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1930’LU YILLARDA AZERBAYCAN BAĞIMSIZLIK MÜCADELESİNDE BİR KESİT: KAFKASYA KONFEDERASYON ŞURASI

1930’LU YILLARDA AZERBAYCAN BAĞIMSIZLIK MÜCADELESİNDE BİR KESİT: KAFKASYA KONFEDERASYON ŞURASI

Author(s): Ali Haydar Soysüren / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 41/2019

When following the Bolshevik movement in 1920 Azerbaijan lost its independence, which was achieved after the October Revolution of 1917, she restarted its struggle for independence. Leaders of Azerbaijani nationalism in pursuit of independence continued to work towards their targets in different countries through different ways and methods. In this struggle, Azerbaijani nationalists occasionally came together with representatives of other nations that share similar fate, and the struggle against Soviet government created a natural ground for moving different elements of various nations together. The Shura of the Caucasus Confederation is an experience of this context in the 1930s. The experience of the Shura of the Caucasus Confederation, against the common enemy on the axis of the Caucasian common identity, of the "National Liberation Movement of Azerbaijan" under the leadership of Mehmet Emin Rasulzade together with Northern Caucasus Turkish nationalists and the Georgian Mensheviks is a remarkable example in terms of understanding the process of Azerbaijan's independence struggle in the 1930s.

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1980 SONRASI SIRP MİLLİYETÇİLİĞİ : MİLOŞEVİÇ ve İRREDENTİZM

1980 SONRASI SIRP MİLLİYETÇİLİĞİ : MİLOŞEVİÇ ve İRREDENTİZM

Author(s): Caner Sancaktar / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 47/2020

The Socialist Yugoslavia was founded as a result of liberation war under the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia against nationalism and fascisim. However, nationalism in Yugoslavia could not be completley destroyed and continued to be a destructive problem for Yugoslavia. Serbian nationalism, the most powerful nationalist movement in Yugoslavia, recoverde rapidly after 1980 like other nationalist movements in Yugoslavia. The ultimate aim of Serbian nationalism re-empowered under the leadership of Slobodan Milosevic was to establish “Geater Serbia”. Consequently, the Serbian Irredentism rose under the leadership of Milosevic and played a destructive role in the bloody collapse of the Socialist Yugoslavia in the 1990s.

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1988 年セルビアにおける大衆運動とナショナリズム ―― ヴォイヴォディナの諸集会についての一考察 ――

Author(s): Suzuki Kenta / Language(s): Japanese / Issue: 65/2018

The year of 1988 is often regarded as a period of mass political actions in the politics of Socialist Serbia and Yugoslavia. From summer to autumn of that year, a series of meetings and demonstrations erupted and spread from one place to another with mutual connections. These events first took place in Vojvodina, followed by Serbia including Kosovo and Montenegro. As a whole, they are frequently called the “anti- bureaucratic revolution,” and it is generally said that they created large popular support for the Serbian party leadership headed by Slobodan Milošević and led the escalation of nationalism in the political stages and discourse in Serbia in particular and in Yugoslavia in general. This article explores the relationship of such mass movements with nationalism, particularly focusing on the development of meetings in the Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina in Serbia from July to October 1988. It attempts to gauge the extent to which nationalism, or national/nationalist values and factors, shaped various aspects of these mass movements in Vojvodina, taking two steps for this purpose: the first is to grasp national(ist) factors in the overall structure of meetings, and the second is to analyze the ways in which nationalism was being articulated, understood, and discussed in the process of meetings, addressing their individual scenes and issues.

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21. YÜZYIL ENERJİ SAVAŞLARINDA TÜRK CUMHURİYETLERİ’NİN YERİ ve ÖNEMİ

Author(s): Çağrı Kürşat Yüce / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 17/2013

Energy consumption and the need to continue on a global scale, as in the past and in recent years. Oil and natural gas will continue to be the primary energy source until 2030 despite all the alternatives to meet this need. As a result of this situation, energy resources will continue to be one of the most important determinants of the twenty-first century. In addition, at least a half century, dominance of oil in the field of energy will continue to. Energy experts frequently reported that the “cheap oil” era has ended and price volatility in the oil market will continue to today.The Caucasus and Turkestan (Central Asia) regions including the Turkish Republics maintained its importance throughout history due to various reasons. Today, however, due to the rich energy resources, especially oil and natural gas, they took part in the world’s agenda. In this study, the important actors of the energy wars and reserve status of the energy resources of the Turkish Republics in the Caucasus and Turkestan regions were briefly described. In addition, as well as importance of energy resources for the region and the world’s nations, beginning in the late twentieth century and growing competition over energy resources of the Caspian Sea were discussed today.

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21. YÜZYILIN İDEOLOJİK GÜÇ MÜCADELESİ: ULUSLARARASI SİSTEMİN DEĞİŞEN DOĞASINI ANLAMAK

21. YÜZYILIN İDEOLOJİK GÜÇ MÜCADELESİ: ULUSLARARASI SİSTEMİN DEĞİŞEN DOĞASINI ANLAMAK

Author(s): Kaan Yiğenoğlu / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2018

The basic ideological conflict of the 20th century was between capitalism and socialism. This conflict occurred between the supporters of the capitalist ideology and those opposing the capitalist ideology. In the 21st century, this ideological clash is witnessed to be evolved. The basic ideological conflict of the 21st century is between globalists and capitalists. The conflict between globalists and capitalists is developing between different factions of capitalist ideology, not between oppositionists of capitalist ideology and their opponents. These developments need to be evaluated in the context of this new ideological conflict. In this work, the development of the international system is evaluated within the framework of different ideologies, and then the analysis of change in the ideological power struggle is being conducted in the 21st century. Finally, the conflict of ideologies and the process of unification are explained.

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677 Sayılı Kanun, Türbeleri “Millileştirme” ve Yıkıcı Sonuçları: Geç Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e Türbedarlık

Author(s): Gökçen Beyinli Dinç / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2017

One of the foundational laws of the Republic of Turkey on the exclusion of the Ottoman heritage and Islam is the Law 677 which was enacted in 1925. The Law outlawed the mystic orders and closed their lodges as well as hundreds of shrines in the country and prohibited visiting them. Shrine keepers were dismissed and replaced by shrine officers in some shrines. Relying substantially on Republican archives, Parliamentary Proceedings and the previously untapped archival evidence from the Istanbul Museum Directorate of Shrines (İstanbul Türbeler Müze Müdürlüğü), this article examines the transformation of this occupation and “nationalization” of shrines from 1925 to the 1970s by situating the analysis within its legal context. It will elaborate who was a shrine keeper in the late Ottoman Empire, what happened to the shrines and shrine keepers after the shrines were closed down, the theft incidents the new shrine officers were involved with, policies regarding the “nationalization” of shrines and the tensions as well as negotiations between different actors regarding the shrines. Aiming to shed light on a previously untackled aspect of republican history, the article demonstrates how the abandonment of shrines and the policy of nationalizing and turning them into museums brought along a rupture in the cultural history of the country and contributed to the destruction of historical heritage.

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A

A "Model" for the Balkans

Author(s): Alex N. Dajkovic / Language(s): English / Issue: 09+10/2006

Monténégro un modèle pour les Balkans est une description de la situation de Monténegro, cinq années avant la proclamation de l'indépendance. Le point central le représent les acctions occidentales qui avaient le but de faire de la petite république un modèle pour les autres pays de la région.et qui ont déterminé l'apparition d'un nationalisme monténégrin anti-yougoslave et pro-occidental.

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A

A "New" History for a New Identity

Interpretations Of Yugoslavia In Prorussian Media as the Platform for Nationalistic Homogenization in Serbia

Author(s): Milivoj Bešlin / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

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A Centenary of Jewish Politics in Eastern Europe: The Legacy of the Bund and the Zionist Movements
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A Centenary of Jewish Politics in Eastern Europe: The Legacy of the Bund and the Zionist Movements

Author(s): Zvi Gitelman / Language(s): English / Issue: 03/1997

The year 1997 marks a century since the founding of two Jewish political movements, one triumphant and the other largely forgotten, that brought East European Jewry into the modern era of politics. While Zionism achieved its primary aim, the founding of a Jewish state, the Jewish Labor Bund has not only essentially disappeared, but its ideals of socialism and secular Jewishness based in the Diaspora seem to have failed and to have been repudiated by Jews and others. Yet, perhaps more than Zionism, it was the Bund that profoundly changed the structure of Jewish society, politics, and culture in Eastern Europe and, by extension, in the Americas, much of Western Europe, and Israel. [...]

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A Central Europe Of Our Own. Postmodernism, Postcolonialism, Postcomunism and the Absence of Authenticity
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A Central Europe Of Our Own. Postmodernism, Postcolonialism, Postcomunism and the Absence of Authenticity

Author(s): Nikola Petković / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2003

This project attempts to offer a new theoretical paradigm, one that will allow a re-conceptualization of the literary and cultural histories of the countries of Central Europe—that vaguely defined geopolitical entity, which lies between the traditional hearts of “Eastern” and “Western Europe.” Traditionally, Central Europe has been associated most closely with the successor states to the Austro-Hungarian Empire (disassembled at the end of the First World War), but now the term is re-emerging in reference to the successor states of the Eastern Block located outside of the Russian-language sphere. To define and explore such a theoretical construct, however, requires a set of tests against historical data. For that reason, even before I embark on a more detailed expositions in the chapters which follow, it is important to outline here precisely what kinds of conclusions should and should not be expected of this discussion regarding Central European literatures and cultures. First and foremost, the “Central Europe” under discussion is a region of aggregates. It has neither precise geographic outlines nor a single dominant cultural tradition to which it belongs. Instead, “Central Europe” has always had the status of one of Benedict Anderson’s “imagined communities,” since it has been assumed to exist by both its inhabitants and by outsiders. This assumption has been made on various grounds, each of which play a role in defining its existence. 8 Perhaps the best way to define Central Europe is as a cross-cultural space. It is a region in which the traditions of many ethnic groups meet and blend, producing a culture with a very distinctive everyday life for the middle classes while creating a set of expectations for less dominant groups that could not possibly be met. The cultural life of Austro-Hungary, for example, had several centers at the turn of the century, most notably, Budapest and Vienna, but also including Trieste, Prague, and other smaller cities where various religions and languages crossed paths and adjusted their expectations to each other and to the absent central (and largely German-language) culture of the Habsburg nation. Central European culture and literature that I will be discussing must include literatures written in several languages -- namely, Croatian, Italian, German, and Czech. Yet in including examples of these literatures, I will be writing against the grain of the national traditions in which they usually have been framed. Franz Kafka, for example, has a prominent position within the German-language literary canon as a modernist writer; when he is considered as a Central European, one discovers that the kind of existential crisis in which his characters find themselves are echoed in literatures other than German. Jaroslav Hasek’s Good Soldier Svejk, for example, has an equally surreal journey to the war front by train as that undertaken by the land surveyor K. in Kafka’s The Castle. Both are at the mercy of an unknown and unknowable central authority that has their names inscribed in its record books, but which does not acknowledge their individuality behind their shared existence as recipients of the Austro-Hungarian justice and governance. Both characters are also from the margins of their cultures: K. as a German-speaker in a city that is rejecting German heritage and Svejk as a member of a Slavic nation that has little political power of its own. In many ways, then, the examples cited will shy away from the point of view of specialists in the various national literatures involved. Instead, my treatment of the narratives in question will re-create the trans-national and cross-cultural space in which traditionally recognized works of various national literatures have been produced. The “introduction” is typical of my approach to national traditions. It draws on statements by the modern masters of Slavic and Russian literature today, including Milan Kundera, Tatyana Tolstaya, and Joseph Brodsky; however, I will do violence to their positions within their various national traditions as well as to their individual aesthetic programs. I treat critics themselves in an event which documents the continued existence of Central Europe. Conveniently, such an event really happened at a 1990 conference at Lisbon where a discussion was held about the relationship between political and cultural traditions in an era of massive political trauma. The overriding uncertainty about “what remains” after the purported dissolution of the Soviet block allowed a free discussion about cultural boundaries to emerge: the critics and writers were arguing other issues—if all Slavic culture is Russian culture, if Russian culture is “eastern” or “western,” and if other Slavic cultures are “actually” more like Russian culture or influenced by other cultural spheres. In the rest of the introduction, then, I treat these authors as part of an event in which the existence and cultural-political implications of a Central European cultural space emerged clearly. To their voices from the Soviet successor states, I add that of Egon Schwarz, an émigré intellectual from that vanished Austro-Hungarian Central Europe who, unlike the writers at Lisbon, has convinced himself that Central Europe had always been a utopia. By playing off these points of view, I argue for the validity of the key assumptions underlying my project: that Central European culture exists as a constant behind the political changes characterizing the region over the past century and a half, that this Central European culture is not exhausted by the influences of any one ethnic group or national culture, and that this culture has a certain very distinct set of implications for the identities of its authors, intellectuals, and inhabitants. In discussing this panoply of voices, I argue that Central European culture continues to impose itself as an “imagined community” on the identities and lives of its intellectuals and authors, even when it has no official existence in geopolitics. Considered politically, the region is thus always “postcolonial”: some external power has always exerted dominance over it. Yet at the same time, the region has, for the last century and a half, never lost an alternate (if relatively undefined) source of identity as the land in between, the culture of meetings, of blendings, and cultural renegotiations. The chapters that follow expand on this theoretical paradigm for the cultural existence of Central Europe as postcolonial, yet distinctive, by presenting the work of two Central European authors. These works make the case for the persistence of Central European culture as a culture of resistance to external domination—a postmodern culture as defined by Lyotard—one that resists the imposition of external master narratives by showing where those narratives cease to make sense in those everyday lives far from the power centers of the empire (such as Kafka’s K. who can never find out who wrote the orders he thought he was following). As we shall see, these narratives share the sense of a displaced geopolitics and uncertain personal identity politics as they tell the stories of Central European characters. They are thus postmodern (even if almost a century old) because they concentrate on protean identity as a function of competing traditions rather than on the crisis of personal identity that characterizes the literature of modernism. The specific, nonlinear treatment of time employed in this study deserves special note before I enter into the main body of my discussion: its chronological organization is reversed. I am comparing authors of the 1980s and the 1990s, drawn from the West (Italy) and the East (the Lisbon Conference authors) and the Center (Schwarz, Kundera), with authors as far back as the turn of the century—also from the West (Musil), the Center (Hasek and Kafka), and the East (Russian modernists). This is intentional: just as each author is not placed within an independent national/ethnic/linguistic tradition, neither are the historical conventions of dividing epochs from the turn of the century until today followed. In fact, I believe that the geopolitics of Central Europe run counter to its cultural history. Because of its unusual colonial cultural-historical situation, Central Europe has been a postmodern culture for at least a century. Such culture may never have absorbed the high modernism that characterized the literatures of the Western colonial powers, but instead constituted itself as a cultural space that is somewhat paradoxically Western, but in opposition to the dominant western norms. That is, since it has always been colonized, and hence not able to exert its own cultural authority except within its own unwritten spaces, and since it has nonetheless always been Western (and hence fully able to understand various “Western tradition” as insiders, as well as colonized aliens) Central Europe tells its story in postmodern terms. Some of the narratives analyzed in this study demonstrate that the region has done so in prose for at least the last century. The theoretical paradigm offered thus moves toward a new modes of how literary history can be done, moving beyond simple dichotomies (East-West, colonized-colonizer) into a more flexible image of how dominant and non-dominant cultures have blended at the margins of Europe for the last century, not only at the brief fin de siécle but also now as the power blocks realign.

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A coffeehouse on the linguistic frontier
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A coffeehouse on the linguistic frontier

Author(s): Robert Nemes / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2010

A century ago, Bihar/Bihor County was a rather unremarkable corner of the Hungarian Kingdom, one situated far from international boundaries. The population of Bihar/Bihor was almost equally split between ethnic Hungarians and ethnic Romanians, a fact of little consequence until the last decades of the nineteenth century, when a number of middle-class national activists began to emphasize the region’s status as a national borderland and worked to define and defend the Hungarian–Romanian border they saw running through it. This essay explores the nationalists’ efforts through a local cultural association, A Biharvármegyei Népnevelési Egyesület (Bihar County Society for Popular Education). Its aim is to show that the sharp lines that appeared on maps of “the nationalities of Austria-Hungary” emerged in a particular historical context, and also that these lines were much more blurry than many mapmakers and historians would have us believe.

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A Comparative Analysis of National Core Values: Croatia and Belgium

A Comparative Analysis of National Core Values: Croatia and Belgium

Author(s): Robert Stallaerts / Language(s): English / Issue: 7/8/1996

Author deals with the problem of constructing national identity based on work of Jasna Čapo about researching of ethnic identity. He trays to speculate about ethnic and national values through three elements: constitution law, values in elections and value research in Belgium and Croatia.

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A CONSTRUCTIVIST PERSPECTIVE UPON THE PRESENT DAY POLITICAL CRISIS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

A CONSTRUCTIVIST PERSPECTIVE UPON THE PRESENT DAY POLITICAL CRISIS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

Author(s): Irina-Ana Drobot / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 13/2018

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the problems of the European Union. The key issue lies, from a constructivist perspective, in the identity European member states perceive when it comes to "European".

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A Different Russia: From Serbia's Perspective

A Different Russia: From Serbia's Perspective

Author(s): Milan Subotić / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

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A felsőoktatás szerepe a nemzeti versenyképességben (Egy lehetséges gondolkodási keret)

A felsőoktatás szerepe a nemzeti versenyképességben (Egy lehetséges gondolkodási keret)

Author(s): Attila Chikán / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 4/2014

This paper provides some starting points for analyzing the connection between higher education and national competitiveness. It uses data gained from international competitiveness and education surveys. According to such data, the position of higher education is somewhat better in Hungary compared to the ranking of the country generally. However, it is a sad fact that Hungary’s position has been deteriorating in both rankings since the turn of the millennium; and it is shown, too, that there is a quite strong relationship between general competitiveness and different indicators pertaining to higher education – which fact which underlines the importance of a proper and suitable higher education policy.

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A GeneZYs-kutatás első eredményei a Kárpát-medencében

A GeneZYs-kutatás első eredményei a Kárpát-medencében

Author(s): Árpád Péter / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 04/2018

Papp Z. Attila (szerk.): Változó kisebbség. Mathias Corvinus Collegium – MTA Társadalomtudományi Kutatóközpont, Kisebbségkutató Intézet, Bp., 2017.

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A határok térbeliségének megközelítése

A határok térbeliségének megközelítése

Author(s): Győző Cholnoky / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2018

Mag Vince: Az államhatárok térbeliségének megközelítésmódjai a határ menti együttműködések és a geometriai tér sajátosságainak függvényében.= Erdélyi Múzeum, 2017. 79. évf. 4. sz.38–48 p.

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A kulturális és nemzeti identitás megfogalmazása Japánban és Közép-Európában a 18-19. században

A kulturális és nemzeti identitás megfogalmazása Japánban és Közép-Európában a 18-19. században

Author(s): Mária Ildikó Farkas / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2016

Kokugaku of the Edo period can be seen as a key factor in defining cultural (and national) identity based on Japanese cultural heritage in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Kokugaku focused on Japanese classics, on exploring, studying and reviving (or even inventing) ancient Japanese language, literature, myths, history and also political ideology. ‘Japanese culture’ as such was distinguished from Chinese (and all other) cultures, and thus ‘Japanese identity’ was defined. Meiji scholars used kokugaku conceptions of Japan to construct a modern nationalism that was not simply derived from Western models and was not purely instrumental, but made good use of pre-modern and culturalist conceptions of community. The role of pre-modern cultural identity in the formation of modern Japanese (national) identity – following mainly Miroslav Hroch’s comparative and interdisciplinary theory of national development – can be examined in comparison with the ‘national awakening’ movements of the peoples of EastCentral Europe. Before modernity, in the shadow of a cultural and/or political ‘monolith’ (China for Japan, and Germany for Central Europe), ethnic groups or communities started to evolve their own identities with cultural movements focusing on their own language and culture, thus creating a new type of community, the nation. A comparative examination of texts (discourses) illustrates that similar modes of argumentation (narratives) can be identified in these movements: ‘language’ as the primary bearer of collective identity, the role of language in culture and ‘culture’ as the main common attribute of the community; as well as similar aspirations to explore, search and develop the native language, ‘genuine’ culture, and ‘original’ traditions. This comparative research offering ‘development patterns’ for interpretation can help us understand how ‘cultural identity’ played an important role in the formation of national identity, with its effect (‘cultural nationalism’) present even today in Japan and in Central Europe, too.

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A magyarországi fajvédők és a sport

A magyarországi fajvédők és a sport

Author(s): József Vonyó / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

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A magyarság megmaradásának esélyei Fölvidéken a jelenlegi erőviszonyok között 1.

A magyarság megmaradásának esélyei Fölvidéken a jelenlegi erőviszonyok között 1.

Kérdésfölvetés és néhány fogalom tisztázásának kísérlete

Author(s): Tibor Szentandrási / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2017

The Philosophical Frameworks of the Issue of Hungarians in Slovakia: Nation, Minority, Nationalism

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