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The State and Violence in Kurdistan: A Conceptual Framework

The State and Violence in Kurdistan: A Conceptual Framework

Author(s): Naif Bezwan / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This article interrogates the use of state-organised violence against the Kurds by focusing on four major cases of mass violence conducted in the early republican era in the 1920s and 1930s. Through the examination of the key processes and major policies, the study explains state violence as historically and causally related to the logic and imperatives of imposing and maintaining direct rule over the predominantly Kurdish-inhabited territories in post-Ottoman Turkey. To better understand the nature of state violence, I present three mutually reinforcing and interconnected conceptual pathways: integral colonisation, incorporation by nation-destruction and colonial violence. The paper argues that the strategies of state formation and expansion into Kurdistan along with the coercive policies of creating a unitary and homogenous Turkish nation took the form of integral colonisation. This process, while laying the foundations for the politics of incorporation by nation-destruction, co-existed with and informed by the use of colonial violence. Disaggregated into ideological, ethnocidal and genocidal violence, colonial violence is thus referred to as underlying mechanism behind the recurrent use of state violence in Kurdistan.

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Zapożyczenia w słownictwie wyścigów konnych w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym (na podstawie czasopisma „Jeździec i Hodowca”)
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Zapożyczenia w słownictwie wyścigów konnych w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym (na podstawie czasopisma „Jeździec i Hodowca”)

Author(s): Milena Wojtyńska-Nowotka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2021

This paper represents the stream of structuralist research and has been dedicated to discussing a selected portion of the sports vocabulary of the interwar period. On the basis of the „Jeździec i hodowca” (“Rider and breeder”) magazine, foreign words present in the horse-racing vocabulary have been analysed. The research concentrates on describing the chronology and genetics of the borrowings, their registration in selected lexicographic sources, and the thematic circles they represent. The conclusion of this paper indicates that a large portion of the vocabulary borrowed from horse races was not stabilized and was subject to adaptation to the Polish language system in the selected period.

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SOVIET RUSSIA AND THE “HYBRID WARFARE” AGAINST ROMANIA BETWEEN WW I AND WW II

SOVIET RUSSIA AND THE “HYBRID WARFARE” AGAINST ROMANIA BETWEEN WW I AND WW II

Author(s): Ioan Codruţ Lucinescu / Language(s): English Issue: 23/2020

World War I led to changes both on a European and a global level. Romania is a significant case/example considering the fact that in 1918, after the fall of the multinational empires, it achieved the goal of national unity. In the following years, the Romanian state promoted the peace established then, in order to strengthen its territorial integrity and alliances. The institutions of the national security system worked, since the end of the military actions, to fulfill this strategic objective. Both the army and the national intelligence services were confronted with complex threats. “Great Romania” had, at the time, three neighbouring countries with an obvious revisionist foreign policy and territorial claims – Hungary, Bulgaria and Soviet Russia. By far the most dangerous enemy (both in terms of force and means) was the Soviet Union which never accepted the territorial losses of the Tsarist Empire and the loss of Bessarabia. Lenin’s Russia and then Stalin’s Soviet Union attempted, in the two decades that separated WW I and WW II, to destabilize the Romanian state through means and methods that echo the modern “hybrid warfare” – from propaganda performed by the communist movement aimed at changing the constitutional order, to various attempts to ignite peasant revolutions (as a pretext for the Red Army intervention), and factory strikes, to an intensive espionage activity. The paper aims to analyse on the one hand the ample subversive actions of the soviet secret services and, on the other, to look at the countermeasures that the Romanian intelligence structures adopted for their annihilation.

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ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ МОБИЛИЗАЦИЯ ЖЕНЩИН В 1920-Х ГГ. (НА МАТЕРИАЛАХ ЕНИСЕЙСКОЙ ГУБЕРНИИ)

Author(s): Olesja Mihajlovna Dolidovich,T. G. Karchaeva / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2020

The article is devoted to the study of mass political mobilization of women in the 1920s. The problem is considered on the materials of the Yenisei province. The authors used a wide range of archival materials and local periodicals. They showed that the party and the state did not have the means to carry out full-scale, systematic work among women. The women’s departments experienced a permanent shortage of personnel and lack of funding. But they explained to women their civil and political rights, developed the delegate movement, worked to eliminate illiteracy, increase the electoral activity of women and their representation in government. Female workers and peasant women demonstrated a weak motivation for participation in public and political life, a low ability to make managerial decisions, and the assimilation of a new gender role. Party leaders in the regions of the country for a long time did not understand the purposes and meaning of Soviet policy on women and virtually ignored it. The authors concluded that the situation could not be different in agrarian regions with undeveloped social infrastructure, insignificant industrial production, predominance of rural population with such features as low level of education and social mobility, collectivism, religiosity. For this reason, the next stage of the national gender policy in 1930-1950s was associated with the process of accelerated economic modernization of the country.

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Президент Социалистической республики Брауншвейг Август Мергес: путь рабочего-интеллигента

Президент Социалистической республики Брауншвейг Август Мергес: путь рабочего-интеллигента

Author(s): Nikolay Mikhailovich Filatov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2020

In modern Russian historiography, the regional aspect of the revolution in Germany of 1918—1919 is poorly affected, and such a state entity as the Socialist Republic of Braunschweig and its actors are not considered at all. The purpose of the article is to give a political portrait of the president of the 99-day republic on the banks of the Oker Augustus Merges (1870—1945). The author relies primarily on foreign sources and literature. The work uses historical-chronological, historical-comparative research methods. The years of study, the work of a tailor and the first steps of a young man in the Social Democratic Party of Germany, the occupation of journalistic activities are examined. It is noted that during the First World War A. Merges with a group of comrades founded the Revolutionary Club of Braunschweig, which was engaged in anti-militaristic agitation. The article shows the great influence of Merges on the course of revolutionary events in the duchy, which brought him to the post of president of the Socialist Republic of Braunschweig. It speaks of the activities of the Soviet government, the position against the convocation of the German National Assembly on January 19, 1919, and the attempt to proclaim the Soviet republic on February 28 in Braunschweig. It describes how, on April 17, with the introduction of the volunteer corps into the former duchy, Augustus hides from the city and until 1933 concentrates on working in leftist communist and syndicalist organizations, and after the Nazis came to power in Germany against their regime. Repeatedly arrested and died due to ill-treatment in custody. At the end of the article, it is concluded that the intellectual worker August Merges is one of the main characters of the November Revolution in Braunschweig, who did not allow bloodshed in the post of the President of the Socialist Republic in the city of Bremen and Bavaria.

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«Этого не должно было быть, но это было»: новая книга об историографии государственного террора 1917—1953 гг. в СССР.

«Этого не должно было быть, но это было»: новая книга об историографии государственного террора 1917—1953 гг. в СССР.

Author(s): Aleksey Yurievich Suslov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2020

Рец. на кн.: Литвин А. Л. Российская историография государственного террора в стране, 1917—1953. М.: Собрание, 2019. 364 c. / Review to: Litvin A. L. Russian historiography of the state terror in Soviet Union, 1917—1953, Moscow: Sobraniye, 2019. 364 p.

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Научная элита в условиях становления тоталитарного политического режима в СССР: судьба профессора Н. Д. Кондратьева

Научная элита в условиях становления тоталитарного политического режима в СССР: судьба профессора Н. Д. Кондратьева

Author(s): Irina Nikolayevna Fedotova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 4/2020

The urgency of this article is determined by the fact that the legacy of the outstanding Soviet economist Nikolai Dmitrievich Kondratyev, who was repressed in the 1930s, needs in-depth study as a part of history of scientific thought, which is closely related to the socio-political realities of its era. The purpose of the author's work is to analyze the argument on challenges of planning, which was presented by Kondratyev in the course of the discussion in the 1920s, and to consider it within the broad context of his scientific economic concept. The article presents the characteristics of such aspects of Kondratyev’s scientific activity as market research and forward planning. The results of the analysis show that Kondratyev managed not only to go a long way in each of these areas of scientific research, but also to synthesize them. The key conceptual idea that is central in all of Kondratyev’s scientific works was to discover and study the objective laws of market economy development with the aim of implementing scientific knowledge to the fullest extent possible in the practical purpose. Therefore, the doctrine of large cycles of conjuncture should be considered as the foundation on which Kondratyev built his theoretical and methodological principles of forecasting and planning. The content of Kondratyev’s concept was contrary to the political priorities that were chosen by the Soviet leadership in the late 1920s. Forced industrialization and collectivization, which were carried out at the expense of non-economic coercion, inevitably meant the collapse of market relations and the transition to the directive methods of economic management. For this reason, the researchers of market economy lost any opportunity to continue their scientific work and express their views. The ruling elite headed by Stalin, which asserted totalitarian control over science, doomed Kondratyev and many of his associates not only to be ousted from their professional sphere, but also to be physically destroyed.

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Stosunki niemiecko-sowieckie w aspekcie Prus Wschodnich podczas wojny polsko-bolszewickiej na forum Sejmu Ustawodawczego 1919–1922

Stosunki niemiecko-sowieckie w aspekcie Prus Wschodnich podczas wojny polsko-bolszewickiej na forum Sejmu Ustawodawczego 1919–1922

Author(s): Zbigniew Kudrzycki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2020

Regaining independence after 123 years of partitions led to various difficult problems faced by the Polish state. The main issue of the first months of freedom was the appointment of crucial organs of state authorities that would be legitimised by the nation to rule lawfully. On 28 November 1918, Józef Piłsudski, the interim Head of State, issued a second decree on the Legislative Sejm elections and set its date to 26 January 1919. The First Sejm of the 2nd Republic of Poland handled a wide array of internal problems and relations with other countries, which was an obvious scope of duties for the time of its operation. When it came to the relations with neighbours, its mem-bers devoted the majority of their attention to Polish-Russian (Soviet) arrangements. The issue of German-Russian relations was also discussed. It was caused by the interest of political parties in the state’s foreign policy and their fears for Poland’s security. The parties aimed at presenting their stands on the contemporary problems in Pol-ish-Russian relations in the context of German-Russian cooperation, but also wanted to affect said relations with their activities and interpellations.

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KALTĖ – METAFIZINĖ DUOTYBĖ AR KONSTRUOJAMAS JAUSMAS: ŽYDŲ KALTĖS MOTYVAI LIETUVIŲ PERIODIKOJE 1922–1940 METAIS

KALTĖ – METAFIZINĖ DUOTYBĖ AR KONSTRUOJAMAS JAUSMAS: ŽYDŲ KALTĖS MOTYVAI LIETUVIŲ PERIODIKOJE 1922–1940 METAIS

Author(s): Linas Venclauskas / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 62/2014

This article analyzes publications of Lithuanian periodicals from 1922 to 1940 that deal with Lithuanian – Jewish relations. Ever since Lithuanian periodicals started to be published regularly, the relations between Jews and Lithuanians were presented as problematic. This was due to historical and cultural traditions, as well as the opportunity Lithuanians got to become an independent country in a rapidly forming and changing modern world. Two concepts of guilt are discussed in the article: guilt as an inbuilt feature that could not be avoided; and guilt as a socially constructed feeling when one national group presumes to create a framework for the social and cultural activities of another national group and when, the latter group not fitting into the given scheme, it is reproached and presented with evidence of its failure. In the first case, two traditions may be identified. One is that of anti-Judaism, which alleges that Jews have been living in error since the dawn of Christianity and have therefore tried to harm Christians and to overcome them. The second tradition presents Jews as a “race” created with inborn defects by nature itself; hence they are unable to live in harmony but are led by their very nature to engage in destruction. Thus the Jews create confusion and at the same time claim that they themselves are the most discriminated against and troubled people. Another group of sources suggests a slightly different approach: the idea that Lithuanian – Jewish relations are problematic remains, yet the nature of these relations would change if Jews accepted Lithuanian requirements. However, the Jews are presented as purblind in this respect: they do not want to learn and use the Lithuanian language; but they advocate unacceptable ideologies and seek only their own benefit, or even create plans to take over the whole world.

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Образы социально-политических преобразований в СССР в зарубежной эмигрантской прессе (1929 — конец 1930-х гг.)

Образы социально-политических преобразований в СССР в зарубежной эмигрантской прессе (1929 — конец 1930-х гг.)

Author(s): Evgeniya Andreevna Ignatieva,Mikhail Yurievich Shmatov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2021

The article is devoted to the analysis of materials of the expatriate periodicals of the interwar period, dedicated to political transformations in the USSR. The research focuses on the problem of the emigre images of the USSR, its people, the intelligentsia, the possibilities of communication abroad with them in order to influence the fate of the country. The press is analyzed as a social institution and a tool for the formation of an information picture and ideological attitudes. For the analysis of mass sources of periodicals (primarily information and journalistic materials), methods of content, discourse and intent analysis are used, which make it possible to study the content, thematic features of texts and the practical goals of their creation. The views of socialist, liberal, conservative émigré authors on the “key” events in the process of the formation of the socio-political model of Stalinism: “The Great Break” and the massive political campaigns of the second half of the 1930s are studied. Conclusions are made about the close relationship of personal experience and political and worldview positions of the authors with the picture of events they form. A significant interest of the emigre intelligentsia in the fate of the Soviet intelligentsia was established, with a significant pluralism of views on the mission of the intelligentsia in the USSR: from participation in constructive transformations to servile interaction with the totalitarian regime.

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Вопросы внешней политики в программе большевиков-ленинцев Верхнеуральского политического изолятора

Вопросы внешней политики в программе большевиков-ленинцев Верхнеуральского политического изолятора

Author(s): A. A. Fokin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 32/2020

Томасу Эдисону приписывают фразу: «Гений — это один процент вдохновения и девяносто девять процентов пота». Она применима и к историческим исследованиям: необходимо переработать массу архивного материала, чтобы найти интересную информацию. Но порой удача бывает благосклонна и источники сами идут в руки исследователя. Так, в начале 2018 г. начался ремонт нескольких камер здания Верхнеуральской тюрьмы, при разборе пола был обнаружен тайник с документами, созданными заключенными в 1931–1933 гг., когда там размещался Верхнеуральский политический изолятор. Тюремный корпус, построенный в 1914 г., во время Первой Мировой и Гражданской войн, практически не использовался. С началом политических репрессий в конце 1920-х годов туда перевели заключенных из Соловецкого лагеря, и Верхнеуральский политический изолятор, наряду с Ярославским и Суздальским, стал местом деятельности оппозиции. Особенностью пенитенциарной системы того периода можно считать относительную лояльность к заключенным, поскольку сталинский режим еще не ставил своей целью физическое уничтожение оппозиции.

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Профессиональная адаптация северокавказцев в эмиграции (1920–1930-е годы, Франция)

Профессиональная адаптация северокавказцев в эмиграции (1920–1930-е годы, Франция)

Author(s): Irina Leonidovna Babich / Language(s): Russian Issue: 33/2020

This article considers models of the professional arrangement of North Caucasian émigrés in France in the 1920s and 1930s. Using new archival and field ethnographic materials, we explore the social and political activities of North Caucasians as a profession and as a view of life; and the activities of the Caucasian group of oil owners (leader — Nobel), who before the Revolution were engaged in oil production in the Caucasus or owned shares of oil firms. France had the most cars in Europe for the 1920s and 1930s. Therefore, it was not surprising that many emigrants from Russia, including North Caucasians, began working as chauffeurs, taxi drivers, and auto mechanics. In addition, they often became employees of auto factories (e. g. as specialists and laborers). Since there were many military people among North Caucasian émigrés, many they decided to join the French Foreign Legion. Emigrants from the North Caucasus pursued publishing, literary, journalistic, scientific, and teaching activities. In Russia many North Caucasians received a legal education but could not work as lawyers in France. Medical activity was also rare. In emigration there were several North Caucasians who became artists, singers, and dancers who performed in restaurants opened by North Caucasians. The children of the first wave of North Caucasian emigrants, as a rule, received higher education in France, and many of them managed to obtain excellent careers.

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Большевики и святые мощи

Большевики и святые мощи

Author(s): Pavel Gennadievich Rogozny / Language(s): Russian Issue: 33/2020

The article explores the opening of religious relics in the first years of Soviet power and the reaction to this opening by “popular оrthodoxy”. Holy relics — the bones and imperishable remains of holy people — are revered in both the Orthodox and Catholic churches. In 1918–1920, the Bolsheviks, knowing popular belief in the incorruption of Holy relics, organized the opening of Church relics, and instead of imperishable relics found only bones. Government officials, priests, and doctors were appointed to the Commission responsible for opening relics of saints. Thus, the Soviet authorities tried to discredit the Church. The organizers of the company for opening relics were those who before the Revolution were linked to the Orthodox Church. These were either former priests or people who served in the Synod. The opening of the relics was a great shock for the faithful and a great success for the new authorities. Instead of imperishable relics, the tombs were found at best with rotted bones. The results of this campaign were published in the press and were actively used by Soviet power later.

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Панвавилонизм в российской исторической науке первой трети XX века: от критики к эксплуатации

Панвавилонизм в российской исторической науке первой трети XX века: от критики к эксплуатации

Author(s): Alisa Andreevna Popova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2020

In this paper, the influence of panbabylonism theories on the historical research in Russia during the pre-revolutionary and early Soviet eras was studied. The criticism of panbabylonism was discussed; the theories of its supporters were considered. The critics of panbabylonism were theologians (V.P. Rybinsky, N.S. Arsenyev) and historians (B.A. Turaev, N.M. Nikolsky). The strategies of their criticism were different. Theologians, who criticized the Assyriological narrative, used outdated theological theories based on the thesis of consistency of the Bible and God’s intervention in its creation, which, against the background of criticism from scholars, looked conservative, inappropriate, and unproven. The supporters of panbabylonism especially vividly proved themselves in the 1920s. In this period, when the Marxist approach to assessing historical events was not formed in the Soviet historiography, panbabylonism was used mainly to build a narrative that discredited religion and corresponded to the atheistic discourse of the Soviet government of that time. It was concluded that panbabylonism was not initially accepted by Russian historians, but was revived in the 1920s, when it could match the goals of the Soviet government. Subsequently, the scholars accepted and developed many of the concepts of panbabylonism, such as initial polytheism of all Semitic tribes, borrowing of Babylonian cultural concepts by Israel and their indirect influence on Christianity; assyriologists began to research the development of babylonian mathematics and astronomy.

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Панславистские идеи в теории и практике российской эмиграции (20–30-е годы XX века)

Панславистские идеи в теории и практике российской эмиграции (20–30-е годы XX века)

Author(s): Aleksey Yurievich Suslov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2020

The Socialist League of the New East was a new form of political activity of the first wave of emigrants from the former Russian Empire due to the loss of confidence in traditional institutions. The paper considers the activities of the League in the late 1920s, its attempts to integrate parts of the Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, and Caucasian emigration. The prerequisites for the emergence of this project as an attempt to revive pan-Slavic ideas in a socialist shell and taking into account the latest integration trends were studied. Modern literature devoted to the Socialist League of the New East was analyzed. The role of V.M. Chernov, a leader of the Russian socialist revolutionaries in emigration, in the creation of the Socialist League of the New East was investigated. The program provisions of the Socialist League of the New East provided for the division of the Soviet Union into seven independent national States. This project caused a negative reaction from almost the entire socialist spectrum of Russian emigration. The reasons for the failure of the project of the Socialist League of the New East were discussed. For V.M. Chernov and his Russian comrades, this was an idealistic attempt to revive pan-Slavic ideas. However, for the nationalist-minded socialists of the former Russian Empire, the main thing was the recognition and support of their Russian colleagues in their desire for de facto independence. As a result, this attempt for unity turned out to be rejected by the overwhelming majority of Russian emigrant socialists.

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Карикатура как источник по истории советского детства (по материалам газеты «Пионерская правда» второй половины 20-х годов XX в.)

Карикатура как источник по истории советского детства (по материалам газеты «Пионерская правда» второй половины 20-х годов XX в.)

Author(s): Alla Arkadevna Salnikova,Kseniya Andreyevna Korniushkina / Language(s): Russian Issue: 6/2020

This paper deals with the phenomenon of newspaper caricature and its influence on the life of Soviet children. Caricatures were widely used by the Soviet authorities as a means of official propaganda, in children’s periodicals as well. For children, they were employed to create an image of the “standardized” Soviet child, through cartooning and criticism of antipodes. The analysis of caricatures from the pages of the “Pionerskaya Pravda” newspaper dating back to the second half of the 1920s revealed the ways by which various archetypes developed in the satirical ideological images. Their strong impact on children was demonstrated. The caricatures for young readers of “Pionerskaya Pravda” were considered as a creolized text (binary – verbal–non-verbal) with categorical, simplified, political, and educational purposes. A classification of caricature images based on their genre and content was developed. The value of newspaper caricatures as a source for reconstruction of children’s “sovetization” in the USSR during the second half of the 1920s was discussed.

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PRILOG ISTRAŽIVANJU POLOŽAJA I AKTIVNOSTI RADNIČKOG POKRETA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI OD ZAVRŠETKA PRVOG SVJETSKOG RATA DO POČETKA HUSINSKE BUNE

PRILOG ISTRAŽIVANJU POLOŽAJA I AKTIVNOSTI RADNIČKOG POKRETA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI OD ZAVRŠETKA PRVOG SVJETSKOG RATA DO POČETKA HUSINSKE BUNE

Author(s): Denis Bećirović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 5/2021

Based on archival material and relevant literature, this text analyses and presents the activities of the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first years after the end of the First World War. During this period, the struggle for workers'rights, mostly through strike actions, resulted, among other things, in an increase in wages, the introduction of eight-hour working days in most companies, the exercise of the right to elect workers' commissioners and trade unions. The workers managed to get other benefits related to the economic position of the workers, such as retail co-operatives, apartments, assistance in purchasing work suits, etc. Workers' representatives fought for a radically better position and a new place in society. In addition to eight-hour working days, higher wages and other demands to improve the material position of workers, strikes against the political disenfranchisement of workers were conducted during this period, as well as for political freedoms and democratisation of political life in the country. During 1919 and 1920, several strikes about pay were organised by miners, construction workers and metalworkers in the forest industry, catering workers and employees in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bijeljina, Brčko, Zenica, Breza, Mostar, Zavidovići, Dobrljin, Lješljani, Maslovarama and Rogatica. It was part of over 125 strikes by workers in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of legal activity of the Socialist Labour Party of Yugoslavia (SLPY) (c), i.e. the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and its close trade unions. At the initiative of the SLPY (c) and united syndicates, public political assemblies were organised in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar, Brčko, Derventa, Vareš and Drvar, at which demands were put forward to dissolve the authorities, and organise democratic elections for the Constituent Assembly and demobilise the army. The aggravation of the political situation in the first post-war years was noticeable in many local communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a number of cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there were physical confrontations between workers and security bodies of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. One such example occurred, in Zenica in mid-October 1920, when police banned the Communists' attempt to hold an assembly despite a previously imposed ban. On that occasion, the gathered mass of 2,500 workers refused to disperse and demanded that the assembly be held. After the police and the gendarmerie tried to disperse the gathered workers, there was open conflict. Workers threw stones at security officials, and they responded by firing firearms. The rally was eventually broken up, one worker was wounded and twelve workers were hurt during a clash with police. Owing to the increasing engagement of workers' representatives, the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina worsened. It was not uncommon to have open conflicts between workers and government officials. After the collapse of the Husino uprising, the position of workers deteriorated. Also, this paper discusses the impact of the revolutions in Eastern and Central Europe on the labour movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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“The Future Belongs to Engineers”? The “Production” of Engineers in Romania, 1881 – 1939

“The Future Belongs to Engineers”? The “Production” of Engineers in Romania, 1881 – 1939

Author(s): Dragoş Sdrobiş / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

The study aims to trace the numerical evolution of the engineering profession until 1939 focusing on the social and economic dimensions. In this sense, my approach relies on the theory of professionalization, the basic premise being that the profession is a constructed social identity and a social mobility elevator created by the state. According to this theory, the development of a specific educational training system is an essential prerequisite in this process. The study also discusses the main traits of polytechnic education in Romania, with a special focus on the Polytechnic School in Bucharest. Finally, the study analyzes the situation of the engineers’ body in Romania during 1938, using data extracted from the Asociația Generală an Inginerilor from România[The General Association of Engineers in Romania] (AGIR) yearbook, with the aim of highlighting the contribution of polytechnic schools in Romania to the numerical development of the engineering profession. The preliminary conclusion of this study is that engineers prepared the ground for the development of a new approach to economics, society, and politics that contributed to the increasing role played by the state in the late 1930s.

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Izumrle i raseljene familije u Džakulama od 1932. do 2000. godine

Izumrle i raseljene familije u Džakulama od 1932. do 2000. godine

Author(s): Fikret Ahmedbašić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 10/2000

U traganju za nekim etnološkim zanimljivostima sa područja današnje Mjesne zajednice Džakule prelistao sam i domovnicu iz 1932. godine u kojoj je izvršen popis stanovništva i primijetio da 17 familija više ne živi u ovom selu. Radi se o sljedećem familijama: Bešići, Biberkići, Begići, Huskanovići, Okići, Faćići, Piskići, Hamzići, Husići, Softići, Okanovići, Turnadžići, Spahići, Džambići, Drndići, Dželilovići i Jašarevići. Neke od ovih familija su izumrle, a neke su se tokom vremena iselile iz Džakula i nastavile da žive u susjednim ili nekim drugim mjestima.

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Svirac-efendija i njegov amanet

Svirac-efendija i njegov amanet

Author(s): Sadik Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 10/2000

Još u vremenu gradačačkih kapetana u ovoj kasabi bilo je dosta ljubitelja pisane riječi, onih koji su knjige pisali i prepisivali, koji su ih darovali medresama i učilištima, kao i onih koji su se bavili knjigovezačkim radom i zanatom. Na to nas podsjećaju rijetko sačuvani dokumenti, stare knjige i rukopisi, koji nam otkrivaju pravu kulturnu renesansu Gradačca u tom periodu naše historije.

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