Jugoslavija je bila naša prva Evropa – razgovor sa Latinkom Perović

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević,Latinka Perović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Danas u Srbiji svako ko je imao ikakve veze sa politikom piše dnevnike ili memoare ostavljajući budućim generacijama sliku političkih zbivanja koju želi i svoju ulogu u njima često prilagođenu današnjim merilima i novoustanovljenim vrednostima. Prošla zbivanja se uglavnom posmatraju sa stanovišta poznatog ishoda, a lične aktivnosti boje prema poželjnosti savremenog trenutka. Savremenike i saborce koji nisu mogli ili nisu hteli da sa “naknadnom pameću” objasne svoja prošla uverenja, ostavljaju na poziciji prevaziđenih, pregaženih ljudi prošlog vremena.

O sebi

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević,Latinka Perović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Latinka Perović, by Olivera Milosavljević.

Steeplechase - Politička kultura kao prepreka modernizacije Srbije

Author(s): Dubravka Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

U tekstu se analizira istorijska stagnacija političke kulture u Srbiji. Taj fenomen se analizira na tri nivoa: 1. nivo političke komunikacije; 2. nivo funkcionisanja institucija; 3. ideološki nivo. Posebno se ukazuje na elemente političke kulture koji su uticali na usporavanje procesa modernizacije i koji su, u dva poslednja veka moderne srpske istorije, uticali na to da njeno kretanje liči na zatvoreni krug.

Glavni tokovi reformnog pokreta u Hrvatskoj

Author(s): Ivo Banac / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Hrvatski reformni pokret, koji se na tragu poslijekarađorđevskih pokušaja kruga oko londonske Nove Hrvatske najčešće nazivlje Hrvatsko proljeće, najvažnija je indigena politička, društvena i kulturna činjenica komunističkog razdoblja hrvatske povijesti – činjenica na kojoj se lome glavni problemi hrvatske povijesti XX stoljeća, ali i naša postjugoslavenska zbilja. Suvišno je dokazivati da je riječ o izuzetno slojevitoj pojavi, koja je konstruirana često na vrlo različit način od raznih idejnih grupacija u hrvatskom društvu.

Narodna radikalna stranka: utemeljenje ideologije socijalnog, nacionalnog i političkog jedinstva srpskog naroda

Author(s): Latinka Perović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Narodna radikalna stranka predstavlja jednu od ključnih pojava u istoriji Srbije u moderno doba. Ona emanira socijalni i nacionalni kolektivizam srpskog naroda. Prvi se temelji na patrijarhalnim ustanovama srpskog naroda u kojima se on održao pod Turcima – zadruzi i opštini; drugi se temelji na poimanju srpskog naroda kao jedinstvenog organizma. Po samorazumevanju i samodefinisanju narodna – Narodna radikalna stranka otelotvoruje političko jedinstvo srpskog naroda. Time njegov kolektivizam dobija totalni karakter.

Narodni suverenitet i princip vladavine prava u savremenoj državi naciji sa posebnim osvrtom na Bosnu i Hercegovinu

Author(s): Dženeta Miraščić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The modern nation-states represent the highest form of political organizing, so this is why they are presented with an extremely complex tasks related to the enforcement of the rule of law. Using the legitimate coercive apparatus, as well as all the mechanisms available to modern state-systems of law, nation-states are obliged to ensure the equality of all citizens as the primary political actors, and to protect them from all forms of discrimination and arbitrariness of the state authorities. Through consistent and full implementation of the principle of sovereignty of the people, modern nation-states are obliged to provide their citizens, regardless of their (non)membership to a particular social group, with assurance of their participation in the socio-political decision-making process under equal conditions. Furthermore, based on democracy as the rule of the people or the opportunities of equal and free members of the community and their rights to participate in public decision-making process, the modern nation-states, both on national and international level, are determined as the only subjects who can guarantee the protection and realization of fundamental rights and freedoms for all its citizens.The primary task of the modern states is to ensure the freedom and equality of all members of the specific socio-political community. But equality among individuals must necessarily be accompanied by appropriate state's instruments whereby government will guarantee to all citizens certain rights on the basis that will recognize their abilities, which will still result in enabling a common form of political action. However, despite numerous efforts, a significant number of states are not able to consistently and fully implement the idea of sovereignty of the people and the rule of law, which has resulted in the creation of the so-called systematic inequality of life chances which have serious consequences for citizens who are unable to participate in the work of public authorities. In this regard, it is absolutely impossible to achieve a stable and unified society within the nation-states in which common structure of political action is limited as a result of systematic inequality of life chances; thereby the process of decision making is becoming the sole privilege of the few.When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is important to note that this is a pluralistic society which consists of a number of cultural, ethnic and religious communities, in which the “major role” of the socio-political decision-making process is played by three ethnic communities – constituent peoples: Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs, who, based on current normative regulations in the modern constitutional arrangements, enjoy privileges, certain rights and freedoms. Under provisions of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, "most dominant" collectivities within Bosnian multicultural society - the constituent peoples - are guaranteed participation in the work of public authorities and they are thereby guaranteed proportional parity of representation at any level of government and in all major political institutions. In addition to parity and proportional representation, constituent peoples, at all state levels, can appeal for the application of mutual veto.In contrast to the Kingdom of Belgium and the Swiss Confederation, the states which are also subject to internal turmoil, as well as numerous requests for recognition of different status and rights, Bosnia and Herzegovina on the map of European (and global) states is defined as a state-legal community in which individuals (citizens) do not have the status of primary political subject, and also as a community in which there is no normative (and institutional) protection of individuals and their fundamental human rights and freedoms. Giving primacy to collectivities (constituent peoples), the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina is deter-mined as one of the few constitutions in the whole world in which so-called undemocratic elements dominate, violating the basic postulates on which the entire modern international community is based. Under the provisions of the Constitution, the principle of the rule of law and the principle of “ethnic determinism” are proclaimed at the same time, which characterizes Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state that is located between the legal and authoritarian state's spheres.In Bosnia and Herzegovina it is necessary to set up such constitutional and legal frameworks that bring the principle of sovereignty of the people and the rule of law into the state-legal system and socio-political decision-making process. Bosnia and Herzegovina as Hegel's “organization of substantial freedom” shall be placed above all ethnic, religious and other existing communities, and shall allow to each citizen, on equal terms, free and complete realization of the basic rights and fundamental freedoms. Therefore, we suggest that all constitutional reforms go in the direction of the normative (constitutional) and institutional foundation of the Bosnia-Herzegovina nation. In other words, in the socio-political decision-making process, it is necessary that a nation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina) has priority over all existing cultural, religious and ethnic collectivities, in which process it is forbidden to negate or diminish the importance of the (specific) collective rights (and interests) that these communities and its members enjoy.

Neither Nationalism Nor Statism: Explaining Orthodox Churches’ Responses To Migration In Southeastern Europe

Author(s): Patrick R. Ireland / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The responses of churches to Europe’s most recent migration crisis (2015–19) have gone understudied. Relying on the academic and grey literatures, existing statistics, and data gathered from site visits, a comparison of the positions taken by Orthodox churches in the most directly affected Southeastern European countries belies received wisdom: they have not acted primarily out of nationalist sentiment or in accordance with statist imperatives. Driving them has been the legacy of their individual histories and national experiences with ecumenism and migration before and since the Cold War, in the context of a general reaction against globalization and postmodernism.

Women, Nationalism and War: "Make Love Not War"

Author(s): Rada Iveković / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Women in Serbia: Post-communism, War and Nationalist Mutations

Author(s): Žarana Papić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

THE PROCESS OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE SINCE THE FALL OF THE BERLIN WALL IN 1989 HAS BEEN ASSOCIATED WITH A RISING INCIDENCE OF VIOLENCE AS AN ACUTE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PROBLEM. SOME OF THE SYSTEMS IN THE REGION INITIATED TURBULENT TRANSFORMATIONS ON THE PATH TO WESTERN-STYLE POLITICAL DEMOCRACY. THE PROBLEM OF VIOLENCE ASSUMED THE CHARACTER OF REGIONAL TURMOIL IN THE DISSOLVING MULTIETHNIC STATES OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE SOVIET UNION.

Authoritarianism from Above and Below: Exclusive Nationalism and the Turkish-Kurdish Conflict

Author(s): Harun ERCAN / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The persistence of the Kurdish conflict in the Middle East has created deadly outcomes for Turkey’s democratization process and facilitated the emergence of an authoritarian coalition promoting exclusive nationalism from above. While consolidation of the authoritarian rule in Turkey occurred in parallel to the rise of exclusive nationalism and regional militarism, the electoral authoritarian regime is currently facing multiple challenges. As the economic recession deepens, a new wave of ethnonationalism targeting the Kurds and immigrants is in the making, but this time from below. The possibility of democratic change in the future seems to depend on to what extent main opposition parties will be able to distance themselves from exclusive nationalism and build a pro-democracy alliance including the People’s Democratic Party (HDP).

Srpsko-albanski mešoviti brakovi: kada patrijarhalnost lomi barijere nacionalizma

Author(s): Armanda Hysa / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This article deals with an interesting social phenomenon, namely the mixed marriages between Serbian men and Albanian women from Albania. The article is based on fieldwork in the region of Sandžak. However, the examination od this phenomenon transcends both geographical and theoretical scope of this article, and tries to offer a new approach to the study of links between patriarchy and nationalism.

Nacionalno i demokratsko – primjer Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Vladimir Marić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Has the Dayton Peace Agreement brought about a fair and democratic system of power distribution so longed for in Bosnia and Herzegovina? What has the international community done to merge the ‚national‘ and ‚democratic‘ into vital interests of the state of B&H? How important for the building of national identity is the fact that one fraction of BH citizens actually feels greater belonging to bordering states? By looking into the development of national identity through the prism of state symbols, language, culture, literature and other cultural heritage, the lecturer tries to answer how ready all three peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina are, to take part in building a unified state. Themes covered in documentaries „Most“ (1998) and „Mostar Sevdah Reunion“ (2000), were used as the basis for this lecture. The lecturer tried to explain the meaning of ‚national‘ and ‚democratic‘ in the example of Mostar, but also how to transcend to a higher level the symbolic of Sevdah and the Old Bridge as an important part of national cultural heritage to make them a part of the national identity building process.

NACIJA KAO FENOMEN U SOCIOLOŠKOJ ANALIZI IVANA CVITKOVIĆA

Author(s): Slavo Kukić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Čovjekov život je kao autostrada – dojam je, gotovo nepregledan, s usponima i padovima, krivinama, ponekad i promjenama smjera. I traži da se s vremena na vrijeme zastane, okrene, pogleda unatrag. Da se, ako ništa, barem pokuša napraviti inventura – koliko se prešlo, kako, jesu li pravljena nepotrebna usporavanja, čak i zastoji? I je li zbog svih njih jedan životni hod manje impresivan i manje uspješan no što je mogao biti?

DO JEDNOSTAVNOSTI TREBA NARASTI

Author(s): Milan Vukomanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Review of: Ivan Cvitković „Sociološki pogledi na naciju i religiju II“.

BEGIĆEV PARADOKS

Author(s): Enver Kazaz / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

O Midhatu Begiću pisano je za ovdašnje književnoznanstvene uslove jako mnogo, a nijedan drugi akademski kritičar nije dobio toliko intrepretativne pažnje u akademskoj zajednici obilježenoj malom kritičkom produkcijom.

SPORAZUM CVETKOVIĆ-MAČEK I AUTONOMIJA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE 1939. GODINE U VIĐENJU SARAJEVSKIH RADIKALA

Author(s): Sonja M. Dujmović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

U svom radu autorica prikazuje stajališta srpskih političara u Bosni i Hercegovini, posebno u Sarajevu, prema politici podjele Bosne i Hercegovine koju je vladajuća Radikalna stranka vodila u periodu 1938-39. godine i prema dodjeljivanju velikog dijela te zemlje Banovini Hrvatskoj. Taj stav je bio negativan i autorica ukazuje na argumente i ličnosti koji su tom prilikom bili lansirani iz redova sarajevskih radikala.

BUDUĆNOST KAO PROŠLOST

Author(s): Damir Kukić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The changes that have marked the world in the past two years indicate the establishment of new geopolitical relations and a new paradigm. It is about strengthening the ideological and political practice based on the principles of nationalism and territory. This can have significant consequences on the security situation in the world and in Europe. It may particularly expose places such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is dominated by the politics of nationalism, generating ethnic hatred and division.

ZAVNOS I ZAVNOBIH U KOMUNISTIČKOJ KONCEPCIJI STVARANJA FEDERATIVNE JUGOSLAVIJE

Author(s): Azem Kožar / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The Partisan War Autonomy of Sandzak, as a multinational province inhabited by Serbs, Montenegrins and Muslims, functioned between the First and Second Sessions of the National Anti-Fascist Council of Sandzak (ZAVNOS), that is, from 20 November 1943 to March 29, 1945. It made a significant contribution to the faster development of the anti-fascist National Liberation Movement (NOP) in this area. It has contributed to the suppression of inter-ethnic conflicts, the popularization of the anti-fascist movement, the establishment and functioning of organs of the public authorities, the mobilization of people in the partisan units, etc. It was created as part of the realization of the party conception of the Yugoslav war federalism, which resulted in the establishment of five national states (Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Montenegro, Macedonia) and the sixth Bosnia and Herzegovina as multinational states (Serbs, Muslims and Croats), and in the status of federal units the new Yugoslavia. The reasons for the liquidation of Sandzak’s war autonomy at the end of the war have not been adequately investigated historiographically. What is the reason for this is indicated in the official positions of the NOP institutions, called political, economic and ethnic reasons, the need to prevent the “fragmentation” of Serbia and Montenegro, and that Muslims can exercise their national rights freely within them ZAVNOS has never asked for the special position of Sandzak, etc., apparently they were not, nor should they have been, arguments in favor of the abolition of autonomy and the division of Sandzak. These are publicly silent invisible reasons. It is about changing the attitude towards the ethnicity of Muslims in the leadership of the NOP, which they did not consider as a nation, but an ethnic group (a nation in formation), which as such can not be a constituent element of the federation. It turned out that at the time of the establishment of the ZAVNOS and ZAVNOBiH, in which the Muslims were one of the three nations, only the declarative acceptance of the ethnicity of the Muslims was present. The essential consequence of changing this relationship is not only the abolition of the autonomy of Sandzak, but also its division by the border line from 1913 between Montenegro and Serbia. The fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina retained the status of a federal unit, despite denying the nationality of Muslims as one of its three peoples, is conditioned by numerous other irrefutable arguments. It was thought that Muslims would assimilate into Serbs, Croats and Montenegrins, and thus disappear as a nation, and these efforts are recognizable in years, even decades after the war, which, however, did not happen. By acknowledging the ethnicity of the Muslims twenty years later, the KPJ practically acknowledged all its misconceptions and inconsistencies on the proper solution of the national question. However, the collapsed war autonomy of Sandzak and the repatriation of Muslims to the national minority level had long and varied negative consequences, not only for Muslims, but also for Sandzak and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as for socialist Yugoslavia as a whole.

Obraz dejín v dráme a v inscenácií hry Holokaust V. Klimáčka

Author(s): Ana Žikić / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

The paper deals with the problem of representation of historical events in the play by V. Klimáček. We analyse the reflection of World War II and Slovak State in the play from the perspective of theories of cultural and collective memory. We are interested in the way in which the image of the historical event is formed by a narrative, which elaborates a problematic fragment of the history. We pay attention to perspective from which the reality is being shown, supposing that every analysis forms a specific monument, which subsequently has influence on forming of narrative (national) identity. We analyse the structural elements of the play, which allows showing events from different perspectives and requires an interpretation by a recipient (reader or spectator). At the same time we compare the dramatic text by V. Klimáček and the staging by R. Ballek, analysing means used to produce eventual meaning.

AUDIOVIZUÁLIS MÉDIUMOK JELENLÉTE A SZÉKELYFÖLDI MAGYAR KÖZÖSSÉGBEN

Author(s): Anna Kós / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

The functions of TV were accomplished by researchers for decades, from the beginning of its communicational resources. From the beginning, its importance in the society kept the attention of the sociologists and experts in communications. As opposed to commercial televisions, public televisions have a special situation because their establishment is supported by taxes paid by the citizens; their legal obligation (prescribed and controlled by the law) is to give valid and high-fidelity information to all taxpayers. According to this definition, public TV broadcasted on ethnic minority regions like Szeklerland must meet the expectations of licence holders, too, from this region. In my dissertation, I compare the communication features of the Romanian TV News to the Hungarian Transmission News broadcasted through Duna TV and RTV.