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Bosna i Hercegovina u češkim književnim putopisima prve polovine 20. veka

Bosna i Hercegovina u češkim književnim putopisima prve polovine 20. veka

Author(s): Aleksandra Korda-Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2022

Travelogue records of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the pen of Czech authors can be traced back to earlier periods, but records with genre traits of literary travelogue can be seen only from the second half of the 19th century, to reach their expansion in the number and artistic quality in the 20th century. This will be influenced by non-literary factors, above all a different historical and political map of the Balkans, but also the formal and poetic characteristics of the travelogue genre. For the Czech travelogue writers, Bosnia and Herzegovina has not been identified with the Ottoman Empire since the beginning of the 20th century but is rather described as part of the Balkans inhabited by Slavic people who are viewed with affection and admiration for the rich folk tradition and heroic struggle for independence, while the Ottoman heritage in the culture and tradition of Bosnia is recognised as a particularly attractive exotics. Through the examples of the travelogues of Ludvik Kuba, Jiři Daneš, Jiři Mahen and Vaclav Fiala, the picture of Bosnia and Herzegovina is sketched, which the Czech travelogue writers in their time conveyed to their readers, but on the other hand, the outlines are given of the wider picture of the history, past, tradition and the culture of this country viewed from the angle of another. Finally, the analysis of selected literary travelogues also reveals an objective and subjective map of the encounter between the culture of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that of Czechia. In terms of the selected art form, these travelogues range from humorous and satirical stories, reportage reports, adventure reading, through photographic record commentary, folkloric and ethnographic studies, to deep intellectual and spiritual meditation.

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ČLANCI O ŽIDOVIMA IZ BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U ZAGREBAČKOM CIONISTIČKOM ČASOPISU ŽIDOV OD 1917. DO 1941.

ČLANCI O ŽIDOVIMA IZ BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U ZAGREBAČKOM CIONISTIČKOM ČASOPISU ŽIDOV OD 1917. DO 1941.

Author(s): Ljiljana Dobrovšak / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 21/2022

The Zionist magazine Židov was published every Friday from 1917 to 1941 in Zagreb and was the only such magazine in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In addition to reports on socio-political events in Yugoslavia, Palestine, Europe, and the world, the magazine also contained various cultural contributions, polemics, advertisements, as well as obituaries, deaths, weddings, births, and other notices. A special column entitled "From Yugoslavia" contained information on the activities of Jewish municipalities in Yugoslavia, regardless of whether these municipalities were of Sephardic or Ashkenazi origin. Ashkenazis were behind the Zionist magazine Jew, but its articles also covered Sephardim. In this paper, the author analyzed the articles received from Bosnia and Herzegovina and published in the magazine Židov between 1917 and 1941.

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СОВЕРШЕНСТВОВАНИЕ СИСТЕМЫ ФИЗИЧЕСКОЙ КУЛЬТУРЫ И СПОРТА В КАРЕЛИИ ВО ВТОРОЙ ПОЛОВИНЕ 1920-х ГОДОВ

СОВЕРШЕНСТВОВАНИЕ СИСТЕМЫ ФИЗИЧЕСКОЙ КУЛЬТУРЫ И СПОРТА В КАРЕЛИИ ВО ВТОРОЙ ПОЛОВИНЕ 1920-х ГОДОВ

Author(s): Elena A. Kalinina / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2023

The history of the development of physical culture and sports in the USSR dates back to 1918. Modern researchers have already published a significant number of documents and studies on different periods of our historical past, addressing both the creation of the state system in general and the development of the physical culture movement in certain regions. The relevance of studying the history of physical culture and sports is due to close attention to current public health issues and the development of mass sports in the modern society. The article examines the improvement of the system of physical culture and sports in Karelia in 1925–1929. These years saw the intensive activities of the Karelian Council of Physical Culture and the Council of Trade Unions aimed at organizing sports clubs and competitions, introducing new kinds of sports to the local population, forming national teams for participation in all-union competitions. The methodology of the study is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity, which allows us to consider the processes of development of physical culture and sports in the region from specific historical perspectives and take into greater consideration the historical and modern socio-cultural contexts. The novelty of the research is determined by the introduction of previously unpublished sources into scientific circulation. The source base for writing the work was the collection of the National Archives of the Republic of Karelia on the Council of Physical Culture under the Executive Committee of the Kem’ District Council (F. R-852), as well as other various published and unpublished documents. The article uses legislative acts, materials of the republican periodical press, in particular the Karelskaya Kommuna and Krasnaya Karelia newspapers. So far, there has been no studies on the history of the development of physical culture and sports in Karelia in the second half of the 1920s. The previously published materials are fragmentary and full of facts without any relevant analysis and commentary. This paper is the first to use legislative acts, archival documents, and other documentary materials in order to analyze the activities of the Republican Council of Physical Culture and the Council of Trade Unions aimed to improve the physical culture and sports movement in Karelia in 1925–1929. The paper concludes on the creation of a system of physical culture and sports in the republic, despite serious problems with its organization.

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RASKRŠĆA I PRIBJEŽIŠTA: BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKI MUHADŽIRI U SANDŽAKU (1878-1912)

RASKRŠĆA I PRIBJEŽIŠTA: BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKI MUHADŽIRI U SANDŽAKU (1878-1912)

Author(s): Safet Bandžović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 8/2022

Numerous „long-term“ historical processes transcend local frameworks and regional boundaries. This also refers to the complex issue of the de-Ottomanization of the Balkans, the „border of the worlds“, whose political geography has been subjected to radical changes, bringing significant ethnic changes and displacements. Its multi-ethnic and religious color disrupted calculations with imposed and simple categorizations. Migrations radically changed the demographic map of the ethnically mixed, unstable area of the Balkans - a „zone of friction“ in which major political events and wars took place, where the phenomenon of migration, migration, exodus, resettlement, displacement and settlement was permanently expressed. All nations have separate stories and dates in their memory, they remember different events and dates from their own perspective, apostrophize different roles, perpetuate monuments, experience different causes and consequences. The history of any nation is indeed the history of a long-lasting process. Knowledge of the world/European past is important for a more comprehensive understanding of complex processes, comparisons and placing national and regional histories in a broader context that provides more meaningful answers. The Ottoman history of the Balkans requires rational reconstructions, complex and asymmetric images of the past, inclusion of nuanced historical phenomena, critical and reasoned reinterpretation, freedom from pseudo-mythical and pseudo-historical networks and tensions. What exists of it constitutes a selective, compartmentalized history. A number of researchers continue to treat the past of the Balkans from a narrowly national starting point, ignoring the history and achievements of other ethnic groups and the multinational societies and states to which they once belonged. In the dominant Christian Balkan narratives, an almost static negative image of the Ottomans, devoid of positive attributes, persisted. The history of the Balkans is not complete, nor can it be interpreted without studying and appreciating the fate of the Muslims, whose brutal persecution from that area began at the end of the 17th century. That history is mostly presented while minimizing and marginalizing the Muslim component. The fate of Bosniaks should therefore not be observed in isolation, but also in a wider regional framework, in the context of the fate of other Muslim communities in the Balkans. The dramatic events of 1875-1878, the deOttomanization processes that preceded them, the decisions of the Berlin Congress in 1878, as well as the accompanying territorial demarcations, greatly changed the mosaic geopolitical, religious and ethnic picture of the Balkans, especially the number and territorial distribution of the Muslim population. Expulsions and emigration of Muslims affected the tectonic changes of the ethnic-religious structure. The emigration of Bosniaks from Bosnia and Herzegovina, initiated in 1878, is an integral part of the continuous process of widespread emigration of Muslims from the Balkans. It represents a massive and long emigrant movement caused by the action of a number of political, social, economic and other important factors. The emigration of Bosniaks, as well as other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic origins from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, had a number of consequences that were manifested in all levels of their life courses. After 1878, a considerable number of emigrants from BiH came, in several stages, to Sandžak, one of the emigrant centers in the Balkan part of the Ottoman Empire, itself exposed to numerous problems and temptations. After the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), a strong wave of emigration and persecution of Muslims from the new, confiscated Balkan Ottoman provinces affected the Bosniak population in Sandžak, as well as the Muhajirs there from Bosnia and Herzegovina, towards the distant Anatolian regions of the Ottoman Empire. Breakthrough events must be shown from the positions of all the protagonists, as well as from the perspective of ordinary people.

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Българското участие в изданията на Българо-руската историческа комисия (След нейното възстановяване през 1995 г.)
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Българското участие в изданията на Българо-руската историческа комисия (След нейното възстановяване през 1995 г.)

Author(s): Tamara Stoilova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2022

In 1968, a committee was established to unite the research efforts of Bulgarian and Russian (at that time – Soviet) historians. The commission worked actively until the end of the 1980s. In 1995, it resumed its activities and organized conferences and round tables over three-year projects, often discussing previously forbidden topics. The materials have been published in collections, ten in all, in the series Russian-Bulgarian/Bulgarian-Russian Discussions. In the proposed study, the research of Bulgarian historians is presented by themes and issues, traced in its development, as a result of the appearance of new documents or of a new understanding of historical facts and of political and social processes. In the relations between Bulgaria and the Russian Empire/Soviet Union/Russian Federation studied by the Bulgarian authors, the main problem is politics, but attention is also paid to economy and culture. An overall picture of the relationship is presented, examined in clearly delineated periods: before World War I, and before, during and after World War II. In the years since its restoration, the Bulgarian-Russian Committee has offered a good opportunity for scholarly presentations and discussions. The good-natured tone and professional attitude to the issues under discussion have contributed to the historiographical reorientation after the collapse of the socialist system, and to overcoming the myths established during the Soviet era.

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"Já a moje žena si děti přejeme!"

"Já a moje žena si děti přejeme!"

Author(s): Jan Vajskebr,Jan Zumr / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2022

The article is based on the ongoing research into the personnel composition of the Gestapo command staff in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which is carried out at the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes (Ústav pro studium totalitních režimů – ÚSTR) in Prague. The authors subscribe to the so-called newer research on perpetrators (neuere Täterforschung), which does not see the members of the Nazi administration and security forces as a homogeneous mass but looks for common and distinct features among them. They devote their article to the topic of population and family politics within the German repressive apparatus in the Protectorate and use concrete cases to show how individual actors sought, through various strategies, to meet the rigid demands of the Reich’s SS leader, Heinrich Himmler (1900–1945). They state that the goal of population policy in Nazi Germany was to raise numerous, “racially valuable” and healthy offspring, and the SS organization was to be the vanguard in this respect. Despite certain contradictory trends, as represented by the Lebensborn programme, the family was to become the basis of the Third Reich’s population policy. The authors outline the official directives and the demanding bureaucratic procedures that the SS and Gestapo applicants (and often their partners, too) had to comply with for marriage, and highlight the institutions that were competent in assessing these applications. The central criterion was “racial purity”. Marriages between members of these organisations and foreign nationals were undesirable and rarely permitted. The article argues that the requirement for a large family within the SS and Gestapo was not a mere formality but a factor carefully monitored in the evaluations and proposals for promotion, often decided at the highest level by Himmler himself, who did not hesitate to interfere in the private lives of his subordinates with his demands. In general, the members of the German security apparatus proclaimed a will to expand their family, but its size remained mostly below the Reich’s average. Only less than a tenth of the leading Gestapo officials in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia had the required four or more children, whether because of their advanced age, inadequate material conditions, health problems, separation from their families, or simply because of their unwillingness to have more offspring. According to the authors, these figures roughly corresponded to the general conditions in the SS, which leads them to the conclusion that in the context of the official population policy of the Third Reich, the members of the SS – the “pride of the regime” organization – clearly failed.

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Českoslovenští slavisté v osidlech geopolitiky

Českoslovenští slavisté v osidlech geopolitiky

Author(s): Milan Ducháček / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2022

The article deals with the politicization of science and the changing relationship between the interwar Czechoslovak Republic and the Soviet Union, in relation to the Soviet influence on Czechoslovak Slavic studies and with an emphasis on research in dialectology, literature and, especially, the vernacular culture of the Carpathian Arc region. It therefore also deals with Czechoslovak scholars’ attitude towards the question of Ukrainian cultural and literary individuality within the Russian/Soviet and Czechoslovak territorial context during the 1920s and 1930s. These tensions manifested themselves, among other things, in the editorial policy of the Committee for the Research on Slovakia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia (Sbor pro výzkum Slovenska a Podkarpatské Rusi), a separate section within the Slavic Institute (Slovanský ústav) established in Prague in 1928. The Committee focused on research into the “eastern” regions of interwar Czechoslovakia and provided financial support for research in the border regions of Slovakia and especially in Subcarpathian Ruthenia. The support included grants for leading Czechoslovak scholars of Ukrainian or Carpathian origin, chief among whom were the dialectologist Ivan Pankevych and the architect Volodymyr Sichynskyi. The policy of the Committee also included collaboration with Russian scholars (including leading Russian and Soviet researchers, such as the ethnologist Petr Grigorievich Bogatyrev), and especially the Russian and Ukrainian anti-Bolshevik intellectual elite, who were forced to emigrate (including Oleksander Kolessa and Volodymyr Kubiyovych). The article draws on leading Slavic journals (such as Slovanský přehled and Ročenka Slovanského ústavu), as well as primary archival research. In the context of the changing geopolitical situation, the author traces the gradual shift in the attitudes of Czechoslovak Slavists on the question of Ukrainian cultural individuality, the cancelling or latent censorship of cooperation with individual scholars as well as the changes in scholarly terminology within the editorial policy, which during the 1930s became increasingly subjected to the pressure of political conformity.

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Mezi Maputem, Lisabonem, Moskvou a Prahou

Mezi Maputem, Lisabonem, Moskvou a Prahou

Author(s): Marta Edith Holečková / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2022

The autobiography of the Portuguese communist intellectual and politician Cândida Ventura "Můj rozchod s komunismem" [My Break with Communism] was originally published in Portuguese under the title "O „Socialismo” que eu vivi: Testemunho de uma ex-dirigente do PCP" (Lisboa, O Jornal 1984). The review presents the extraordinary life story of Ventura. She was born in 1918 in what is today the Mozambican capital Maputo, and, after joining the Portuguese Communist Party, became involved in the illegal resistance against Salazar’s dictatorship in Portugal. She then became a member of the Communist Party leadership, but was imprisoned in the first half of the 1960s. After her release, she went into exile. From 1965 to 1975, she lived in Prague, where she was employed in the editorial office of the international journal "Problems of Peace and Socialism", also commonly known as the "World Marxist Review". She sided with the Prague Spring, and after her experience with the Soviet intervention in August 1968 and communist practices, she resigned from the party. She returned to her homeland after the Carnation Revolution. She died in 2015. According to the reviewer, her memoirs are a valuable source on the history of the international communist movement, Portuguese history, and the history of relations between Czechoslovakia and Portugal in the second half of the last century. Ventura’s main intention was to publish a testimony of her break with the Stalinist model of communism, but she wrote her book for an international readership, which the Czech edition does not take into account.

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Překvapivě svěží biografie Mussoliniho i po šedesáti letech

Překvapivě svěží biografie Mussoliniho i po šedesáti letech

Author(s): Marek Šmíd / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2022

The book "Mussolini: Vzestup a pád duceho" by the extremely prolific and widely read British historian Christopher Hibbert is a translation of the English original, "Mussolini: The Rise and Fall of Il Duce" (London, Longman 1962). The reviewer points out that, although the book does not consider more recent historical research, it has hardly aged in the sixty years since its first publication and it is one of the most accomplished biographies of Benito Mussolini (1883–1945). It comprehensively discusses the Italian fascist dictator’s career and places it in a broader historical context. While it concentrates mainly on the last three years of his life, it is written in a fresh, attractive style. In his judgements, Hibbert sticks to matter-of-factness and does not succumb to pathos, sympathy or antipathy. He portrays the Duce as a grandiose and opportunistic politician who was increasingly dependent on the Third Reich and paints his portrait with extraordinary sensitivity and empathy.

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Pułk piechoty Ziemi Wadowickiej. Z dziejów tradycji i nazwy 12 Pułku Piechoty
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Pułk piechoty Ziemi Wadowickiej. Z dziejów tradycji i nazwy 12 Pułku Piechoty

Author(s): Michał Siwiec-Cielebon / Language(s): Polish Issue: 6/2001

Tradycja nazywania formacji wojskowych jest równie stara jak samo wojsko. Również w Polsce zwyczaj indywidualnego określania oddziałów datuje się od czasów najdawniejszych. Przetrwał on do dzisiaj, aczkolwiek w różnych epokach różne były formy i zwyczaje praktykowane dla odróżnienia poszczególnych formacji.

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Agenția (Sucursala) Timișoara a Băncii Naționale a României în perioada 1919–1946

Author(s): Nadia Manea / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 29/2022

Largely based on the documents retained in the National Bank of Romania (NBR) Archive, this research paper on Timișoara NBR Branch (Agency) provides information concerning the activity between 1919 and 1946 of one of the most important representative offices of the National Bank of Romania, focusing on: its establishment, staff involvement in the monetary union process of 1920−1921, the takeover of the former offices of the Austrian-Hungarian Bank and the works performed for the maintenance and refurbishment of this heritage building, details on the operations whereby the branch supported the local economy by way of cheap money, information on the clients (banks and industrial firms) who made use of the NBR discount, trends in bank operation volumes, explanations concerning the reasons for awarding the agency a branch status (in 1927). The overview of the activity of the most important branch of the National Bank of Romania in Banat is completed with information regarding the impact of the Great Economic Depression and the debt conversion laws on the operations of the branch and on local banking institutions and, last but not least, by details regarding the involvement of the NBR in local charity actions and details on the situation of the branch during the Second World War. At the same time, this concise monography also includes a list of the managers and most significant officials who performed their professional duties in the Timisoara NBR branch in the period concerned.

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“ДОСТОЈЕВШТИНА” И РУСКА ЕМИГРАЦИЈА У КРАЉЕВСТВУ СХС/ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ

“ДОСТОЈЕВШТИНА” И РУСКА ЕМИГРАЦИЈА У КРАЉЕВСТВУ СХС/ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ

Author(s): Irina Antanasijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2022

This article aims to present an overview of the concept of ‘dostoevshchina’ in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes / Yugoslavia, as well as to point out the similarities and differences in the perception of this concept in Soviet Russia and the Russian diaspora, respectively. The article attempts to clarify the status of this concept in the Balkans, and analyse the book Dostoevsky and Dostoevshchina by philosopher and missionary Grigory Spiridonovich Petrov. Studying the disputes about Dostoevsky from magazines worldwide, and those from “Russia Abroad”, helps the researcher understand the issues that both Soviet Russia and the Russian diaspora faced at the time and dealt with by relying on the ideas from Dostoevsky’s opus.

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Patočkova naděje v duchovním rozlomu druhé republiky

Patočkova naděje v duchovním rozlomu druhé republiky

Author(s): Milan Drápala / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2022

The third commentary on the article "Česká naděje na duchovní vlast" [The Czech Hopes for a Spiritual Homelnad] by the philosopher Jan Patočka examines the place of Patočka’s contemporary reflections on the post-Munich crisis in the cultural and spiritual framework of the Second Czechoslovak Republic. He focuses on Patočka’s criticism of the interwar Czechoslovak Republic against the backdrop of Czech spiritual development, on his distant attitude towards the national conservative revolution carried out by the regime of the Second Republic and on the philosopher’s conception of hope in the context of the contemporary search for solutions. He points to the central importance of the idea of a European education with its tendency towards universalism for the thought of Jan Patočka, who found in it a hopeful perspective for Czech inner renewal and spiritual endeavour.

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The Four Romanian Journalist Guilds of the Twentieth Century
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The Four Romanian Journalist Guilds of the Twentieth Century

Author(s): Marian Petcu / Language(s): English Issue: 44/2022

The present study examines the four journalists’ organizations, called “guilds” („uniuni” in Romanian) that existed from 1919 to 1990. These are associative structures founded in Bucharest, not related to each other by statutory succession/ program or patrimony, and each of them was influenced by the political regimesi n which they were developed and evolved. The consulted documents – it is about a bibliographic research and a research of social / historical documents, which involved access to the funds of the National Archives of Romania, allowed us to determine who were the founders of these unions, what budgets they had, what activities aimed at professionalizing the profession, etc. It is also important in which political / ideological context they were established and how they managed the relationship with the political Power. Here we will find conformity (servitude) during the authoritarian regimes during the Second World War, but especially after the end of the war, during the communist administrations.

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Teejuhid seto fantaasiamaastikele

Author(s): Anti Lillak / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 12/2022

Review of: Ello Kirsi Setomaal kogutud lood 1938-1940. (Monumenta Estoniae Antiquae VIII. Maailmade vahel I.) Tartu: Eesti Kirjandusmuuseumi folkloristika osakond, 2022. 565 lk.

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Życie społecznie i kulturalne Żydów wadowickich w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym
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Życie społecznie i kulturalne Żydów wadowickich w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym

Author(s): Katarzyna Iwańska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 9/2005

W artykule została scharakteryzowana działalność żydowskiej gminy wyznaniowej, która swym zasięgiem obejmowała nie tylko Wadowice, ale również 28 okolicznych wsi. Podstawy prawne jej funkcjonowania określał omówiony przez autorkę "Statut Izraelickiej Gminy Wyznaniowej w Wadowicach". Artykuł przybliża dzieje i formy pomocy żydowskich organizacji społecznych i charytatywnych, m.in. Gemilat Chasudim, Bikur Cholim, Talmud Tora, Tomchaj Anijim czy Związek Żydowskich Inwalidów, Wdów i Sierot Wojennych Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej. Z działających po 1918 r. organizacji sportowych omówione zostały: Klub Sportowy Makkabi cz "Hagibor", a spośród organizacji kulturalno-oświatowych m.in.: Żydowski Dom Ludowy czy Klub Inteligencji Żydowskiej.

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"Nie ma Ojczyzny , gdzie jest krzywda ludzka". Problematyka żydowska w biografii i twórczości Emila Zegadłowicza
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"Nie ma Ojczyzny , gdzie jest krzywda ludzka". Problematyka żydowska w biografii i twórczości Emila Zegadłowicza

Author(s): Mirosław Wójcik / Language(s): Polish Issue: 9/2005

Problematyka żydowska obecna była w życiu i twórczości Emila Zegadłowicza na różnych płaszczyznach. Artykuł prof. Mirosława Wójcika jest próbą naszkicowania najistotniejszych wymiarów zainteresowań okazywanych przez pisarza z Gorzenia losowi wadowickich i ogólnie polskich Żydów. Kulminacją tej wyjątkowej relacji jest nieukończony dramat poświęcony problematyce martyrologii Żydów pt. "Sind Sie Jude?".

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The Historian R.W. Seton-Watson and His 1923 Visit to Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Romania

Author(s): Radu Racoviţan,Victor Daniel Crețu / Language(s): English Issue: XIX/2022

The British historian and publicist, Robert William Seton-Watson (1879-1951), rendered important services to the cause of the nationalities of the former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy ever since the first two decades of the 20th century, including during the Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920).During the 1920s, Seton visited the three states repeatedly: in April-June 1923 (including Austria); the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (and Austria) in May-June 1925, Romania and Czechoslovakia in June 1927 and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Romania and Czechoslovakia in June-August 1929. His visits were determined by the desire to learn at the very scene of events about the political happenings taking place in the three states in the first years after the war.Seton continued to follow the evolution of events in the three successor states during the next years. The events in Skupština in June 1928, when a Serbian parliamentarian shot Radić dead and wounded two other Croatian parliamentarians, horrified Seton-Watson. As far as Romania is concerned, the winning of the elections, in 1928, by the National-Peasant Party brought great hopes for the future of this country, but they were dashed by the failure of the national-peasant governments, carried out against the background of the world economic crisis. Only Czechoslovakia maintained a democratic regime, being, however, also undermined by internal contradictions between Czechs and Slovaks and by the centrifugal tendencies of the Sudeten Germans.

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UČITELJ I POLITIKA: SLUČAJ IVANA TRDIĆA (Drugi dio: U Kraljevini Jugoslaviji i Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj)

UČITELJ I POLITIKA: SLUČAJ IVANA TRDIĆA (Drugi dio: U Kraljevini Jugoslaviji i Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj)

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 22/2022

The abundance and diversity of the preserved archival materials allow a comprehensive analysis of the political activities of the teacher Ivan Trdić during the time of the Yugoslav states (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) between the two wars and in the first days of the Independent State of Croatia. In the first part of the parliamentary period (1919-1926) Trdić came to the fore as the first local teacher to voice the ideology of Yugoslav unitarism, which soon put him - chiefly because of his aggressive pushing of exclusive and violent Yugoslavism - in an untenable position in the Croatian rural communities in which he worked (Nova Kapela). The predictable outcome of everything was a deep disapproval of Yugoslav symbolism by the majority of Croats who started to justifiably treat the aggressive and violent unitaristic minority as national renegades and traitors. Immediately after his promotion in his career (occupying the position of head teacher through political protectionism by the Association of Yugoslav Teachers) Trdić had to undergo a fall. The first Yugoslav circle of sincere Yugoslav teachers ended in the victory of national (i.e. separate Croatian and Serbian) policies and led Trdić to the lee of anonymity in back-of-beyond Stražeman. The Yugoslav nationalists were undeservedly given a new opportunity in the early 1930s. Hence, the 6 January coup of Aleksander Karađorđević must be considered as a new attempt to impose a Yugoslav synthesis. The ideology of the uncompromising Yugoslav regime of the dictatorship reiterated a number of the previous features (a-historicism, exclusiveness, hidden Serbianization) but also brought in some novelties such as state protection, a more apparent monarchism, the predominance of the assimilation version of Yugoslavism and the disappearance of a vocal opposition. As expected, Trdić happened to be at the forefront of distinguished stakeholders of the new conditions in Slavonska Požega (where he lived and where the primary school of which he was head was located); he was enthusiastically active through the two basic media. He occupied a distinguished position in the new regime formation meant for the ideological indoctrination of society, particularly of children (centralized Association of Yugoslav Teachers) and was also a part of the administration of regime parties. Also, the increase of problems concerning the ambivalence of the dictatorial regime would hardly have led to a new collapse of Yugoslav nationalism without the violent death of its idol King Alexander. Without the king, the supporters of “provincial” (that is to say national) identities in Sava Banovina were in the majority (as indicated by the parliamentary elections in May 1935) and in the case of Slavonska Požega this in the first place indicated the return of the HSS (Croatian Peasant Party) led Croatian national movement to the scene. Hence, Trdić experienced in Slavonska Požega (as well as in the second half of 1920 in Nova Kapela) the collapse of Yugoslav nationalism which is naturally the frequent fate of unnatural ideological projects that have no very serious support and are based on imposition and repression. Trdić managed to keep his position on the surface for only a short period of time: without the support of the regime or of a strong political party the Croatian, Yugo-nationalists were brought down to the status of a distinct minority, hence, the imperative of continuing to exist inevitably led them in the direction of Milan Stojadinović which again brings to light their dependence on the Serbian base. However, the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia (denied in the early 1930s) indicated the final victory of Croatian nationalism, that is to say the final defeat of Yugoslav nationalism and the new regime showed not much consideration for Yugoslav teachers who were the servants of a violent and anti-Croatian dictatorship. Trdić was therefore expelled from the Association of Croatian Teachers and to the Yugoslav Radical Union he was more an obstacle to the prospects of the party than a useful lure for Croats. However, Trdić’s second Yugoslav round did not end peacefully. The regime of the Banovina of Croatia forced him into retirement but the uncompromising Croatian nationalists governing the Independent State of Croatia decided to execute him.

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MATERINSTVO I MIR U ČASOPISU ŽENSKI POKRET (1920–1938)

MATERINSTVO I MIR U ČASOPISU ŽENSKI POKRET (1920–1938)

Author(s): Teodora Todorić Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 26/2022

Between the two world wars, women associated with the Society for Women’s Emancipation and Protection of Their Rights (later the Alliance of Women’s Movements) actively participated in pacifist organisations such as The League of Nations, The Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom and The Little Entente of Women. Pacifism was one of the most critical topics in the Women’s Movement journal (1920–1938), Society’s herald, especially since the end of the 1920s when it was gradually becoming clear that the world was heading for a new war. The journal was following and reporting on activities and achievements of pacifist organisations. Pacifism was generally perceived as an “innate” field of women’s activism In the Women’s Movement journal. If women got the right to vote, feminists thought, there would be no more wars because women would always vote for politics of peace. The claim that women were against war was usually based on female attributes traditionally related to maternity, such as care, empathy, patience, and nonviolence. This paper focuses on views expressed in the journal about mothers’ role in building a non-conflict society and preserving world peace. Mothers were seen as educators of future generations who rebuild nations. Since they lost husbands and sons in wars, they were expected to oppose it. Although less often, such points of view are problematized in the journal, the paper will also discuss that.

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