's export performance. In general, the research findings indicate that the export competitiveness of Bosnia and Herzegovina needs to be significantly improved in many of its aspects. While some improvement has been noted with regard to the scope and trends of exports as well as the number of different export products, the export remains highly dependent upon a limited number of markets and products. In addition, it is dominated by the products of low-technology industries. The stagnant comparative advantages pattern was observed, mostly in products of traditional industries which departed from the demand trends in the main export markets over the examined period.
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Based on the analysis of in-depth interviews of oral history with 50 participants of the Croatian War of Independence, this article aims to analyze, comprehend and explain meanings which these 50 participants attribute to the Croatian War of Independence. The article examines the construction of the personal memories of those social actors who did not have political power during the period of war, and the central focus is placed on the social and cultural circumstances that influence the construction of personal wartime narratives. The article discusses and ultimately concludes that the personal narratives are largely witness to the previously planned, aggressive and genocidal nature of Serbian politics led by Slobodan Milosevic which served as the cause and start of the Croatian War of Independence. 361 Furthermore, personal narratives reveal the large-scale destruction of Croatian cities during the war (urbicide and culturocide), and the distancing of interpersonal (inter- -national) relationships as a consequence of the war. Ultimately, although multilayered in their narrative explications, the personal narratives of people who experienced the Croatian War of Independence are compatible with the concept of the Croatian War of Independence as an aggression towards Croatia, with the aim of destruction of the Croatian national identity and conquest of Croatian territory.
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This study looks at the role the media plays in how a destination is communicated over time post-conflict – by considering how discourses longitudinally brand a destination. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) was the centre of a violent conflict in the early 1990s. The war ended with the signing of the Dayton Agreement. Much of the conflict, and especially the siege of Sarajevo, was captured by the media. The representation of the Bosnian War established a negative imagination of the new country, resulting initially in a hesitancy to travel to a war-torn destination. This paper suggests place repression, fading memory and destination redefining as a framework to analyse media content and brand a post-conflict destination. In the years following the agreement, there was no discussion promoting travel to BiH. After 2000, travel was still advised against but the narrative began to change and promote the destination by discussing the past and present situation. Post- -2000 content reduced significantly but stories promoting travel increased after 2003 with more extended narratives promoting travel and new opportunities for branding the destination.
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Review of: Inga Tomić-Koludrović "POMAK PREMA MODERNOSTI Žene u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju zrele modernosti"; Naklada Jesenski i Turk, Zagreb, 2015., 327 pages by: Lynette Šikić-Mićanović
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Review of: Vlatka Lemić "ARHIVI I ARHIVISTIKA ZA SUVREMENOG KORISNIKA"; Zagreb, Ljevak, 2016., 311 pages by: Snježana Kovačević
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Prema biblijskom izvješću o stvaranju Bog je načinio jedno ljudsko biće kao praroditelja svega čovječanstva. Tako je neosporiva poruka Biblije da su sva ljudska bića članovi jedne obitelji. Nakon potopa u vrijeme Noe ta je poruka osnažena kada jedna obitelj otpočinje novu fazu povijesti. Bog svoju providnost proteže na sveopće čovječanstvo, bez ikakvih iznimaka.
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This study seeks to reconstruct two crucial phases in the management of the protracted territorial conflict between Croatia and Slovenia over the common State border: (i) The causal mechanisms of the genesis of the Arbitration Agreement during the Croatian accession negotiations with the EU 2008/2009, and (ii) the conflict dynamics during the subsequent arbitration procedure before the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) 2012-2017. The method employed is process tracing based on elite interviews (politicians and civil servants) and informal documents. The arbitral award from 29 June 2017 is the end of a formal process, but not of the substantive dispute. Bilateral conflict between an EU Member State (Slovenia) and a Candidate Country (Croatia at the time) creates de facto add-on political conditionality. The Croatia- Slovenia case has profound implications on the SFRY successor States and EU enlargement in the Western Balkans.
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The conducted longitudinal research (1999-2016) about young, educated examinees’ perception on changes in typical women and men roles showed a high degree of egalitarism in the Croatian public sphere, controlled by different kinds of profession and role characteristics. On the other hand, in the private sphere, it was shown that women today have an even more difficult role in the family than before – women again play their traditional roles, such as taking care of children and the elderly, taking them to doctors, taking part in parents’ meetings in schools. Men tend to help them in their housework, but participate less in activities connected to children, their education and upbringing. This increases men’s chance in employment and professional development. Consequently, women still dominantly spend their free time on family matters and taking care of their personal appearance, unlike men, who spend their free time mostly on themselves. Although typical modern family and egalitarian relations are still an ideal for the young, the practice is a bit different than in 1999. The continuation of cumulating roles for women, the modern and traditional ones, without redistribution, raises the question whether traditional understandings or “traditionalities of necessity” are strengthened in response to leaving the responsibility for organization of family life exclusively to individuals.
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In this paper, I discuss some of the important questions that occupy the attention of contemporary sociologists of religion, trying to point to some of the methodological and theoretical problems which gain wider relevance when they are situated in the context of the transformation of modern society and the role that religion holds within that transformation. The paper starts with the premise that we are witnessing a deep "crisis" of both modern society and social sciences. In the paper, I set some problems that are based on contemporary sociological understanding of issues such as: religious pluralism, the return of religions, the meeting of Europe and Islam, the models of relations between the state and religion, and the problem of religion in transitional societies with examples relevant to Bosnia and Herzegovina society. The paper consists of an introduction, three chapters and a conclusion.
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The European integration, institutionalised in the European Union and Community, is one of the most significant and most surprising transformations in the last century. After the first gradual accession, now, almost every Central and Western European Member State has joined into a comprehensive organisation owning extensive rights, which grants its own organisations and rights. The few European States that are not joined, link to it through conventions. The participating States made this merger on the basis of a contract and, in contrast to the historical patterns, it was not established on the pressure of constraint, dictatorship or hegemony. It is a widespread theory that the European Union was primarily only an economic community and only later, after the Single European Act and the Treaty of Maastricht, it became a political union, but it does not meet the happenings. The union has been a political union – even incomplete and rudimentary - since the beginning, not only because of its political objectives, but because of its interest; and it was expanded gradually, with the consolidation of national policies.
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It is no secret that mass media has an extremely powerful impact on the implementation of family policy. And it is often noted that images of women play a considerable role in the implementation of family policy objectives through the media. However, most researchers consider the image of women and mothers in the context of its influence on the communicative messages recipient in the media and do not consider how the media themselves change their information product under the external influence of the state family policy. This article presents the results of the thematic content analysis of 723 media publications devoted to issues related to the family, published between 2000 and 2015 in six Russian newspapers, divided into two groups: state-owned and private, representing different political orientation. The mathematical processing of the data gathered by the content analysis was performed using Fisher’s angular transformation (to evaluate differences in proportion of each of the topics in the general thematic structure of state and private media publications for the two periods of 2000—2006 and 2007—2015) and Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient to explore the relations between topics in the media publications about the family. Both state and private Russian media after 2006 convey normative family model, designed to solve the demographic problem and increase fertility. Questions of biopolitics and adoption, having many children began to take a larger share in the publication thematic structure of media of both types. Woman as the main object of pro-natalist family policy is presented in the media in relation to three aspects: the inner world of family, in the interaction with the community and as part of the state and public perceptions of the family. According to the author this discussion of the economic aspects of the family’s existence has no significant weight and does not support political discourse about the financial problems as the main reason of women failure to have children.
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In 2017 in Karlovo several scientific forums were held dedicated to the 180th anniversary of the birth of Vasil Levski. The participants in each of them have contributed to the ever fuller clarification of the life and ideas of Vasil Levski, his followers and adherents. Participants in the conferences and seminars were both scientists and lecturers from the country and abroad, as well as museum specialists, university students, and PhD students. The 80th anniversary of the museum of the Apostle in his hometown was marked by a first-ever review of documentaries about Vasil Levski.
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The aim of article is to analyze what kind of role NATO will play at maintaining the peace and security in the 21st century. NATO will have to survive and contend with the differentiated risks and threats in the 21st century; in where a new global political order is structured. To this end, NATO is expected to keep contributing the peace and security in the 21st century by; being transformed into the globalized collective security organization, continuing to implement the expansion and partnership policies, increasing its military power and capacity, enabling forces and headquarters structure; weakening or eliminating the elements that can disrupt the stability, and responding crisis as required. However, in order to do so, NATO has to cope with internal and external dynamics consisting of various challenges.
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In this article, change of gender roles with changing living conditions, the reproduction of gender roles in television advertisements and the reflection of change on television advertisements, will examined whether this change and is a reflection of enough. The main aim of the ads is to generate a thought and convey that thought to the target audience as well as advertising is a sales marketing strategy and an effective means of mass media communication. It is also important that mass media are strong enough to be able to collect in terms of reaching wider masses, as well as being fed from society in determining the roles of women men. Advertisements are placed in day by day personal and social life. The roles attributed by society in the concept of gender is reflected in television advertisements. Along with the legal and social changes in social life, there are also living changes in the roles of women and men. In the 1970s, the dominant male patriarchal dominant structure, dominated by society, became more prominent. After the 1980s, feminism rises and legal rights acquired, together with a more egalitarian regime, are beginning to be established. Along with the 2000s, women have rights that can exist in every area as an individual.
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The aim of the article is to show the reception of the Chechen wars in contemporary Russian history textbooks in order to answer the question how nowadays contemporary Russian society looks at these traumatic events. Analyzed in the article fragments of Russian history textbooks, historical studies and the results of public opinion polls convince that the Chechen wars are events still associated with numerous controversies and contradictions. The textbooks present a criticism of Russian government and military incompetence, but there are also frequent attempts to justify the actions of the federal authorities. Particular attention should be paid to the omission of the issue of Russian war crimes. Instead, the Chechen wars are located in the context of the international fight against terrorism. Mentioned remarks lead to the conclusion that the creation of cultural memory based on the textbooks is directed to the reformulation of the extremely negative memories of the Chechen conflicts. This is done through deliberate concealment and highlighting the problem of the fight against Islamic extremism. In this way the gradual purification of the Russian collective memory from the memories of war mistakes takes place and at the same time including in the collective memory the additional justification of military actions in Chechnya is done, which should strengthen the collective identity of the Russians.
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This paper is devoted to the Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity, also known as Euromaidan, and Russian aggression in Ukraine. The subject of the research are Polish-Ukrainian relations after 1991, the Polish perception of the eastern neighbour and the reception of events related to the latest Ukrainian social protest as well as Russian aggression by Polish public opinion, Polish academic communities and Polish journalists. This work focuses only on book publishing and deliberately omits press publications.The paper pointed out that since the moment of independence in Ukraine in 1991, the interest in the Ukrainian issue has been constantly growing in Poland, with a significant increase in attention observed since 2004, namely since the Orange Revolution. Euro 2012 and events related to Euromaidan from 2013 also influenced Polish public opinion.On the basis of the analysed material it was found that the authors of Polish texts devoted to this issue are well versed in the complexities of Ukrainian internal politics and Ukrainian history. In their numerous texts, they paid particular attention to the complicated Ukrainian-Russian relations, patronizing treatment of Ukraine by the “elder brother” and Russian ruthlessness towards the “brotherly nation”. Among the described problems there is also the issue of oligarchisation of the Ukrainian economy, widespread corruption and inefficiency of subsequent governmental teams. Above all, however, the fact of ending the process of forming a civic society in Ukraine and the increase of national consciousness and unambiguous condemnation of the “hybrid war”, unlawful annexation of Crimea or aggression in Donbass are emphasized.
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