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The paper deals with complex problems in addressing the adverse housing situation of the Roma population in Košice. After World War II, part of the city known as the gypsy camp under Moldavská way found itself in an extremely exposed position at the entrance to the city. Arrival the amount of working class from rural areas with extensive construction and urbanization ratios further deepen. Numerous Roma growth was evident. Housing problems are addressed through an allocation of older apartments, phasing out the huts in the camp and fi nally focusing on specifi c Roma settlement. The idea of a separate settlement originated in the mid-60s, in 1970, the planned housing units was not built. Another intention of anticipated settlement was in the area Myslava with lower standard family houses. Because of the high costs the concept of prefabricated houses gallery type was born. The government in 1976 refused to deal with Roma housing in specifi c neighbourhoods. Council city national committee nevertheless approved the construction of Luník IX without a specifi c focus. The construction was carried out in late 1970s, several policies were processed recall procedure Roma families from the camp as well as the old city, according to various streets. In 1981 began the history of Luník IX, its ethnic ghettoization with disastrous consequences to the present.
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This essay analyses how national ideologies use the basic opposition of modernity, i.e., the opposition between nature and culture. I will discuss two main modes of usage: the tragic and idyllic. The aim of the paper is to shed light on their structural dimensions and their complex double bind, which exemplifi es the structural nexus of modernity.
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The recent violent outburst of Serbian nationalism has attracted significant interest in the ever-growing field of nationalism studies. In addition, the socalled „cultural turn“ has engaged scholars in the reappraisal of significant aspects of Serbian culture, namely the ones that make it national, such as literature. Two writers – Petar Petrović Njegoš and Ivo Andrić – pillars of the Serbian literary canon, have naturally been debated the most and their works are often referred to either as illustrations of eternal hatred among South Slavs or as providing impetus for the conflicts. Presenting part of this debate to an international audience, Celia Hawkesworth argued that the main problem of the recent reassessment of major literary figures in the former Yugoslavia was the inability of many commentators to separate the political from the artistic, something I believe is both impossible and futile. After all, the characters at stake here were not lonely riders. One was the spiritual and political leader of his (Montenegrin) state in the 19th century, and the other was the highest diplomatic representative of another (Yugoslav) state in the 20th century. Even more instrumental than their political positions was the influence of their literature on political imagining and identity building over the last two centuries. Nonetheless, their influence was not a one-way and one- dimensional phenomenon. Illuminating the interplay between the two is a task for both historians and literary critics.
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This paper deals with representative writings of an Ottoman intellectual, Shemseddin Sami Frashëri (1850–1904), who has simultaneously been represented in contemporary Turkey and Albania as one of the fathers of Turkish and Albanian nationalisms, respectively. Accordingly, he is known with two different names in these countries: „Sami Frashëri“ in Albania and „Şemseddin (or Şemsettin) Sami“ in Turkey. In order to avoid partisanship in this question, either his full name (as in the title) or the short version „Sami“ will be used in this paper.
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The Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) is a bastion of Serbian nationalism. Its ideology is drawn from the radical right and it is very close to groups at the rightist end of the political spectrum. With this ideology, the Church played a very important role in mobilisation and the prelude to war and, to this day, has made no attempt to distance itself from this role. Part of the Church continues to promote Serbian national interests in exactly the same way. The head of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Irinej, does not yet see the River Drina as a border but rather a bridge which “brings together” the Serbian nation: “Although, in some way, we are together now, God willing we shall be truly one in the near future.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS // Preface // Note on Terminology // Introductory Remarks // Problems of Regional Identity: Images of the Balkans // Managing Ethnic Conflict // Regional Aspirations and Cooperation // Roles of the EU and the International Community // Conclusions // List of Participants
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The right-wing parties (FPÖ, BZÖ) have increased their votes and have become even more aggressively opposed to Turkish accession – but they are also more isolated now than before. || The issue of Turkish accession has figured most prominently in the campaign of the FPÖ. Opposition to any negotiations with Turkey has been the main demand of this party and it is listed as the main issue on the party’s own website. || This position is hardly surprising. The FPÖ is opposed to the European Union. It has most recently objected to the ratification of the accession treaties with Bulgaria and Romania (as the only party in the Austrian parliament). It is opposed to foreigners and dislikes Muslims. || Its position, however, is unlikely to have any direct political consequences. All other parties have excluded the option of forming a coalition with the FPÖ under its current leader Heinz-Christian Strache. || Jörg Haider, the key figure (but not official leader) of the BZÖ, has often changed his positions. In the late 1980s he was for Austria joining the EU, and in the early 1990s he was against. In the late 1990s he opposed EU enlargement, while since late 1999 he has supported it. In 2004, he argued for Turkey starting negotiations. Since 2005, he has argued against it. His influence is also seriously diminished as a result of these elections.
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In April 2007 a gruesome triple murder took place in the Central Anatolian city of Malatya. The victims, tortured, stabbed and strangled, were two Turks and one German. All three were Protestant Christian missionaries who had recently moved to Malatya. Five young men, armed with knives and covered in blood, were found at the scene of the crime only moments after it happened. What made the Malatya killings different from an ordinary murder case was the suspicion, present from the outset, that this was not an isolated attack by a group of nationalist youngsters.
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Približavanje stogodišnjice sarajevskog atentata 1914, kojim je Kraljevina Srbija, iz današnje perspektive, olako i neodgovorno otvorila prostor izbijanju Prvog svetskog rata, i isticanja jednog veka od nastanka prve jugoslovenske zajednice 1918, otvara osetljiva pitanja vezana za izglede i prirodu evropske integracije nekadašnjeg jugoslovenskog prostora u celini. Jugoslavija je dva puta nasilno dezintegrisana, 1941. i 1991. Nije sasvim jasno da li su njen nastanak, 1918, (Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca preimenovana je 1929. u Kraljevinu Jugoslaviju) i obnova, 1944. i 1945, imali većinsku podršku u njenim udeonim pravnim i društvenim celinama niti da li je takvo raspoloženje pratilo njeno nestajanje. Sama jugoslovenska ideja bila je dinamična i razvojna. Prethodila je jugoslovenskom ujedinjenju, i u pojedinim, mada stidljivim segmentima, nadživela njen drugi nestanak. U svakom slučaju, verovatno je pogrešno procenjivati prošlost na osnovu docnijih dometa prava i demokratije. O nastanku i nestajanju Jugoslavije odlučivale su sile pobednice u evropskoj i svetskoj politici: sile Antante, Osovine, Saveznici i Evropska zajednica (od 1992. Unija). EU i SAD trenutno podržavaju integraciju celokupnog bivšeg jugoslovenskog prostora, koja podrazumeva ukidanje svih administrativnih, ekonomskih i kulturnih barijera. Tim procesom neće se samo objediniti jugoslovenski prostor, ostvariće se i sve prethodne zamisli o balkanskoj federaciji. Samim tim će dobiti zadovoljenje i svi balkanski nacionalizmi, budući da će evropska integracija podrazumevati nacionalno okupljanje u istovetnom institucionalnom okviru.
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Koliko god se čovjek trudio ovih dana izbjeći raspravu o virusu, pokušavajući inzistirati na drugim temama i životu mimo izvanredne situacije, nju je vrlo teško izbjeći, budući da su i društvene mreže, kao i svi mediji naprosto prekomjerno izbombardirani isključivo s tom temom.
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This paper provides a detailed comparison of both the institutional frameworks and the societal manifestation of xenophobic sentiments in Central and Eastern Europe. Arguing that xenophobia is co-produced at the institutional, discursive, and social levels, the paper analyzes a multitude of variables – including national legal frameworks, administrative practices, available scientific data and media discourses – and points out the differences between the country-specific operationalizations of the core concepts. Its primary goal is to examine the possible roots of xenophobia, and to identify the main reasons behind the associated commonalities and differences.
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The article examined the impact of the decommunization policy in Ukraine on national identity formation. The objectives of the article were to determine the main reasons and consequences of decommunization in Ukraine. A historical approach to determine the causes of decommunization and justify its necessity is applied in the article. Sociological studies and expert opinions on decommunization are analyzed. Based on synthesis, analogy, and abstraction methods, the elaborated material is summarised, and the article’s conclusions are formulated. As a result, the conclusion has been drawn that decommunization could not contribute to the formation of national identity in Ukraine. The outcomes of decommunization had a positive effect only in combination with other efforts (educational process, dialogue with society, language policy). However, given Ukraine’s regional characteristics, it took time to unite the population around a shared historical memory, common symbols, and traditions. The policy of decommunization primarily contributed to the strengthening of regional identity. Moreover, improving the material well-being of Ukrainians and creating favorable conditions for living and working in Ukraine will unite the residents of all regions of Ukraine. These actions will significantly enhance the effect of decommunization in forming national identity.
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Most Russians associate the term nationalism primarily with criminal ethnic background and riots involving radical nationalists. This is largely due to the message of the Russian media. Nationalist activity as dangerous for internal stability. Multi-ethnic Russia is subject to severe criticism and control by the Kremlin. The authorities are afraid that the rise of ethnic nationalisms among the peoples of Russia could lead to the escalation of conflicts based on nationality and even to the dissolution of the Russian Federation. Therefore, the Kremlin is trying to combat manifestations of xenophobia in Russia and impose its own vision of nationalism on society - so-called state nationalism, which is based on the multinational idea of Russia united by Russian culture and language. It is to become the foundamental Russian state identity. The actions of the authorities are positive consequences – the number of ethnic crimes in Russia has been declining for several years, and regular sociological research shows that support for radical nationalist slogans among Russians in the perspective of a few years does not increase. This does not mean, however, that the problems are ethnic in nature in Russia have been dissolved. We are dealing more and more with "hidden nationalism", the basis of which is a veiled aversion and the fear of Russians towards representatives of other nationalities resulting from dealing with strangers in everyday life. Social support for such views is difficult to measure in sociological research, but reveals itself violently in conflict situations.
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This study uses the theory of collective memory in international politics to examine the connection between collective memory and foreign policy to investigate why the Belt and Road Initiative has witnessed slow progress in Thailand. Qualitative data were gathered from various sources, including books, newspapers, journals, policy documents, and textbooks. The study concludes that cooperation between states is essential for achieving shared objectives but is contingent upon establishing mutual trust. Collective memories that one country maintains concerning another country can influence mutual understanding and trust, becoming ingrained even if the situation responsible for the memories changes or no longer exists. In the case of Thailand and China, the Thai government’s push for the high-speed rail project faced criticism and concerns due to the public’s deep-seated fears and distrust of China, the result of historical events and past experiences. This paper’s findings highlight the state’s role in creating collective memory and otherness, recognizing that external variables such as major power activities play a significant role.
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The paper presents the experience and the results of а long-term research of Serbian epics, primarily of singing to the accompaniment of gusle – the most common and preferred form of performing epic songs. Studying the tradition and the personalities proves to be important for the ethnomusicological and interdisciplinary understanding of this genre. The focus on this solo performative genre makes the relations with the guslars (epic singers who accompany their singing with gusle – a one-string bowed instrument), as primary collaborators in the research, especially intensive and complex. In relation to that, the implementation of 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in Serbia is recognized as an opportunity as well as an ethical obligation of ethnomusicologists to achieve reciprocity in cooperation with guslars by supporting the safeguarding of epic singing to the accompaniment of gusle. This type of cooperation has brought new challenges and encouraged deeper reflections on social, i.e. socio-cultural responsibility and its impact on national ethnomusicology. Linking research results with cultural practice is one of the distinct challenges in contemporary humanities, so this paper in a broader sense is a contribution to the applied humanities.
More...София: ИЕФЕМ – БАН, ИК „Парадигма“, 2022. 628 стр. с ил. ISBN 978-954-326-496-4
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The research conducted in this article is a substantiation of the method for strategic management of the development of the Ukrainian border security environment. The essence of the method is to determine the phases for the current state and the projected period for particular sectors of the state border, depending on their inherent characteristics, further selecting the concept of border security on this basis, establishing the type of barriers and criteria for ensuring border security that are appropriate for use. Further application of the methodology involves conducting a SWOT analysis for particular sectors of the state border, which identifies the strengths and weaknesses of the internal environment, opportunities and threats inherent in the external environment, and the formation of possible strategies for ensuring border security in three variants of organizing activities (in the conditions of day-to-day activities, a complication of the situation and martial law). Based on the results of the analysis and the illustrative example, it can be concluded that the proposed method for strategic management of the development of Ukraine’s border security environment is one of the possible effective mechanisms in the activities of the subjects ensuring Ukraine’s border security.
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