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‘The rifle has the devil inside’, Gun Culture in South Eastern Europe
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‘The rifle has the devil inside’, Gun Culture in South Eastern Europe

Author(s): Philip Gounev,Marko Hajdinjak,Antonina Zhelyazkova,Antonija Petričušić,Viorel Cibotaru,Elton Skendaj,Toni Petkovic,Zhidas Daskalovski / Language(s): English

This report examines how cultural beliefs and practices influence gun ownership and use in SEE, and how these might affect SALW control interventions. It was initially researched by the Center for the Study of Democracy (CSD), Bulgaria during Autumn 2005 and Spring 2006. It was compiled and drafted by Mr. Philip Gounev, Research Fellow, Centre for the Study of Democracy and Mr. Marko Hajdinjak, Researcher, International Centre for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations, Bulgaria. // An anthropological approach was taken to better understand the reasons for civilian gun ownership and use, and the ways in which society represents these behaviours, in Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Moldova, Serbia and Montenegro (including the UN Administered Territory of Kosovo). A wide variety of research tools were used including household surveys (HHS) conducted by SEESAC and UNDP, focus group transcripts, secondary literature searches, statistical data, anthropological field studies, the Internet, print and electronic media.

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Транспорт, контрабанда и организирана престъпност
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Транспорт, контрабанда и организирана престъпност

Author(s): Tihomir Bezlov,Philip Gounev,Emil Tzenkov,Petkan Iliev / Language(s): Bulgarian

The report analyses the participation of transportation companies in smuggling practices, more specifically: • it examines and describes a range of companies and individuals involved in organized crime groups whose main business is the trafficking of consumer goods; • it also gives and overview of the criminal and semi-legal networks involved in smuggling Chinese and Turkish goods; • it presents new data on oil and oil products smuggling; • it examines the role of duty-free shops and their involvement in illicit cigarettes imports.

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Пазарът на наркотици в България
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Пазарът на наркотици в България

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The Center for the Study of Democracy has undertaken a special inquiry into the topic of drug abuse - which was fueled by the drug epidemic of the late 1990s and has grown to become a real social threat - and the problem of drug dealing, which is a major mechanism for the generation of organized crime in Bulgaria. This report addresses drug supply and demand in Bulgaria with the ambition of mapping a vast information void and identifying the basic mechanisms and stakeholders of the drug market. However, the peculiarities of drug diffusion and consumption do not allow the use of the standard suite of economic research tools and vehicles throughout the study. This analysis has been divided into three sections. The first addresses the genesis of drug distribution, while the second describes its structure and functioning. The findings about supply presented in the first two parts are based on a series of in-depth interviews with dealers of different groups of drugs, long-term drug users, with police and security officers (experienced in combating drug traffic, drug production, and drug dealing), doctors, and civil organizations engaged in treatment services to drug addicts. Section 3 highlights drug demand, and brings into play the findings of the First National Population Survey on Drug Consumption in Bulgaria conducted by Vitosha Research. For the purpose of this study, CSD and Vitosha Research used the research tools of the European Monitoring Center on Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA).

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Корупция, контрабанда и институционална реформа: Трансграничната престъпност в България и дейността на митниците и МВР за нейното пресичане (2001 – 2002 г.)
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Корупция, контрабанда и институционална реформа: Трансграничната престъпност в България и дейността на митниците и МВР за нейното пресичане (2001 – 2002 г.)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The present report summarizes researches and discussions conducted by members of the expert group within the framework of the Bulgarian anti-corruption initiative Coalition 2000 established in 1997. The report is dedicated to one of the most serious problems of the Bulgarian transition towards market economy, stable democratic institutions and legal state. The exploding growth of trans-border crime during the last 12 years has led to the emergence of criminal infrastructure, developed and maintained by criminal groups and semi-legal "power groups," which have appeared in the mentioned period. The trans-border crime in Bulgaria is a part of the new network of international organized crime, which was established after the end of the Cold War and which is closely connected to the regional channels of smuggling and trafficking. Smuggling (including drug smuggling) and trafficking are in particular the main sources of income for organized crime in the country. It is impossible to successfully fight the trans-border crime in the country without a determined effort to counter systemic corruption within the law-enforcing and law-protecting institutions. Enormous part of the criminal acts and irregularities concerning import and export of goods, drugs and weapons, as well as illegal trafficking of human beings, is conducted through unlawful cooperation with customs officers, employees of the National Border Police Service and other state institutions, responsible for border control. Corruption networks are part of the systemic smuggling or of the so-called smuggling channels, and the funds for bribing state employees represent "production costs" for organizers of smuggling. Without doubt, it is difficult to present an accurate assessment of the discussed problems, due to the lack of information about the exact parameters of smuggling, in particular of the drug smuggling, and about the real scale of corrupt practices. Hence the huge importance of indirect indicators like marketing researches in regard with the presence of particular goods on the market, and methods for comparison of such data with official customs statistics for import and exports of the same goods. Apart from these methods, of particular importance is the role of export analyses, reporting on informal "price-lists" of corrupt services, as well as of the scope and value of the realized smuggling deals and operations.

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Контрабандните канали в Югоизточна Европа. Конфликтите в бивша Югославия и възникването на регионални престъпни мрежи
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Контрабандните канали в Югоизточна Европа. Конфликтите в бивша Югославия и възникването на регионални престъпни мрежи

Author(s): Marko Hajdinjak / Language(s): Bulgarian

Smuggling in Southeast Europe analyzes and reviews the connection between the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and the growth of the trans-border crime in the region, and also looks at the related issue of corruption. The paper highlights the decisive impact the Yugoslav wars had on the development of the regional criminal networks, which were often set up and maintained not only with the knowledge, but even with active participation of the highest state officials. The research also represents a contribution to the study of conflicts in the Western Balkans. The majority of existing interpretations of causes, course and consequences of the Yugoslav wars try to provide the answers through ethno-political explanations. They unjustly ignore the importance that interweaving of interests of political elites, the organized crime groups, which appeared in this period, and the "mediating class" of corrupt state officials had in this process. The paper is divided in three parts: • An analysis of the causes and course of emergence of Balkan smuggling channels in the context of Yugoslav wars and international sanctions; • A review of the recent developments in trans-border crime in Southeast Europe; • An overview of prevention efforts, undertaken both by the regional governments and the international community’ The first part analyzes the emergence of officially sanctioned "state-building" smuggling in those parts of the former Yugoslavia, which were involved in the war. The intermediary role of Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia and Romania is also discussed. In these four countries, smuggling networks were not developed under open patronage of the governments, but the role of high-positioned politicians was nevertheless extremely important. The second part traces the evolution of the initial semi-official smuggling channels and their transformation into "classical" criminal networks. The so-called "suitcase trade," cigarette smuggling, smuggling of narcotics, and the trafficking in human beings are discussed in more detail.

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Uluslararası Göç ve Çocuklar
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Uluslararası Göç ve Çocuklar

Author(s): / Language(s): Turkish,English

In this book, the fourth term of the Civil Society Dialogue Grant Program, supported by the Ministry of European Union of the Republic of Turkey, was carried out in partnership with Uskudar University, Haci Habibullah Geredevi Foundation (HAGEV) and CEIPES (Italy) Hand in hand with Refugee Children' project, the papers and speeches presented at the International Symposium on Children and Migration are brought together with the reader.

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Franjevački samostan u Gučoj Gori
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Franjevački samostan u Gučoj Gori

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian

Nakon pada Bosne pod otomansku vlast (1463) razrušeni su, spaljeni i napušteni mnogi samostani u Bosni. Jedan od njih je i Lašvanski samostan, koji se nalazio, prema izvješćima bosanskih apostolskih vikara o pohodima Lašvanskoj župi, na Guvnima, naselju današnje dolačke župe. Ne znamo ni koliko je bilo braće u njemu kad je krajem 15. stoljeća stradao ni kamo su nakon njegova stradanja otišli. U nekim šematizmima provincije Bosne Srebrene piše da su odmah nakon toga prešli u Guču Goru. Makar sjedište vjerskog i franjevačkog života u Gučoj Gori, i to za čitavu Lašvansku dolinu, sezalo tako daleko u povijest, ipak je godina 2009. jubilarna - stopedeseta godina od njegova osnutka i postojanja u pravnom smislu. Sve do tada je ondje bila kuća, kasnije franjevačka rezidencija, u kojoj su boravili franjevci odakle bi odlazili obavljati pastoralnu službu po čitavoj Lašvanskoj dolini, pa i šire. Uz dopuštenje crkvenih vlasti, general Reda Manje Braće, dekretom od 30. svibnja 1859., proglašava samostan u Gučoj Gori. Sagradio ga je biskup fra Marijan Šunjić, rodom iz Bučića, jedan od najobrazovanijih ljudi svoga vremena. Organizatori za obilježavanje stopedesete obljetnice samostana odlučili su tim povodom održati znanstveni skup i izdati malu monografiju o samostanu. Znanstveni skup je održan 25. i 26. rujna 2009. godine, a monografija je ugledala svjetlo dana nekoliko dana prije održavanja znanstvenog skupa. U životu svakog naroda važno mjesto zauzima kulturno-povijesno naslijeđe kao dokaz stvaralaštva i životne snage naših predaka, kao simbol duha i pobjede čovjeka koji je ostavio znakove svoga postojanja. Stara je i mudra izreka koja se pripisuje fra Filipu Lastriću: “Pročitao sam kako je neki ozbiljan povjesničar rekao da je za svakoga čovjeka sramota ako ne pozna kraja u kojem boravi, ako ne zna kako je u njega došao i od kojih je pređa potekao”. A fra Ljubo Hrgić piše u svom Dnevniku: “Dane i noći hodao bih pokraj Lašve i gubio se u šumama. Tražio bih po grobljima starim, tražio bih staru dušu Bosne, drevnu tišinu. Možda je sav mistični čar moje zemlje u njenoj vjekovnoj tišini”. Koliko je Bosna i Hercegovina bila “svoja” svjedoče i samostan i crkva u Gučoj Gori. Ne samo što su ondje bili odgojni zavodi provincije Bosne Srebrene, nego se u njemu nalazila i pučka škola; ne samo što su franjevci Guče Gore vodili važne kulturne i poljoprivredne ustanove već su u njemu omladinska društva nalazila svoje prostorije. Selo Guča Gora nalazi se na 11. kilometru od Travnika i devetom od naselja Doca na Lašvi. Pogled iznad sela penje se prema sivom golom brdu Humu, te Carinama, stijenama koje kao da podupiru jedan plato, borovom šumom obrastao. A dolje, s druge strane prema jugu, vrletna se konfiguracija tla blago spušta prema dolini, praćena njivama, livadama i šumom. Ondje se nalazi prelijepa građevina, kao arhitektonski dragulj, s netaknutom i neunakaženom prirodom s kojom se teško može usporediti koji drugi krajolik. Sam je objekt bio prepušten igri povijesti, čiji su vjetrovi divlje trgali bosanski mir i idilu. Međutim, samostan se uvijek ponovno kao iz pepela dizao i fratri su u njemu započinjali novi život. Tako to traje već 150 godina od njegova proglašenja, a od davne 1706., dakle više od 300 godina, kada se prvi puta spominje, kao sjedište stare Lašvanske župe. Radovi sa simpozija u povodu stopedesete obljetnice postojanja samostana u Gučoj Gori pružaju čitatelju mogućnost upoznavanja s povijesnim zbivanjima, nekad dramatičnim i sudbonosnim, tijekom ne tako lake, ali ipak poštovanja vrijedne prošlosti samostana; također upoznavanja života kako običnih ljudi i istaknutih pojedinaca tako i povijesnih i kulturnih spomenika lašvanskog kraja.. Iznoseći mnoštvo povijesnih podataka i zanimljivih zgoda i nezgoda iz burne prošlosti i iz svakodnevnog života ljudi, autori svojim radovima skidaju prašinu s temelja iz kojih je nikao gučogorski samostan, ali i pročišćavaju izvore na kojima se snagom napajaju ljudi koji vole i samostan i svoj zavičaj. U tim radovima izlaze na vidjelo heroji, znameniti pojedinci, koji su ostali nepokolebivi u vjernosti Bogu, svome narodu i svojoj državi čak i onda kad je to, ljudski gledano, bilo nemoguće; ali izdvajaju i antiheroje, koji su, posebno u otomansko vrijeme, gušili život i rušili sve što drugačije od njih misli, govori i vjeruje. U odabiru autora i radova za jedan simpozij postoji opasnost da ostane po strani nešto što je važno. Radovi sa simpozija su upravo zbog toga poziv čitatelju na traženje i čitanje literature, izvještaja i kronika o svemu što je vezano za gučogorski samostan i njegovu povijest. U tom su smislu poticajne riječi fra Jake Baltića, graditelja samostana i velikog ljetopisca: “Svakomu čoviku, koji iole ima prosvete, milo je čitati i znati povijest svojih starih. Kakvi su naši stari bili? Što se s njima zbilo? Kako su se u događajim vladali? Kad bi se tako što napisano našlo od naših starih, prije šest stotina godina barem, ako ne starije, to bi vridilo prema dragom kamenju. Jer događaje i dila svojih starih pred očima imati, mogo bi se čovik okoristiti u svom življenju. Mudrih je ljudi izreka: ‘Nauči se na primjeru mnogih, što treba nasljedovati, a što izbjegavati’. Neka ti učitelj bude tuđi život’”.

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HYBRID THREATS - A STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS PERSPECTIVE
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HYBRID THREATS - A STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS PERSPECTIVE

Author(s): Sean Aday,Māris Andžāns,Una Aleksandra Bērziņa-Čerenkova,Francesca Granelli,John-Paul Gravelines,Mils Hills,Miranda Holmstrom,Adam Klus,Irene Martinez-Sanchez,Mariita Mattiisen,Holger Mölder,Yeganeh Morakabati,James Pamment,Aurel Sari,Vladimir Sazonov,Gregory Simons,Jonathan Terra / Language(s): English

This report is the product of a research project undertaken by the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence (NATO StratCom COE), at the request of the governments of Lithuania and Estonia. The project was designed to deepen our understanding of the wide range of measures which come under the umbrella of ‘hybrid threats’. Such measures aim to influence the political decision-making of a targeted nation in a way which hurts their national security interests, predominantly conducted in the ‘grey zone’ between peace, crisis and war. Scope The project broadens the framing of current debates on hybrid threats beyond the most common empirical reference points, which tend to relate to the Russian Federation. A standardized framework is used to analyze case studies which are assessed to offer examples of hybrid threats. Analysis has been conducted from the perspective of ‘Strategic Communications’, which is articulated for this report not simply as a suite of capabilities disseminating messages to explain actions or intentions in support of strategy but as a basic function of statecraft. Strategic Communications is therefore considered both as an overarching philosophy to be inculcated into organizational culture and as a cross-government process, central to integrating the instruments of national power. The research focuses on the national level, where the primary responsibility lies for understanding, identifying and responding to hybrid threats. In this main volume, summaries of 30 cases are provided, of which a representative selection of 10 cases are analysed in detail in a separate annex. In order to limit the scope of the project, this phase of research focuses solely on state actors. Purpose The case studies are not intended to be definitive accounts of a particular scenario or provide templated solutions to similar situations, nor does the inclusion of any particular state actor necessarily conclude malicious intent. The report encourages the reader to take a ‘360-degree view’ of an issue area, deepening their knowledge of factors and considerations relevant to threat assessment. This report is designed to help the reader develop two complementary viewpoints. First, being agile and adaptive enough to deal with emerging security challenges where the identity and intent of adversaries may be unclear or deliberatively deceptive. Threats may also be constituted by the synergy of many different, apparently unconnected measures. Second, the Strategic Communications mindset. This is the notion that everything communicates. The key to an effective strategy is therefore to understand actors and audiences, then integrate policies, actions and words across government in a coherent way to build national resilience and leverage strategic influence.

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HYBRID THREATS - ANNEX OF CASE STUDIES
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HYBRID THREATS - ANNEX OF CASE STUDIES

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

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Selected Essays by Young Authors (Vol. 2)
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Selected Essays by Young Authors (Vol. 2)

Author(s): / Language(s): English

This is the second collection of selected essays by the authors who attended the courses and seminars the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia organized in 2005. Within the tree-year project “Building up Democracy and Good Governance in Multiethnic Communities” that is being implemented with the assistance of the European Union, twenty-four 5-day “Schools of democracy” and sixteen 3-day seminars under the common title “Life and Living in Multiethnic Environments” were held in 2004 and 2005 in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Kragujevac and Novi Pazar. Over 1000 trainees attended these courses and seminars. The project is aimed at capacitating young people - by the means of attractive courses of training - not only for a life in multiethnic communities that are particularly burdened with the adverse experience of the recent past, mutual distrust and stereotypes, but also for a life in the conditions that mark a modern democracy and reflect its standards. An objective as such implies, among other things, rational perception of notions, developments and trends that are in Serbia still blurred, marginalized and subject to relativism or, moreover, to various and even misguiding interpretations. The Helsinki Committee’s experience testifies this is all about a process that takes time but is worthy of effort - the more so since young people, as evidenced by the selected writings as well, fully perceive it as an imperative need of their own.

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Human Rights in Serbia in 2012: POPULISM: ENTROPY OF DEMOCRACY (Abridged version)
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Human Rights in Serbia in 2012: POPULISM: ENTROPY OF DEMOCRACY (Abridged version)

Author(s): / Language(s): English

EU strategic decision on Serbia’s candidacy is crucial for the country’s further movement towards European integrations. Had it not been for it, Serbia’s poor democratic potential would have been trapped by its strong, populist right-wing. The Serbian society is still incapable to definitely opt for a substantive, democratic transformation and fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria. Regardless of all the pressures to which it has probably been exposed, the political pivot’s, the Democratic Party’s, failure to progress more towards Europeanization testifies of its lack of states manly leadership and inability for a political U-turn. Having radicalized the Kosovo issue Belgrade has undermined its standing in EU. Mainstream political and intellectual elites do not look to the future. Serbia needs to take stock of its situation. The society’s un-readiness to cope with the past plays into the hands of the political right and its attempts at blocking Serbia’s Euro-Atlantic integration. Rather than accept the reality, the political elite is autistic and trapped by self-pity. As long as its elite role-plays a victim Serbia will not be able to work constructively on its future and the future of the region.

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Druga Srbija
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Druga Srbija

Author(s): Latinka Perović,Radomir Konstantinović,Filip David,Pavle Ugrinov,Mladen Lazić,Aljoša Mimica,Nenad Prokić,Ivan Vejvoda,Gojko Nikoliš,Mirko Tepavac,Sima M. Ćirković,Miladin Životić,Branka Mihajlović,Slobodan Blagojević,Bogdan Bogdanović,Vladimir Pogačić,László Végel,Petar Luković,Vladan A. Vasiljević,Hamdija Demirović,Mileta Prodanović,Zagorka Golubović,Dragan Veselinov,Ljubiša Rajić,Milica Lučić-Čavić,Sreten Vujović,Nataša Kandić ,Obrad Savić,Vuk Stambolović,Velimir Abramović,Milovan Đilas,Aleksandar Nenadović,Slobodan Inić,Nebojša Popov,Ivan Čolović,Borka Pavićević,Slobodan Stojanović,Milan Milošević,Đorđe Lebović,Vesna Pešić,Žarko Korać,Miodrag Zupanc,Jelena Šantrić,Miloš Bobić,Nikola Barović,Miroslav Milović,Dušan Makavejev,Ljubomir Madžar,Mikloš Biro,Ljubinka Trgovčević,Branko Kukić,Dušan Simić,Nenad Daković,Jelica Zupanc,Živojin Kara-Pešić,Biserka Rajčić,Zoran Vidojević,Stevan Pešić,Nenad Fišer,Mirko Gaspari,Veljko Milatović,Srđan Karanović,Mirjana Miočinović,Dragan Babić,Svetlana Knjazev-Adamović,Milorad Belančić,Ina Ovadija-Musafija,Biljana Jovanović,Marina Blagojević,Stanica Lalić,Dragoljub Petrović,Dubravka Marković,Vesna Krmpotić,Novak Pribićević,Goran Marković,Dušan Janjić,Gordana Logar,Miljenko Dereta,Lazar Stojanović,Vesna Čolić,Dušan Reljić,Slobodan Blagojević,Drinka Gojković,Ratko Božović,Mirjana Stefanović,Branka Prpa-Jovanović,Milena Davidović-Primorac,Marija M. Mitrović,Ranko Bugarski,Dragan Velikić,Milica Nikolić,Ottó Tolnai,Manojlo Vukotić,Branka Arsić,Nikola Bertolino,Miloš Stambolić,Velimir Ćurgus Kazimir,Jerko Denegri,Predrag Čudić,Šefko Alomerović,Ljiljana Đurđić,Lepa Mlađenović,Zoran M. Avramović,Milorad Radovanović,Boško Kovačević,Miroslav Karaulac,Vladimir Pištalo,Živojin Pavlović,Aleksandar Zistakis,Đorđe Vukadinović,Ivica Petrović,Ljuba Stojić,Nataša Odalović,Anđelko Dragojević,Ivan Ivanji,Jelena Tasić,Milovan Mračević,V. Stefanović,Jasna Šakota-Mimica,Žarko Trebješanin,Milorad Mlađenović,Magda Petryńska,Danièle Sallenave,T. M.,Leonidas Hatziprodromidis,Predrag Matvejević,Melita Rihter Malabota,Paolo Facchi,Nino Recupero,Claudio Venza / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian

(ANOTHER SERBIA) Every Saturday for a period of two months, from the beginning of April till the end of June 1992, sessions organized by the Belgrade Circle were held at the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade. At these sessions, ten in all, intellectuals, members of the Belgrade Circle and their quest – distinguished writers, scientists, artists, journalists, film and theatre directors, architects, actors, interpreters – expressed their own views of another, radically different Serbia. In times of anguish and affliction, the meetings, attended by a large assembly of listeners experiencing a kind of moral purification, were nonetheless imbued with a frail hope that there still might be a chance for a turn in events. With a desire to present ideas, opinions and sensations shared by the participants of the Belgrade Circle sessions to a much larger audience, the reading public, and to preserve them, because of their merit, in a more lasting form, discussions of over eighty intellectuals were compiled to form this book. In the meantime, the overwhelming disaster has reached its climax: »The Bosnian War«, still raging with no feasible way out as yet, exploded and blazed up like fire. The Belgrade Circle participants, distressed and abashed at the display of all those real or imagined evil deeds, so eagerly reported by the portentous heralds of death voiced hitherto often deeply hidden and silent feelings and thoughts about their burdensome disgust at the plague gripping and afflicting us all. Each participant contributed in his or her own way – rigorous scientific analysis, artistic susceptibility, eyewitness accounts, or simply. A public-minded desperate wail – to the shaping of one new, public opinion, the one that stirred in that sad Spring of ’92 and rebelled against the general fear, animosity, devastation, extermination, ethnic cleansing, forcible population exchanges... All those responsible and public-minded citizens, holding different political opinions, some members of various political parties, with incomparable personal experiences, varied professional interest and often of »objectionable« national origin, showed, however the will to insert tolerance among the basic principles of a humanized way of fife. But, in spite of the pronounced differences, their common aim, discernable in each and every speech imported to the audience, was to finally establish a community based on simple but as yet still unattainable ideals such as peace, freedom, tolerance and justice in place of degrading political, national and religious exclusiveness. Participants focussed their attention on various aspects of the problem: some analysed the roots of hatred and evil; some indicated the disastrous consequences of irresponsible national myth revivals; others warned of menaces yet to come unless we see reason in time. Some were stern, others witty and others still perhaps too prone to pathos, but they were all deeply concerned, and, as it unfortunately turned out, correct in predicting subsequent events. Therefore, individuals who take no notice of current, official policy and who have for a long time now tenaciously refused to render their talent and knowledge to the needs of the authorities, gathered round a project titled »Another Serbia«. Instigating a state of war and providing alleged erudite justification for the necessity of mutual extermination in the name of some noble goals, vague even to the very massacre executors, must not and cannot be the vocation of anyone who considers him or herself an »intellectual«, or earns a living acting as one. Hence, all session participants had but one desire: to mark out a path that may lead into a more promising future, to another, different, better and happier Serbia. »Another Serbia« soon became the synonym of resistance to fabricated lies, nationalistic madness, criminal war, a fascist holocaust, senseless destruction of villages and cities. Thanks are also due to the daily newspaper »Borba« which regularly reported on the Belgrade Circle Saturday sessions, and published a number of contributions presented there... We hope that the Another Serbia we all aspire to be easily discernable in the collection of essays presented in this book. The reader who hopes to find traces of at least some political program will be gravely disappointed. At present, when politics have poisoned the very soul of so many men of letters and knowledge, and when, among the most violent oppressors, in the ranks of all mortal enemy groups, one finds so many proud bearers of scientific degrees, who may actually be designated as men of unmerited and easily squandered reputation, it has become somewhat indecent to praise »intellectual pursuits«. The Belgrade Circle was, however, founded early in 1992 with the aim of retrieving dignity – another dangerous quality! – to public speech and conceived plans of action for the benefit of truth. We do not take an elitist position and stand indifferently above the crowd. On the contrary, being deeply involved and concerned, we place ourselves in its midst. The Association of Independent intellectuals insists upon its main goal, as declared in the program, namely, to bring together »critically oriented public figured who wish to unite their own civil and intellectual engagements with those of other, basically similarly oriented people«. That is why the Belgrade Circle will continue to »promote ideas, deeds and activities that affirm the values of a democratic, civil and plural society...« The Belgrade Circle will »encourage free and critical thought in all spheres of public life. It will support and help institutions and individuals who resist violence and animosity, and who plead for dialogue and for the survival of culture as the only humanly valid way of life«. Fine speeches? Maybe. Nevertheless, the Belgrade Circle has already, and despite many organizational and financial hardships, as well as ugly and unjust abuse from people who should have been, by the very nature of their vocation, in our ranks had they not knuckled under the burden of a more noble – national to be sure – mission, gained an undeniably high reputation. The words uttered with the aim of promoting »Another Serbia« and presented in this book to serve at testimony to the existence of a number of sensible people, shrewd and brave enough to resist suffocation by overwhelming absurdity, were not the only »weapon« used by Belgrade Circle members. They had also an active part in numerous civil and peace movements and events, thus contributing to the establishment of critical public opinion in Belgrade and Serbia: let us recall, for instance, the sad candles and our wake in the park, with souls colder than the Belgrade frost, while one of the past infernal wars – God, which one was it? – was raging out there somewhere; let us recall the »Black Band«, »Yellow Band«, »Student Protest ‘92«, and our endeavours to bring the people of Hrtkovci (»Srbislavci«) to reason; let us recall our guests from Pljevlja, Montenegro, Bosnia... All the time we were just launching our unhappy and, we believe, noble, though perhaps futile venture the very first participant said: let the Belgrade Circle begin it’s work! We hope that by offering this book to the public we have already come a long way. (INTELLECTUALS AND WAR) This volume, Intellectuals and War, follows on the heels of last year’s publication of Another Serbia. Like the latter, it is the result of the work of the Belgrade Circle. As the reader will recall, Another Serbia is a collection of over eighty talks given by members of this association of independent intellectuals and their guests, during ten of the sessions of the Belgrade Circle held every Saturday from the beginning of April to the end of June 1992. Intellectuals and War brings together some fifty texts, which were presented as part of the series »Intellectuals and War« organized every other week, for ten sessions from the beginning of October 1992 until the end of February 1993. At a time when every call for peace, national tolerance, and liberal democracy was being confronted with scorn, disdain, and open ridicule; at a time, that is, when even the most cautious doubts about the utility of the war, which might deflate the state mythology were being denounced as acts of treason committed by slanderers of the National Idea, the Belgrade Circle organized the thematic series, »Another Serbia« and introduced itself to the domestic public as one of the truly rare associations (not to mention political parties, the few exceptions not withstanding) whose members refused on principle to contribute to the destruction of other nations and the demise of their own. With this series and, particularly, with the publication of our book by the same name, the expression »Another Serbia« became a motto for all those who sooner or later came to see the dangers of the nationalist policies of the past five or more years. Unfortunately, many of the dark forebodings expressed in that first series proved to be true. With tragedies mounting at an alarming rate, many words that then sounded very strong, sometimes even, strident, have become but mild reproaches today. Words that once, only a year ago, were just short of blasphemy, have long since become commonplace in the mildest critical discourse in which almost everyone engages. Yet, in looking through the pages of Another Serbia today, one issue emerges from a number of the contributed works that still has not permeated public consciousness deeply enough and has only with great difficulty found its way into the conscience of those individuals to whom it directly refers. This is, of course, the matter of the responsibility of intellectuals for spreading national intolerance, inflaming hatred, advocating war, and – eventually – for instigating crimes and barbaric destruction and causing the isolation, poverty, denigration and scorn which has since come our way. With this in mind, the Belgrade Circle, as an association of – to repeat – independent intellectuals, decided to organize its second thematic series of discussions around this sensitive and uncomfortable question, which is often protected by taboo. The Belgrade Circle did not act impetuously in calling for an open examination of the role of public-opinion makers in the Yugoslav tragedy. Nor did it do so only after having seen the tragic results of conspicuous blunders by writers, scholars, and religious figures in irresponsible national mythmaking or – worse – in open incitement to war. Such a decision was part of the original motivation guiding the future founders of the Circle. Long before the disintegration of the country and before borders were redrawn, territory occupied and people expelled from their homes, they witnessed a number of their colleagues working as free agents or, more often, as institutional propagandists, dutifully reviving national myths, recounting the victims of pats years as if infatuated with death, reworking the ideology of land and blood and skilfully explaining the need for the South Slavic peoples to »separate« from one another once and for all. Seeing this, it became clear to the future members of the Belgrade Circle that it would not be long before these words were turned into deeds. The common denominator for the some twenty philosophers, sociologists, scientists, artists, and journalists who joined together in the Belgrade Circle was, in fact, the decisive refusal to participate in such undignified activities, which could only end in the horrors of war. In its founding Act, and later in number of public statements and individual appearances by its members, the Circle pointed to the responsibility of the »national intelligentsia« and »national institutions« for war and condemned their abuse of public speech. Although against political trials as a matter of principle, the Belgrade Circle argued in its first public statement that not only should politicians, military leaders, and those directly involved in executing their policies be held accountable for their deeds, but also intellectuals responsible for inciting war and causing crimes against humanity, the destruction of cultural and historical treasures, massive displacement of populations and the exile of numerous distinguished creative figures, and the involuntary flight of educated young people. The fact that it was precisely those individuals who given the nature of their work, should have been among our ranks, but chose instead to put their talents, knowledge, and reputation in the service of legitimising a new collectivism, who were the first to poke fun at the Circle and attack it with angry, even threatening messages made it convincingly clear that this important initiative was directed to the right address. At the crucial moment when the class-based identity of society began to collapse from within, these intellectuals, rather then putting their strength and authority into the democratic enlightenment of an apathetic citizenry actively helped to enthrone another new unifying principle, a new unio mistica which would, this time, be based on an artificially awakened and stimulated national identity. Thanks largely to these efforts, the opportunity to become a society of free individuals who act as autonomous citizens in the political sphere and not as anonymous members of the one and only Class, on Nation was again – and, again for a long time – gambled away. Put simply and crudely: once again, »ideologues«, »clerics«, and »guard dogs« have sold us a bill of goods. Few or the participants in the series »Intellectuals and War« were prepared to say that all »national intellectuals« were guided by evil intentions, hatred toward other peoples, vicious greed, futile craving for fame and honour, or the desire to gain the favour of the new/old rulers. It was clear to our authors that there were honest and intelligent people among these »national intellectuals« who sincerely believed that after the fall of the »old regime« it was more important to resolve the national question than to work for the establishment of parliamentary democracy. Reality – as is most often the case – provided them with a real basis for dissatisfaction. However, just as the framers of the idea of the social revolution before them, they turned to the implementation of the national revolution, without paying attention to the means those contracted do to the job – nurtured as they were in our rich tradition – would more than likely use. Thus, it is hard to resist the conclusion that the war began in words. Any rational observer of the now distant events could reasonably have expected the abbreviated series of exchanges between abstract ideas and concrete acts to turn easily and rapidly into bullets. After all, doesn’t the saying go: the pen is mightier than the sword!? A majority of the authors contributing to this volume, share the belief that if intellectuals – who have since become peace advocates – are now amazed and horrified by the sea of spilled blood, the ruined cities and villages, the rivers of displaced and uprooted people, and the previously unimaginable faschisation, impoverishment, and criminalisation of society, they must – if nothing else – face up to their own professional and moral responsibility for this. But this is a question of individual conscience which no one may or should pas a judgment. Some of the text, however, express the belief that another kind of responsibility – one that presumes more tangible consequences than merely having to confront oneself – must surely fall on the shoulders of that »portrait gallery« of our intellectual guard who have consciously advocated war and misted the people, captivating them with otherworldly messages, promising them the heavenly city, submerging them into the past, offering them dignity through force, and turning them away from the most natural desire to live a better and happier life with Others rather than in isolation from the outside world, imprisoned by self-love. One moment openly, the next moment covertly, they supported the consolidation of an authoritarian and indifferent regime, which would carry out the dirty work for them and for the greater glory of the Nation. They graciously allowed the forces of evil to strike, always ready to put the intellectuals’ most daring plans into action. Sometimes participating directly in the government, but more frequently, acting in the shadows as advisors to the absolute ruler and his priests and in collusion with our Volksgeist, these intellectuals were not prepared to take a stand at those moments when the people appeared to have come to their senses. They introduced even greater discord into the already confused political scene as they entered into the ranks of political parties that had the appearance of becoming democratic. Through both their silence and action, they allowed the uneducated electoral body to surrender itself to the one and only real leader. With these texts in front of us, it is tempting to outline a series of »generic-types«, that is, to construct a certain number of »ideal types« from among our national intellectuals. It is easy to understand those readers who would be happy with a string of unique caricature-like portraits. We have merely to think about all those crazed painters, poets of hearth and home, ominous prophets, patented demystifyers of planetary conspiracies and experts in deconstructing the »new world order«, ethno geneticists and amateur historians who trace their nation’s roots to ancient, even prehistoric times, former Marxists who find solace for their collapsed ideology in the »sweet joy of belonging« to the Nation, indefatigable drafters of geopolitical maps, and journalists and columnists who have persistently presented our unsophisticated readers and television audiences with an up side down picture of history and the world. But for now, let’s just keep these in mind: as, in this brief introduction we cannot even hope to sketch out such a typology, much less, to take on a detailed study of some prominent cases. What we can do is hope that a future systematic examination of the role of intellectuals in the wars we are going through will enable us to arrive at an answer to the question posed by the authors of this volume. They themselves have not been motivated by the ambition to offer an answer now and this motivation could hardly be sad to be common denominator among the various texts, which differ both in genre and in the opinions they present. As in Another Serbia, the contributors to Intellectuals and War have their own views and are alone responsible for their words.

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TMC2017 Conference Proceedings
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TMC2017 Conference Proceedings

Author(s): / Language(s): English

This volume brings together a selection of papers presented at the 5th Migration Conference hosted by Harokopio University Athens, 23-26 August 2017.This selection of papers presented at the conference are only a small segment of unedited contributions while many other papers have already been published in or submitted to edited books and refereed journals. There were a total of about 400 papers presented over 100 parallel sessions and three plenary sessions at Kallithea Campus of Harokopio University, Athens, Greece.The keynote speakers included Oded Stark, Saskia Sassen, Giuseppe Sciortino, Neli Esipova and Yuksel Pazarkaya.

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Uluslararası İlişkilerde Güvenlik Kuramları ve Sorunlarına Cagdas Yaklaşımlar
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Uluslararası İlişkilerde Güvenlik Kuramları ve Sorunlarına Cagdas Yaklaşımlar

Author(s): / Language(s): Turkish

“Uluslararası İlişkilerde güvenlik kuramlarına çağdaş yaklaşımlar uluslararası sosyal yapıdaki değişimler ve değişen “güvenlik” al-gılamaları sonucunda evrilerek disiplini zenginleştirmiştir. Günü-müzde “güvenlik” yaklaşımları çevre, toplumsal cinsiyet veya göç gibi güncel konular etrafında incelenmeye başlanmıştır. Daha önce yine Transnational Press London tarafından yayın-lanan “Uluslararası İlişkilerde Güvenlik Kuramları ve Sorunlarına Temel Yaklaşımlar” isimli kitabimizda daha ziyade temel güven-lik kuramlarına değinirken bu kitabimizda eleştirel yaklaşımlara yer vermeye çalıştık. Bu bağlamda “güvenlik” kavramına farklı bakış açılarını yansıtan kuramsal çerçeveleri göstererek güncel sorunları irdelemeye çalıştık.” İçindekiler ÖnsözEditörler ve Yazarlar HakkındaÖnsözGiriş – Sibel TURAN ve Nergiz ÖZKURAL KÖROĞLUBİRİNCİ KISIM: BARIŞ ÇALIŞMALARI VE GÜVENLİKMYANMAR/BURMA’DA BARIŞ İNŞA SÜRECİ ÜZERİNE BİR İNCELEME – Tolga ERDEMBARIŞ ÇALIŞMALARI KAPSAMINDA İSRAİL-FİLİSTİN SORUNU – Demet ŞENBAŞBARIŞ ÇALIŞMALARI BAĞLAMINDA KOLOMBİYA İÇ SAVAŞI – Sevil ŞAHİN ve Mustafa Ozan ŞAHİNİKİNCİ KISIM: ELEŞTİREL KURAM VE GÜVENLİKELEŞTİREL GÜVENLİK: “TEHDİT” EDEN GÖÇMENDEN “REFERENAS OBJESİNE” GÖÇ VE GÜVENLİK İLİŞKİSİ – Deniz EROĞLU UTKUELEŞTİREL GÜVENLİK YAKLAŞIMI BAĞLAMINDA RUANDA SOYKIRIMININ ANALİZİ – Abdullah TORUNELEŞTİREL YAKLAŞIM VE GALLER OKULU: 11 EYLÜL 2001 TERÖRİST SALDIRILARININ ETKİSİNDE TOPLUMSAL GÜVENLİK – Hakan AYDINÜÇÜNCÜ KISIM: FEMİNİZM VE GÜVENLİKFEMİNİST ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER YAKLAŞIMI AÇISINDAN MÜLTECİ KADIN SORUNU: SURİYELİ MÜLTECİ KADINLAR ÖRNEĞİ – Begüm ÖĞÜTTÜREN GÜVENÇFEMİNİST AÇIDAN AVRUPA BİRLİĞİ ORTAK DIŞ VE GÜVENLİK POLİTİKASI – Sinem YÜKSEL ÇENDEKDÖRDÜNCÜ KISIM: YEŞİL TEORİ VE GÜVENLİKULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLERDE YEŞİL TEORİ: İKLİM DEĞİŞİMİ VE KÜRESEL ISINMA BAĞLAMINDA BÜYÜK GÜÇLERİN KUZEY KUTBU REKABETİ: ARKTİKA’NIN YENİ JEOPOLİTİĞİ – Hayri EMİNTOPLUMSAL EKOLOJİ VE ULUSLARARASI HİYERARŞİ – Emre KALAYYEŞİL TEORİ EKSENİNDE KÜRESELLEŞME VE TOPLUMSAL OLAYLAR – Armağan ÖRKİDizin  

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WHAT IS THE GENDER OF SECURITY? 20 years of the Security Council Resolution 1325 “Women, Peace and Security” and its implementation in Bosnia and Herzegovina
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WHAT IS THE GENDER OF SECURITY? 20 years of the Security Council Resolution 1325 “Women, Peace and Security” and its implementation in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): / Language(s): English

I have the honour to present this second volume of the “What is the Gender of Security?” series. The OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina has partnered with the Sarajevo Open Centre in support of established and emerging practitioners and academics to provide important analysis on the engagement of women in the security sector and other relevant topics pertaining to gender and security. In so doing, we aim to foster synergies among academia, practitioners, and political and security decision-makers, and to highlight the importance of including gender perspectives in all aspects of security. We have partnered with the Sarajevo Open Centre to mark two important anniversaries: 2020 marks 25 years since the end of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina and 20 years since the adoption of the landmark UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The Resolution, unfortunately inspired by the conflicts in BiH and Rwanda in the 1990s, has helped place women’s war and post-war experiences at the forefront of international policy making, especially when it comes to peace negotiations and peace-building, peacekeeping, reconciliation, and reconstruction. Although much remains to be done in the fight to achieve equal rights and opportunities, it is worth recalling the progress achieved so far. To date 83 countries have adopted a National Action Plan for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325, with BiH being one of the first, having adopted its Plan in 2010. I am proud to represent an organization that puts promoting and achieving gender equality within and among participating States, our executive structures and field operations at the forefront of its work. The OSCE adopted its Action Plan for Promotion of Gender Equality in 2004, at a time when gender issues were rarely discussed in international fora. UNSCR 1325 is one of the pillars of our Action Plan and the OSCE Mission to BiH will continue to support BiH partner institutions in promoting its implementation. Since the 1975 Helsinki Final Act (the precursor to the OSCE as we know it today), participating States have recognized the value of a comprehensive approach to security. We remain committed to this approach. Human security cannot be ensured by depending exclusively on democratically-controlled defence and security forces. To achieve sustainable security, access to education and health, economic stability, rule of law, respect for human rights and a stable environment are all crucial. Gender equality and ensuring that youth perspectives play a central role in decision making remains at the heart of the OSCE’s approach. In 2019 the OSCE published research on “Implementing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda in the OSCE Region“ which provides an excellent overview of the implementation of UNSCR 1325. I recommend it to all interested researchers. The world is currently facing a security crisis on a scale more serious than most others in living memory. We are confronted with a pandemic that has forced us all to assume a key role in ensuring the safety and security of our loved ones and ourselves. The spread of the COVID-19 virus has brought into stark relief our global interdependence. It has highlighted the importance of looking out for each other, as well as supporting and protecting the democratic institutions that help our societies function and effectively address crises such as this one. Moreover, it has demonstrated the important role women can and must play as leaders, communicators, researchers and health providers in fighting the pandemic, to the benefit of all. These challenges require us all, whether in government or academia, to continue to collaborate, monitor, analyse, and learn from the experiences we are confronting. It is my sincere hope that, with this second volume, the Sarajevo Open Centre and the OSCE Mission to BiH will together make a valuable contribution to increased knowledge and awareness of many aspects of the UNSCR 1325 implementation.

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KOJEG JE RODA SIGURNOST? 20 godina Rezolucije Vijeća sigurnosti 1325 “Žene, mir i sigurnost” i njezina provedba u Bosni i Hercegovini
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KOJEG JE RODA SIGURNOST? 20 godina Rezolucije Vijeća sigurnosti 1325 “Žene, mir i sigurnost” i njezina provedba u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian

Čast mi je predstaviti ovaj drugi tom zbornika pod nazivom “Kojeg je roda sigurnost?”. Misija OSCE-a u Bosni i Hercegovini djelovala je u partnerstvu sa Sarajevskim otvorenim centrom da bi pružila podršku etabliranim praktičarkama i praktičarima te članovima i članicama akademske zajednice, kao i onima koji su tek u usponu, da izvrše važnu analizu angažmana žena u sigurnosnom sektoru, kao i drugih relevantnih tema koje se tiču roda i sigurnosti. Čineći to, naš je cilj da kultiviramo sinergije između akademske zajednice, praktičara i donosilaca odluka u oblastima politike i sigurnosti, kao i da naglasimo važnost uključivanja rodne perspektive u sve aspekte sigurnosti. Djelovali smo u partnerstvu sa Sarajevskim otvorenim centrom da bismo obilježili dvije važne godišnjice: 2020. godine se obilježava 25 godina od kraja sukoba u Bosni i Hercegovini i 20 godina od usvajanja znamenite Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a “Žene, mir i sigurnost”. Ta Rezolucija, nažalost inspirisana sukobima u BiH i Ruandi 90-ih godina 20. vijeka, pomogla je da se ratna i poslijeratna iskustva žena stave u prvi plan kada je u pitanju kreiranje međunarodnih politika djelovanja, naročito u vezi sa mirovnim pregovorima i izgradnjom mira, očuvanjem mira, pomirenjem i obnovom. Iako ostaje još mnogo toga da se uradi u borbi za ostvarenje jednakih prava i mogućnosti, vrijedi se podsjetiti dosadašnjeg napretka. Do danas su 83 države usvojile nacionalni akcioni plan za provedbu Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a, pri čemu je BiH bila jedna od prvih, usvojivši svoj plan 2010. godine. Ponosna sam što predstavljam organizaciju koja u prvi plan svog rada stavlja promociju i ostvarenje rodne ravnopravnosti u državama članicama, našim izvršnim tijelima i terenskim misijama, kao i između njih. OSCE je usvojio svoj Akcioni plan za promociju rodne ravnopravnosti 2004. godine, u vrijeme kada se o rodnim pitanjima rijetko razgovaralo u međunarodnim forumima. Rezolucija 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a jedan je od stubova našeg Akcionog plana, a Misija OSCE-a u BiH će nastaviti da pruža podršku partnerskim institucijama iz BiH u promociji njene provedbe. Još od Završnog dokumenta iz Helsinkija usvojenog 1975. godine (koji predstavlja prethodnicu OSCE-a kakvog poznajemo danas), države članice su prepoznale vrijednost sveobuhvatnog pristupa sigurnosti. Ostajemo predani tom pristupu. Sigurnost ljudi ne može biti osigurana oslanjajući se isključivo na snage odbrane i sigurnosti koje se nalaze pod demokratskom kontrolom. Da bi se postigla održiva sigurnost, od ključne su važnosti pristup obrazovanju i zdravstvu, ekonomska stabilnost, vladavina prava, poštovanje ljudskih prava i stabilno okruženje. Rodna ravnopravnost i osiguravanje da gledišta mladih igraju jednu od centralnih uloga u donošenju odluka ostaju u središtu OSCE-ovog pristupa. OSCE je 2019. godine objavio istraživanje pod nazivom “Provedba Agende ‘Žene, mir i sigurnost’ u državama članicama OSCE-a”, u kome je pružen izvanredan pregled provedbe Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a. Preporučujem ga svim zainteresovanim istraživačima i istraživačicama. Svijet se trenutno suočava sa sigurnosnom krizom ozbiljnijom od većine drugih u našem životnom vijeku. Suočeni smo sa pandemijom koja nas je sve prisilila da odigramo jednu od ključnih uloga u pružanju sigurnosti sebi i svojim najmilijima. Širenje koronavirusa zorno je pokazalo našu globalnu međuzavisnost. Ono je naglasilo važnost brige jednih za druge, kao i važnost pružanja podrške i zaštite demokratskim institucijama koje pomažu našim društvima da funkcionišu i djelotvorno rješavaju krize poput ove. Štaviše, ono je pokazalo važnu ulogu koju žene mogu i moraju igrati kao liderke, komunikatorice, istraživačice i zdravstvene djelatnice u borbi protiv pandemije, za dobrobit svih nas. Ti izazovi traže od svih nas, bez obzira da li radimo u tijelima vlasti ili u akademskoj zajednici, da nastavimo da sarađujemo, pratimo, analiziramo i učimo iz iskustava sa kojima se suočavamo. Iskreno se nadam da će, ovim drugim tomom, Sarajevski otvoreni centar i Misija OSCE-a u BiH zajedno dati vrijedan doprinos većem nivou znanja i svijesti o mnogim aspektima provedbe Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a.

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Working on Dealing with the Past - A Handbook for Civil Society Organizations
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Working on Dealing with the Past - A Handbook for Civil Society Organizations

Author(s): / Language(s): English

This handbook offers only some of the possible answers to the question how to deepen the discussion on the past in polarized societies where denial and/or relativization of crimes is an everyday practice and where one can hear exclamations such as "There is only one truth!" more often than questions "What has happened to you and your family?" The pages you are reading have been written for all those who have doubts and question a black-and-white picture of a 'better past', subject to adjustments and polishing in order to makes 'us' look more positive and 'them' negative. The handbook deals with some of the possible ways in which facts can be documented, suffering of every victim and survivor acknowledged and dignity of every person respected. The idea for publishing this handbook was born on my way to Canada where I was supposed to present the process of dealing with the past in Croatia and the neighbouring countries, from my own perspective, to colleagues from both North and South America and other continents. Interest into our experiences, expressed by ancestors of children who were taken from Indigenous peoples’ villages near Vancouver, with "the best intentions of better education", as well as by artists from Colombia who work with traumatized families of the killed and missing and by priests who are preparing a truth commission in Burundi, but also positive reactions from Bjelovar, Pakrac, Osijek and Sarajevo, encouraged us to write this handbook. National Foundation for the Development of Civil Society also recognized the importance of learning through exchange of experiences and supported this handbook. Texts in the handbook describe experiences of people who have, for decades, been trying to find ways in which to talk about hidden, unpleasant facts and crimes committed in their neighbourhood. The authors have gathered in initiatives such as that for the return of the name of the Victims of fascism square in Zagreb or Antiwar campaign Croatia and started organizations such as Centre for peace studies, Delfin, Pravda and MIRamiDA Centre. In an attempt to initiate the process of dealing with the past and to establish a fact-based truth about the war and contribute to shifting public discussion from the level of dispute about facts towards a dialogue on interpretations, these organizations founded Documenta – Centre for Dealing with the Past (hereafter Documenta). It was established in order to systematically deal with violence inherited in the period since the beginning of the Second World War until today. The key reason for making this effort was experience in silencing and forging war crimes and other war events in the period from 1941 until 2000, which has affected the recent history of Yugoslavia, but also of post-Yugoslav states and societies. During their work, the authors have opened questions which are, at the same time, difficult and important for everyone. Experiences which they have documented cannot be implemented universally, but can perhaps serve as an inspiration for opening up the dialogue about the past and about the adequate ways of remembering those killed in different locations. Since they are aware that there are no uniform recipes for thinking about the past and selecting the way in which to discuss difficult issues, they sometimes start from their own position and position of their own family, and sometimes point to global problems. The order in which you choose to read the text is not important. Regardless of whether you choose to first read about personal, family, institutional or social sphere, the texts will lead you to taking a stand towards violence in all spheres. Considering the fact that we still live in exclusive societies in which security is often based on closing oneself in a group of people of the same nationality and/ or those who think alike and who do not refrain from radical nationalism, ideological exclusiveness, degrading people of different nationality, making fun of ideological opponents or denying facts on committed war crimes, our starting point, in the work we do, was acknowledgement and emphasis of human dignity of those who were killed, suffered or were abused, regardless of the side on which they found themselves due to their belonging, geography, choice or political beliefs. The same values may also be your own starting point. Since respect of dignity and equal rights is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace, all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and their rights, as stipulated in the Preamble and Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted at the UN General Assembly on December 10, 1948. While a struggle for recognition of rights which are stipulated in this declaration is still going on, we can ask ourselves how many more decades will need to pass in order for the ‘new’ rights to truth, just court proceedings, reparations and guarantee to non-repetition of crimes, which are being affirmed within the U.N. in the past ten years, to become a worldwide recognized standard? Even if we are talking about a century of advocacy, we should not be discouraged by the slowness of changes, because taking a stand to violence on an every-day basis means a lot to those who have been hurt. Even in times of dictatorships, the destiny of those who suffered becomes visible only when others, outside one’s family circle, recognize it as such. Building mutual trust after a war and conflicts is connected to the acknowledgement of victims’ past suffering, and in Croatia and other post-Yugoslav countries, contemporaries of three cycles of violence, the Second World War, post-war violence over political opponents and the 1990s wars, are still alive. The decision on how far in the past one should go when conducting research is not an easy one. In social processes of dealing with difficult past violence, it is not easy, and sometimes even impossible, to single out only one group of crimes, especially in disputes which touch upon traumatic experiences of participants themselves. Every initiative for deepening a dialogue about the past will decide what would be a relevant period in the context of its own country. In countries with the history of colonialism or slavery, it will, for example, be necessary to take into account more layers of history. In this handbook, the authors primarily use examples from Croatia regarding three layers of the past, the contemporaries of which are still alive. In other countries, it will perhaps be possible to focus only on the last cycle of violence or it will be necessary to look back a couple of centuries back, for example to the period when colonization started. In our work thus far, it has become clear that personal, family, institutional and social dealing with the past is not only important for the protection of rights of those groups which suffered during wars or political violence, but is also important for the process of civilizational development of a society as a whole. Open, inclusive societies in which horizontal communication about all, even unpleasant topics, is encouraged, are more successful in every respect. When working through a trauma, through dealing with the past, we affirm inclusiveness and openness of a society, as a general good which should be protected. However we engage in the process of dealing with the past, it will demand from us to condemn spreading of hatred. Regardless of whether we decide to have private conversations within our own homes or to critically examine the most important decisions adopted by government institutions, the first step we make could be to condemn violence. It is less important whether this condemnation will influence our relationship with ourselves and our closest family members or whether we find a way to express this condemnation by critically commenting on the world around us. What is important is this essential step of condemning all forms of violence. The scope of your intervention, research or action will depend on your ability to include and motivate others. It is not important whether the initiative will start from one person’s wish to document his/her memories for future generations1 , from a conversation between two worried individuals2 or from years-long preparations of experienced organizers for founding a researchdocumentation centre which would systematically monitor trials and document human losses. In moments of revolt caused by a general lack of respect for values that you find important, decisions on taking action will be made in a second, while decisions on starting new organizations may take several years. But before diving into an examination of methodology, the question that should first be asked is the one about the purpose of dealing with the past. One of the possible answers, which has emerged throughout the work of human rights organizations, is that dealing with the past lessens the burden of the past, which stalls complete development of societies affected by war and political violence. Only by revealing systematically hidden and silenced information on human suffering and by gradually accepting facts about committed crimes are we creating a chance for personal and social healing, as well as providing space for realizing the rights of young people on learning about fact-based history. Emina Bužinkić, Igor Roginek, Goran Božičević, Ana Bitoljanu and Vesna Teršelič are the editors of this handbook. It contains texts on factography of suffering, recoding of personal memories, preparation of public advocacy and war crimes trials monitoring. We believe the handbook to abound in different styles, approaches, language and experiences and hope you will find it helpful.

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Rad na suočavanju s prošlošću. Priručnik za organizacije civilnog društva
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Rad na suočavanju s prošlošću. Priručnik za organizacije civilnog društva

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian

Ovaj priručnik nudi samo neke od mogućih praktičnih odgovora na pitanje kako produbiti raspravu o prošlosti u polariziranim društvima gdje je poricanje i/ili relativizacija zločina svakodnevna praksa u kojim a se puno češće od pitanja drugom čovjeku "Što se dogodilo tebi i tvojim najbližima, kako vam je bilo?", čuje povik "Jedna je istina!". Stranice pred vama napisane su za sve koji sumnjaju i propituju jednostavnu crno bijelu sliku 'bolje prošlosti', eventualno podložnu dotjerivanju i prekrajanju kako bi 'nas' pokazala u što ljepšem svjetlu, a 'njih' ocrnila. Priručnik se bavi nekim mogućim putovima prema stvaranju podrške za dokumentiranje svih činjenica, priznavanju patnje svake žrtve i preživjelog te uvažavanju dostojanstva svakog čovjeka. Ideja za priručnik rodila se na putu u Kanadu gdje sam trebala predstaviti proces suočavanja s prošlošću u Hrvatskoj i susjednim zemljama kolegama iz obje Amerike i drugih kontinenata, iz svoje perspektive. Zanimanje za naša iskustva, kako nasljednika djece koja su "s najboljim namjeram a boljeg obrazovanja" otimana iz plemenskih rezervata u blizini Vancouvera, tako i umjetnika koji u Kolumbiji rade s traumatiziranim obiteljima ubijen ih i nestalih te svećenika koji u Burundiju priprema osnivanje Komisije za istinu, kao i pozitivne reakcije iz Bjelovara, Pakraca, Osijeka i Sarajeva, ohrabrilo nas je na pisanje. Tekstovi opisuju iskustva ljudi koji su desetljećima tražili načine progovaranja o skrivenim neugodnim činjenicama i zločinima iz susjedstva. Autori/ce su se okupljali u inicijativama poput prosvjeda za vraćanje imena Trgu žrtava fašizma u Zagrebu ili Antiratnoj kampanji Hrvatske i pokretali organizacije poput Centra za mirovne studije, Delfina, Pravde i MIRamiDA Centra. Neki od njih su u nastojanju da potaknu proces suočavanja s prošlošću i ustanovljenje činjenične istine o ratu te pridonesu pomicanju javne diskusije s razine prijepora o činjenicama prema dijalogu o interpretacijama, osnovali su Documentu - Centar za suočavanje s prošlošću (u daljnjem tekstu Documenta) kako bi se sustavno bavili nasilnim naslijeđem od početka Drugog svjetskog rata. Ključni je razlog ovoga nastojanja iskustvo prešućivanja i falsificiranja ratnih zločina i ostalih ratnih zbivanja od 1941. do 2000. koje je utjecalo na noviju prošlost, kako Jugoslavije tako i post-jugoslavenskih država/društava. U tijeku svoga rada otvarali su svima mučna i važna pitanja. Iskustva koja su zabilježili nisu univerzalno primjenjiva, ali možda mogu poslužiti kao inspiracija za otvaranje dijaloga o prošlosti i primjerenim načinima pamćenja ubijen ih u različitim sredinama. Svjesni da u razmišljanju o naslijeđu prošlosti i izboru načina otvaranja teških pitanja u javnosti nema recepata, ponekad su polazili od sebe i vlastite obitelji, a ponekad su upirali prstom na globalne probleme. U vašem izboru neće biti važan redoslijed. Bez obzira hoće li vaše prvo pitanje dotaknuti osobni, obiteljski, institucionalni ili društveni krug, vodit će vas k zauzimanju stava prema nasilju i to u svim sferama. Pošto još uvijek živimo u isključivim društvima u kojima se sigurnost prečesto gradi na zatvaranju u skupine sunarodnjaka i/ili sumišljenika kojima nije stran ni radikalni nacionalizam ni ideološka isključivost ni ponižavanje ljudi druge nacionalnosti, kao ni ismijavanje ideoloških oponenata ili negiranje činjenica o počinjenim zločinima, u svom smo radu kretali od priznavanja i isticanja ljudskog dostojanstva ubijenih, stradalih, zlostavljanih, bez obzira na kojoj su se strani podjela zatekli zbog svoje pripadnosti ili geografskog usuda ili pak zbog svoga izbora i političkih uvjerenja. Možda s te vrijednosne platforme krenete i vi. Budući da je priznanje urođenog dostojanstva te jednakih prava temelj slobode, pravde i mira, sva ljudska bića rađaju se slobodna i jednaka u dostojanstvu i pravima, stoji u Preambuli i Članku 1. Opće deklaracije o ljudskim pravima, usvojene i proglašene na Općoj skupštini Ujedinjenih naroda 10. prosinca 1948.. Dok je još uvijek u tijeku borba za priznavanje u nju zapisanih prava možemo se zapitati koliko će nam desetljeća trebati da ‘nova ’ prava na istinu, pravični sudski postupak, reparacije i garanciju neponavljanja zločina, koja se u tijeku posljednjih desetak godina postupno afirmiraju unutar Ujedinjenih naroda, postanu standard priznat od strane većine svjetskih država? Čak i ako je riječ o stoljeću zagovaranja, ne bi nas smjela obeshrabriti sporost pomaka, jer svakodnevno zauzimanje stava prema nasilju puno znači povrijeđenima. Čak i u vrijeme diktature sudbina stradalog postaje vidljiva kad je prepoznaju drugi, izvan neposrednog obiteljskog kruga. Izgradnja povjerenja poslije rata i sukoba neodvojivo je povezana s priznavanjem patnje žrtava iz prošlosti, a u Hrvatskoj i drugim post-jugoslavenskim zemljama još uvijek žive suvremenici tri vala nasilja, Drugog svjetskog rata, poslijeratnog vremena nasilja nad političkim neistomišljenicima i ratova devedesetih. Odluka koliko daleko u prošlost će vas odvesti propitivanja i istraživanja za koja se odlučite nije jednostavna. U društvenim procesima prorade teškog naslijeđa nasilja nije lako, a katkada ni moguće, izdvojiti samo jednu grupu zločina, posebno u prepirkama koje dotiču traumatična iskustva samih sudionika. Svaka će inicijativa za produbljivanje dijaloga o prošlosti odlučiti što bi bilo relevantno razdoblje rada u kontekstu svoje zemlje. U zemljama s naslijeđem kolonijalizma ili ropstva bit će primjerice neophodno voditi računa o još više slojeva prošlosti. U ovom priručniku autori/ce će pretežno koristiti primjere iz Hrvatske u vezi tri sloja prošlosti čiji su suvremenici još uvijek živi. U drugim će se zemljama možda biti moguće usredotočiti samo na zadnji val nasilja ili će pak biti neophodno pogledati i nekoliko stoljeća unatrag, primjerice u vrijeme početaka kolonizacije. U dosadašnjem radu pokazalo se da osobno, obiteljsko, institucionalno i društveno suočavanje s prošlošću nije važno samo zbog zaštite prava pripadnika skupina stradalih u ratovima ili političkom nasilju, već je značajno i u procesu civiliziranja društva u cjelini. Otvorena, ukljućiva društva u kojima se ohrabruje horizontalna komunikacija o svim pa i neugodnim temama su uspješnija u svim pogledima. Proradom traume kroz suočavanje s prošlošću afirmiramo ukljućivost i otvorenost društva kao opće dobro koje treba štititi. Kako god krenuli u proces suočavanja s prošlošću to će od nas iziskivati osudu raspirivanja mržnje. Hoćemo li odabrati kao svoj put unutarnje razgovore u tišini vlastitog doma ili kritično sagledavanja najvažnijih odluka vladinih institucija, prvi bi korak dakle mogla biti osuda nasilja. Hoće li ta osuda prije svega utjecati na naš odnos prema sebi i našim najbližima ili ćemo pronaći način da je izrazimo u kritičkom komentiranju funkcioniranja svijeta oko nas, manje je važno od bitnog koraka osude svakog nasilja. Doseg vaše željene intervencije, istraživanje ili akcija ovisit će o vašoj mogućnosti uključivanja i motiviranja drugih. Nije nevažno hoće li inicijativa krenuti od želje jedne osobe da zabilježi svoja sjećanja za buduće generacije, razgovora dvoje zabrinutih ili od dugogodišnjih priprema iskusnih organizatora na pokretanje istraživaćko-dokumentacijskog centra koji će moći sustavno pratiti suđenja i dokumentirati ljudske gubitke. U trenucima revolta zbog gaženja vama važnih vrijednosti odluke o nekim akcijama će biti donesene praktično u trenu, a za odluke o pokretanju novih organizacija možda će trebati više godina. No prije nego uronimo u propitivanje metoda, ipak je na mjestu pitanje svrhe, čemu uopće suočavanje s prošlošću? Jedan mogući odgovor, koji se iskristalizirao u radu organizacija za ljudska prava, je da bi smanjili teret prošlosti koji onemogućava pun razvoj stvaralaštva u ratom i političkim nasiljem obilježenim društvima. Tek otkivanjem sustavno sakrivanih i prešućivanih podataka o stradanju te postupnim prihvaćanjem činjenica o zločinima stvaramo priliku za osobno i društveno iscjeljenje, a i prostor za ostvarivanje prava mladih na učenje povijesti utemeljene na činjenicama. Priručnik su uredili Emina Bužinkić, Igor Roginek, Goran Božičević, Ana Bitoljanu i Vesna Teršelič. Sadrži tekstove o faktografiji stradanja, snimanju osobnih sjećanja, priprem i javnog zagovaranja, i praćenju suđenja. Priručnik smatramo bogatim u njegovoj različitosti stilova, pristupa, jezika i iskustava. Nadamo se da će vam biti od pomoći.

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Osobna Sjećanja - Na ratove i druge oblike političkog nasilja
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Osobna Sjećanja - Na ratove i druge oblike političkog nasilja

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian

U ovoj knjizi donosimo transkript nekoliko izlaganja sa konferencije koju je Documenta organizirala u Zagrebu u rujnu 2013. godine s ciljem predstavljanja višegodišnjeg snimanja i objave intervjua na web stranici www.osobnasjecanja.hr. Uz komentare i pitanja nekih od sudionika konferencije, u knjizi možete pročitati uvodni tekst koji je na konferenciji izložila urednica kolekcije Maja Dubljević, te transkript izlaganja Vesne Jakumetović iz Vukovara, Ane Raffai iz Zagreba, te Đorđa Gunjevića iz Pakraca. Predstavljamo vam i dvije studije slučaja u kojima su korišteni snimljeni intervjui - studiju slučaja publicistkinje i istraživačice, Vesne Kesić „Španovica / Novo selo / Španovica: Znalo se? Nije se znalo?“ te studiju slučaja povjesničara Marka Smokvine “Stara Gradiška kao paradigma hrvatske povijesti 20. stoljeća”.

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Dr. Franjo Tuđman u okviru hrvatske historiografije. Zbornik radova sa znanstvenog skupa održanoga u Hrvatskom institutu za povijest u Zagrebu 10. i 11. prosinca 2009
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Dr. Franjo Tuđman u okviru hrvatske historiografije. Zbornik radova sa znanstvenog skupa održanoga u Hrvatskom institutu za povijest u Zagrebu 10. i 11. prosinca 2009

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian

On the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the death of Dr. Franjo Tuđman, the first director of the Institute for the History of the Workers' Movement of Croatia and the first president of the independent, contemporary and democratic Republic of Croatia, the Croatian Institute of History organized a scientific conference on December 10 and 11, 2009. Dr. Franjo Tuđman in Croatian Historiography. Although Dr. F. Tuđman is better known and more interesting to the general public as a politician and statesman, and although his work as a historian and politician is difficult to separate, the organizers of the scientific conference focused on the work of Dr. F. Tuđman as a historian, wanting scientists, primarily historians and political scientists, from scientific novices to academics, sine ira et studio, through selected topics to approach a comprehensive questioning of the significance and influence of Dr. F. Tuđman on the historiography of modern Croatian history.

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