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Reviewed books: Gulyás László Szabolcs: Városfejlődés a középkori Máramarosban. Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület, Kolozsvár, 2014. (Erdélyi Tudományos Füzetek 280.) Ősz Sándor Előd: Bibliotheca Calviniana Transylvanica. Kora újkori Kálvin-kiadások Erdélyben. Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület–Erdélyi Református Egyházkerület, Kolozsvár, 2014. A szatmári Vécseyek a 19-20. században. Szerkesztette, bevezető tanulmány: Zsoldos Ildikó. Bessenyei Könyvkiadó, Nyíregyháza, 2011.
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An icon of All Saints produced in 1771 was recently published in Bulgaria. It is owned by the National Archaeological museum in Sofia and comes from the region of Samokov. Its composition is not unknown to Orthodox iconography, but the signature of Zograph is of particular interest: α΄ ψ΄ α΄ Διά χειρός Κωνσταντίνου αμαρτωλού του Βυζαντίου.What could Byzantium be for a Greek artist from the end of the eighteenth century, when researchers call this period Post-Byzantine? Certainly Βυζάντιο in combination with the image of St Constantine the Great marks eighteenth-century Constantinople or Konstantinyie as the capital of the Ottoman Empire. even more puzzling is why the artist did not use the Greek name of the city or its Ottoman version. Arguably, the answer is to be sought in the sociopolitical situation in the empire and the eternal City in 1771. After a brief and critical presentation of the development of Christian Orthodox art between fifteenth and twentieth century the author notes another possible explanation of the icon’s appearance exactly in the region of Samokov. Prior to 1766-67, this ethnic Bulgarian territory belonged to the diocese of the Serbian church, or of the Patriarchate of Pec, and after the destruction of the latter, Samokov came under the jurisdiction of Constantinople. Thus, it cannot be ruled out that the icon had been brought over from the Ottoman capital as a symbol of the transition of the local metropolis to the rule of the Greek Patriarchate, which still considered itself as Byzantine, or more precisely, as a Byzantine institution functioning in the Ottoman Empire. The first arch-shepherd of Samokov ordained by Constantinople was Philotheos, who was elected in Kurucesme in April 1778. Despite his Bulgarian origin, he became a monk at Mount Athos, studied in Istanbul and served as a deacon at the Patriarchate. Before Philotheos took over, the Bishopric of Samokov had been ruled by Neophitos Joanovich, exiled in Silivria, who was elected by Ipek. Upon his arrival in Samokov, the new metropolitan Philotheos, probably as a political act, brought with him the icon painted by Constantine in 1771. More importantly, the artist who created the icon of All Saints believed that he still worked in the Orthodox tradition established in the Middle Ages and designated by western European scholars as Byzantine; he did not see himself as a satellite of a parallel visual world lost after the Fall of the multinational Eastern Orthodox Empire. Relying on a religious term, Christian Orthodox, to talk about a type of art with hardly any secular manifestations, instead of using an artificial political and economic designation such as Post-Byzantine art, would in addition prevent misunderstandings during contacts with experts from other fields.
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In this article Szewczyk-Haake contextualizes Tadeusz Różewicz’s poem “Róża” [“Rose”], from his collected poems [Poezje zebrane] of 1971, with the German Renaissance painter Matthias Grünewald’s Isenheim Altarpiece. The retable in Różewicz’s poem is read in two ways. On the one hand, being characteristic of German art, the poem is interpreted in a broadly German context. On the other hand, Różewicz’s return in “Róża” to the “German thread” – a major theme in his oeuvre – does not cancel out the existential significance of his confrontation with the medieval masterpiece. Szewczyk-Haake consequently suggests that Różewicz juxtaposes two ways of understanding the relationship between the work of art and its audience. According to the first, interpretation hinges on a range of key reception experiences; according to the second, interpretation is based on aesthetic experience, beyond time.
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The creation and economic rise of certain civil settlements in Slovenia in the pre-industrial era is inextricably related to the exploitation of water resources and mineral wealth. Two villages became marketplaces thanks to water resources: in the 16th century, Vrhnika mostly because of Ljubljanica river navigation and river traffic; at the turn of the 17th and 18th century Dolenjske Toplice acquired the position of a marketplace, soon to lose it. River transport on Sava in the 18th and early 19th century significantly changed the economic and social profile of the medieval market called Litija; after it ceased due to the railway, a reversal occurred again. However, the exploitation of mineral wealth had even greater impact on formation of urban settlements than river transport. At the end of the Middle Ages, there was a marketplace Bela Peč (now in Italy), the only mining settlement that managed to acquire all the attributes of a marketplace with a developed autonomy. The place Idrija is certainly the biggest phenomenon of them all, with its mercury mining. Getting its marketplace status in late 17th century, Idrija was referred to as a mining town from mid-18th century onwards, and later a city (the second biggest one in Carniola); although on an overall level it lacked institutions of a city administration.
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The phenomenon of building crosses in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 16th–18th centuries was characteristic of the entire Catholic world. One can assert that already in the 16th century, crosses were built at waysides and homesteads in the entire territory of Lithuania. They were important landmarks of local topography and were used to mark the land boundaries.In the 16th century, the majority of crosses were mentioned as the landmarks of domains. In the 16th–17th centuries, the boundary between crosses as landmarks in towns and crosses at waysides were very delicate. Therefore, strict differentiation of functions and typology of crosses is not possible, except where crosses were built on piles of ground as landmarks in fields. Detailed descriptions of churches of the 16th century have not survived (or have not been found yet). Therefore, final conclusions cannot be drawn about erection or not erection of crosses in the cemeteries and churchyards which belong exclusively to the activity field of the parson of the parish church.In the first half of the 17th century, the spread of crosses in the landscape of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was related with the teaching of the Post-Trent Church. In that period, crosses began to be erected in large numbers at churchyards, cemeteries, homesteads, waysides as tokens of memory and on other occasions. In the second half of the 17th century, a cross became a customary attribute in a place of residence or on a trip. Today, we can already speak about the piety to the redemptive suffering of Christ that was established in the religious consciousness of all believers (Catholics). Like in the entire Catholic world, in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania crosses at cemeteries, homesteads, and waysides as well as commemorative, plague, and mission crosses began to be erected in the 16th–18th centuries.Sparse schematic markings of crosses on the maps of land domains and more extensive descriptions allow us to state that sacral monuments of different forms existed already in the 17th–18th century. Roofed pillar-type crosses (stogastulpiai), roofed crosses, shrines on the pillars, columns with statues of saints, and small wayside shrines (koplytėlės) in trees, etc. were built, but there are no data about the spread and distribution of concrete types of religious monuments. In the 18th century, crosses with sculptures of the Crucified with attached shrines containing figures of other holy persons were built in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. According to the 18th century descriptions from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, there was a widespread custom to build wayside shrines on the ground.A description of Samogitian crosses published by Aubrey de la Motraye in 1732 allows us to draw a conclusion about a deep-rooted folk piety. According to analogies of the 19th century, small wayside shrines and statues of saints mentioned by this Frenchman could be attributed to the sacral folk sculpture, about the existence of which we do not have any more reliable and comprehensive sources. The majority of the traditions related to the building, functions, and intentions of crosses formed and took root in the 17th century. The role and meaning of the custom of keeping crosses and images of holy persons in the daily living environment, recorded by ethnographers, ethnologists and researchers of folk art in the first half of the 20th century and even in the early 21st century, formed as early as in the 17th century and hardly changed in later times. From the first half of the 17th century, sculptures in churches of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania started to be dressed with fabric clothes. In the first half of the 18th century, this tradition took deep root in the folk culture. In the 18th century, a tradition characteristic of the catholic world to decorate the crosses with flowers and other plants became widely spread in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
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Die Stadtansicht von Bistritz wird von der Monumentalität der evangelischen Kirche und der ihr eigenen Silhouette geprägt. Ihr derzeitiges Äußeres ist größtenteils das Ergebnis der weitreichenden Bauarbeiten aus der Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts unter der Leitung des Architekten Petrus Italus von Lugano; sie wurden 1563, vor 450 Jahren, abgeschlossen. Freilich hat das Bauwerk bis zu seiner (natürlich relativ) endgültigen Form verschiedene Bauphasen durchlaufen, die sich in seiner Bausubstanz wiederfinden. Die vorliegende Studie1 bezieht sich auf die Zeit vor dem Jahr 1563 und versucht, zwei künstlerische Momente aus der Perspektive des Stifters, in diesem Fall des Stadtpfarrers, zu klären. Im Mittelpunkt steht der bislang nicht vermerkte oder unzureichend untersuchte Beitrag zweier vorreformatorischer Stadtpfarrer der Stadt, verbunden mit ihrer Identifikation und damit der Ergänzung der Pfarrerliste der Stadt, die immer noch zahlreiche Lücken aufweist2.
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Review of: Michaela Žáčková Rossi: The Musicians at the Court of Rudolf II. The Musical Entourage of Rudolf II (1576 – 1612). Reconstructed from the Imperial Accounting Ledgers, Praha : Koniasch Latin Press, 2017, 209 s. ISBN 978-80-87773-03-1.
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Accounts of the character and deeds of Nikola IV Zrinski (1508 – 1566) who became renowned for preventing the fall of Szigetvár in 1566 and of the work and life of his great-grandson Nikola VII Zrinski (1620 – 1664), a 17th-century baroque poet, had long played central roles in the building of national awareness and political ideology in Hungary. The Slavic inhabitants of the Kingdom of Hungary were familiar with the general who fought against the Ottoman Empire since the 16th century, but in the 19th century, in the context of the idea of Slavic mutuality and Pan-Slavism, this historical figure became more important. In 1866, Andrej Sládkovič (1820 – 1872) wrote a historical epic Gróf Mikuláš Šubić Zrínsky na Sihoti [Count Nikola Šubić Zrinski at Sziget] in which he described Zrinski’s heroic deeds from the perspective of Pan-Slavic identity in detail. He drew on Ján Kollár’s sonnet “My sme dali Uhrům Zríniho” [We gave Zrinski to the Hungarians] included in his Slávy dcera ([The daughter of Sláva] final version published in 1852). The sonnet asserts that the Slavs left Zrinski to the Hungarians, just like they left Ján Hus to the Germans and Nicolaus Copernicus to the Italians and that they also gave up Zrinski’s legacy. In his epic poem, with the help of the poetry of his grandson, he returned Zrinski to the Slavic Pantheon.
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The Puritan colonization of America is the landmark for the creation of a new nation, a process during which much of the subsequent American mentality emerged. The colonization identified both with the religious background and the daily existence aimed at surviving in a new and often hostile land. The religious principles belonged both to Calvinism and Lutheranism as they were applied in the epoch of the Reformation. The passengers of the Mayflower, be they intellectuals, merchants or farmers, looked at America as the home offered by fate, the Promised Land in which to build their houses. Gradually, the Pilgrims wondering at the beauty of their new country became a population mastering the land and evolving towards a modern approach to life.
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This paper discusses the translated equivalents of two terms (infinito and perfecto) by doing comparison of “Fides no Dŏxi” with its original work by Luis de Granada in Spanish. The terms reflected into the Japanese text were grouped by types as literal translation, translation into a superlative etc, then they were further classified from the point of view of the concepts modified by the words (God, God’s virtues, people, things). The results pointed out to a firmly unified translation principle to use the most literal translations in phrases speaking of God or Jesus and looser translations (done with more rhetorical consideration) for less godly matters.
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Gallus Huszár’s Debrecen church hymnal (1560/61) is a rich source for 16th century Hungarian Reformed service singing, uniquely distinguished by its musically notated melodies. The current study investigates its so-called rubrics, short (or sometimes longer) liturgical annotations, which, on the one hand, outline the course of the church services of his era, and, on the other hand, provide a glimpse into the contents of the individual liturgical moments, both on a theological and an emotional (or poetical) level. They allow us to distinguish the genres of hymns used within the worship services (chief services, canonic hours, para-liturgical occasions). The current article would like to contribute to the renewal of today’s Reformed worship that is long overdue, and which ought to follow the spirit of the Reformation. One will find here the most important pieces of information, as well as the inspirational bases for such a reform.
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The relocation of the Pejačević family from the Bulgarian lands to the Habsburg monarchy was entirely the result of migration movements caused by various reasons – military, economic, etc. The departure from the Bulgarian lands took place after the Chiprovtsi uprising in 1688 and was a reflection of the subsequent events. The initial frequent moves from one region to another within the monarchy are related to living arrangements, the purchase or acquisition of land, the construction of houses, castles and palaces, but they also happen for military, economic, social or demographic reasons. So by tracking the location of the properties, residential buildings and tombs of the family, one can get an idea of the internal migration movements, the reasons for these relocations and exchanges, as well as the conditions for changing the previous places of residence. These migratory actions have been preserved in the memory of generations precisely through the purchase, development and preservation of the estates in which the members of the family live and work. And besides – in the memory of generations remain the palaces built by the family, parks, tombs, public and social buildings, industrial enterprises, which were built on one side for the benefit of the family, but also for the benefit of the society. Building up large and beautiful houses, impressive and modern palaces, the family wanted not only to live comfortably, to welcome its highranked guests, but also to show that they were part of the high society of the Habsburg Empire.
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Comparison is the main research tool, but the comparative procedure must be consistently stratified. When we examine the 1559 acrostic, we must compare it with (1) other acrostics by Mažvydas; (2) earlier acrostics that represent the same literary tradition; and (3) identical and similar tools of combinatorial poetics that were realised in a broader historical-cultural context. This in itself sets out the expanding fields of comparative analysis: the indirect means of expression used in the Catechism of 1547, the acrostics of Francisc Scorina, and the acrostics created in the 16th century by European intellectuals from other countries. Despite the national prominence of Mažvydas in Lithuania, his acrostics have not been the subject of in-depth (comparative) research. This article aims to clarify the role (form and content) of the acrostic in the 1559 publication Forma Chrikʃtima, to reveal its interaction with the translated sources, and to identify a possible connection (in terms of identical features) with the acrostics of P. Skorina.
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The author observes the relationship between plural and dual in the framework of a special type, which determines the specific type of grammatical number to call congruent (lat. Congruere – be congruous) dual. Linguistic analysis is conducted on the corpus of Chakavian legal texts from 16th until 18th century and shows: in expressions with the numerical quantifier “dva” the dual of masculines is kept until the 18th century exclusively in the nominative and accusative case; plural forms in the nominative and accusative are exceptionally rare, in other cases, until the 18th century, only plural forms are realized; the pronouns, adjectives, and passive participles, which make the attributes of the attributive syntagms, are merely dual, except in one example from the 16th century where the substitutive attribute gets a plural suffix. In expressions with the numerical quantifier “oba (dva)” the dual in the masculines preserves up to the 18th century in the nominative, genitive, accusative and instrumental. In other cases the plural forms are realized. The pronouns, adjectives and passive participles, which make the attributes in the nominative and accusative attributive syntagm, have the dual form.
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The article analyses the book of miracles ‘‘Historia abo powieść zgodliwa...” (Vilnius, 1622), compiled by Theodosius Borowik, as a means of forming the cult of the Zhyrovitse icon. The chronology, typology, and geography of the miracles of Our Lady of Zhyrovitse are analysed to discuss the expression of the icon cult in the Unitarian Church. The study reveals the transformation of a religious artefact of the Orthodox tradition – the icon of Our Lady of Zhyrovitse – into the object of the union of the Eastern and Western Churches. It provides new data on the functioning of this icon in the society of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the second half of the 16th and the early 17th century.
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Review of: Monarchie und Diplomatie. Handlungsoptionen und Netzwerke am Hof Sigismunds III. Wasa. Hrsg. von Oliver Hegedüs und Kolja Lichy . (FOKUS: Neue Studien zur Geschichte Polens und Osteuropas, Bd. 13.) Brill. Schöningh 2023. XLII, 333 S. ISBN 978- 3-506-70588-4. (€ 99,–.).
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The contribution examines the crucial turning points in the history of the present-day western border between 1420, marking the end of the secular rule of the Patriarch of Aquileia, and 1866 when the boundary in question became the interstate border between the Kingdom of Italy and Austria. The focus is on the section between the Goriška Brda hills and the Predel pass, which can be defined as one of the oldest Slovenian borders still in existence based on the presented reconstruction. The archival materials relevant to the exploration of the western border during different periods and the archives in which they are located are also presented.
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The researches of sacred monument in the eastern outskirts of the city Uzhhorod – Horyany Rotunda is important for studying medieval history of Carpathian Region. It is famous for its frescoes and unique architecture (Fig. 1). A large number of research works have been published about it. However, despite the significant attention to it from different specialists and more than century study, there is still an opened question regarding the time of its construction. Thus, questions about the time of its construction remains one of the main and unresolved. The suggested datings of the monument are various. Some researchers date it back to the 10th century, and the latest dating was probably offered in the work of F. Zapletala, which was published in 1923. In his work, the author convinced that the rotunda was built by Prince F. Koryatovych in 1393–1414. Most scientists, however, determine its building within the 12th–13th centuries. Unfortunately, scientists do not have direct written sources regarding this question. The earliest mention of the church is found in papal tithe documents in 1334 and 1335. In this case, it is possible to assume that only archeological materials, namely the existing numismatic finds can help to solve the problem of the time of construction of Horyany Rotunda. Thus, in 2016, as a result of the archaeological excavations of four areas that were laid near or directly next to the walls of the medieval sacred monument, conducted by the expedition of the Uzhhorod National University (Fig. 2), a fairly significant number of coins were discovered. In general, it should be noted that the greatest contribution to the study of money circulation in the late Middle Ages and early modern times in the Carpathian region belongs to the team of archaeologists from the Uzhhorod National University, who regularly introduce numismatic finds, discovered during the studying of Transcarpathian monuments, into scientific circulation. The purpose of the research. To conduct the analysis of numismatic collection that was collected under archeological research at the walls of Horyany Rotunda. It will contribute to the chronological determination of this monument, and also it will provide the row of different data about the currency in Carpathian Region in the days of the Middle Ages – early modern times. Conclusions. Numismatic collection consisting of 34 copies chronologically covers the 30s of the 14th century – the 70s of the 17th century. It is represented with the coins of both Hungarian kingdom and other countries, mainly the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, in a percentage ratio of 50/50 and consists of 34 copies Between denominations of Hungarian kingdom, very few (35 %) coins of Sigismund I of Luxembourg (1387–1437) can be seen very clearly. It should be noted that there is an even greater part of them at the other medieval monuments of the region. For example, in the numismatic collections from ruins of Muzhiivska church (about 74%) and Castle church in Uzhhorod (about 38%). This is due to the fact that under the reign of this king there are new types of coins appearing: parvus (the smallest silver coin) and quarting (copper coin). All of them have a fractional face value. These coins were introduced into circulation first of all for the needs of retail trade, and it can explain their significant quantity on the memorials of Transcarpathia. Regarding the coins of other countries, so they are represented by denominations of the Kingdom of Poland / the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and its vassal lands, and more precisely these are mainly widespread in the 17th century on the territory of Central and Eastern Europe, small silver coins – one and a half, and three. It is also noticeable that denominations of Hungarian kingdom are chronologically represented only up to the second part of the 15th century. In return, the coins of the Kingdom of Poland / the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – from the beginning of the 16th – 17th centuries. This is possibly due to the political changes happening at that time in the region that was reflected in the currency. Definitely, the following archeological researches of Horyany Rotunda will give the opportunity to replenish numismatic collection that will help certain scientific clarifications. However, it is already noticeable that the chronological framework of the coins clearly indicates human activity, which was connected precisely with the construction of the medieval temple here. In particular, we suggest that some of the discovered coins may come from burials in the cemetery that existed near the walls of the rotunda. Thus, the earliest of the currently discovered coins coincide chronologically with the first written evidences about the site.
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