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The study focuses on the problem of 'master-slave' relations in Modern Times. Analysing the ideology of slave ownership in the United States, the author puts forward the arguments about the continuity of the 'master' attitude in the conditions of the liberal democratic West.
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Interview by Želimir Bojević, with: 1. Bošković, Aleksandar 2. Popov, Nebojša 3. Radovanović, Dobrivoje 4. Veljak, Lino 5. Zajović, Staša 6. Stanovčić, Vojislav 7. Golubović, Zagorka 8. Gruden, Tamara 9. Arsenijević, Vladimir 10. Bogosavljević, Srđan 11. Đorđević, Mirko 12. Lukić, Svetlana 13. Gredelj, Stjepan 14. Simović-Hiber, Ivana 15. Hellman, Matias 16. Lučić-Čavić, Milica 17. Resanović, Aleksandar 18. Biserko, Sonja 19. Savić, Obrad 20. Kandić , Nataša 21. Popović, Đorđe 22. Kovačević-Vučo, Biljana 23. Mlađenović, Lepa 24. David, Filip 25. Perović, Latinka 26. Milosavljević, Olivera 27. Krmpotić, Vesna 28. Milić, Jelena 29. Prpa, Branka 30. Singer, Aca 31. Kovačević, Živorad 32. Janjić, Dušan 33. Pantić, Danijel 34. Barać, Verica 35. Kljajić-Imširović, Jelka 36. Gavanski, Bogdan 37. Matić, Jovanka 38. Tešanović, Jasmina 39. Knežević, Ana 40. Blagojević, Marina 41. Srbljanović, Biljana 42. Jevremović, Zorica
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Every Saturday for a period of two months, from the beginning of April till the end of June 1992, sessions organized by the Belgrade Circle were held at the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade. At these sessions, ten in all, intellectuals, members of the Belgrade Circle and their quest – distinguished writers, scientists, artists, journalists, film and theatre directors, architects, actors, interpreters – expressed their own views of another, radically different Serbia. In times of anguish and affliction, the meetings, attended by a large assembly of listeners experiencing a kind of moral purification, were nonetheless imbued with a frail hope that there still might be a chance for a turn in events. With a desire to present ideas, opinions and sensations shared by the participants of the Belgrade Circle sessions to a much larger audience, the reading public, and to preserve them, because of their merit, in a more lasting form, discussions of over eighty intellectuals were compiled to form this book. In the meantime, the overwhelming disaster has reached its climax: »The Bosnian War«, still raging with no feasible way out as yet, exploded and blazed up like fire. The Belgrade Circle participants, distressed and abashed at the display of all those real or imagined evil deeds, so eagerly reported by the portentous heralds of death voiced hitherto often deeply hidden and silent feelings and thoughts about their burdensome disgust at the plague gripping and afflicting us all. Each participant contributed in his or her own way – rigorous scientific analysis, artistic susceptibility, eyewitness accounts, or simply. A public-minded desperate wail – to the shaping of one new, public opinion, the one that stirred in that sad Spring of ’92 and rebelled against the general fear, animosity, devastation, extermination, ethnic cleansing, forcible population exchanges... All those responsible and public-minded citizens, holding different political opinions, some members of various political parties, with incomparable personal experiences, varied professional interest and often of »objectionable« national origin, showed, however the will to insert tolerance among the basic principles of a humanized way of fife. But, in spite of the pronounced differences, their common aim, discernable in each and every speech imported to the audience, was to finally establish a community based on simple but as yet still unattainable ideals such as peace, freedom, tolerance and justice in place of degrading political, national and religious exclusiveness. Participants focussed their attention on various aspects of the problem: some analysed the roots of hatred and evil; some indicated the disastrous consequences of irresponsible national myth revivals; others warned of menaces yet to come unless we see reason in time. Some were stern, others witty and others still perhaps too prone to pathos, but they were all deeply concerned, and, as it unfortunately turned out, correct in predicting subsequent events. Therefore, individuals who take no notice of current, official policy and who have for a long time now tenaciously refused to render their talent and knowledge to the needs of the authorities, gathered round a project titled »Another Serbia«. Instigating a state of war and providing alleged erudite justification for the necessity of mutual extermination in the name of some noble goals, vague even to the very massacre executors, must not and cannot be the vocation of anyone who considers him or herself an »intellectual«, or earns a living acting as one. Hence, all session participants had but one desire: to mark out a path that may lead into a more promising future, to another, different, better and happier Serbia. »Another Serbia« soon became the synonym of resistance to fabricated lies, nationalistic madness, criminal war, a fascist holocaust, senseless destruction of villages and cities. Thanks are also due to the daily newspaper »Borba« which regularly reported on the Belgrade Circle Saturday sessions, and published a number of contributions presented there... We hope that the Another Serbia we all aspire to be easily discernable in the collection of essays presented in this book. The reader who hopes to find traces of at least some political program will be gravely disappointed. At present, when politics have poisoned the very soul of so many men of letters and knowledge, and when, among the most violent oppressors, in the ranks of all mortal enemy groups, one finds so many proud bearers of scientific degrees, who may actually be designated as men of unmerited and easily squandered reputation, it has become somewhat indecent to praise »intellectual pursuits«. The Belgrade Circle was, however, founded early in 1992 with the aim of retrieving dignity – another dangerous quality! – to public speech and conceived plans of action for the benefit of truth. We do not take an elitist position and stand indifferently above the crowd. On the contrary, being deeply involved and concerned, we place ourselves in its midst. The Association of Independent intellectuals insists upon its main goal, as declared in the program, namely, to bring together »critically oriented public figured who wish to unite their own civil and intellectual engagements with those of other, basically similarly oriented people«. That is why the Belgrade Circle will continue to »promote ideas, deeds and activities that affirm the values of a democratic, civil and plural society...« The Belgrade Circle will »encourage free and critical thought in all spheres of public life. It will support and help institutions and individuals who resist violence and animosity, and who plead for dialogue and for the survival of culture as the only humanly valid way of life«. Fine speeches? Maybe. Nevertheless, the Belgrade Circle has already, and despite many organizational and financial hardships, as well as ugly and unjust abuse from people who should have been, by the very nature of their vocation, in our ranks had they not knuckled under the burden of a more noble – national to be sure – mission, gained an undeniably high reputation. The words uttered with the aim of promoting »Another Serbia« and presented in this book to serve at testimony to the existence of a number of sensible people, shrewd and brave enough to resist suffocation by overwhelming absurdity, were not the only »weapon« used by Belgrade Circle members. They had also an active part in numerous civil and peace movements and events, thus contributing to the establishment of critical public opinion in Belgrade and Serbia: let us recall, for instance, the sad candles and our wake in the park, with souls colder than the Belgrade frost, while one of the past infernal wars – God, which one was it? – was raging out there somewhere; let us recall the »Black Band«, »Yellow Band«, »Student Protest ‘92«, and our endeavours to bring the people of Hrtkovci (»Srbislavci«) to reason; let us recall our guests from Pljevlja, Montenegro, Bosnia... All the time we were just launching our unhappy and, we believe, noble, though perhaps futile venture the very first participant said: let the Belgrade Circle begin it’s work! We hope that by offering this book to the public we have already come a long way.
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Pitanje odlaska mladih iz Bosne i Hercegovine je jedna od najaktuelnijih tema u bh. društvu. Slaba ekonomska situacija, spor i neadekvatan sistem i njegove institucije koje često zakažu kada su najpotrebnije svojim građanima te nestabilna politička situacija su faktori koji se najčešće ističu kod mladih kao razlog odlaska ili želje za odlaskom iz države. Položaj LGBTI osoba u tom istom društvu je itekako pod uticajem gore navedenih faktora. Pored istih potrebno je navesti niz dodatnih problema, sa kojima se suočavaju LGBTI osobe koji, u konačnici, utiču da veliki broj LGBTI osoba u BiH ne žele ili ne mogu zamisliti svoju budućnost u BiH. Od nepovjerenja u institucije (najprije policije i pravosuđe), nasilja i diskriminacije u raznim sferama društva, nepostojanje zdravstvene zaštite i podrške za trans* i interspolne osobe do straha od coming out-a i nedostatka podrške od najbliže okoline. Upravo iz navedenih razloga LGBTI osobe često kao rješenje svojih problema vide napuštanje države i odlazak u zemlje Zapadne Evrope ili Sjeverne Amerike. Neki to čine kroz pronalazak posla u drugoj državi ili nastavak školovanja, drugi kroz osnivanje porodice sa stranim državljanima, a neki i kroz traženje zaštite druge države, odnosno, upuštanja u proceduru traženja azila. Ovaj proces je komplikovan, dugotrajan, često psihološki iscrpan te čiji pozitivni ishod nije zagarantovan i zavisi od slučaja do slučaja. U ovom kratkom vodiču namijenjenom prije svega LGBTI osobama ali i svima drugima koje tema interesuje biće ukratko prikazano šta je azil, pravni aspekti, kako izgleda procedura, koje su specifičnosti kada je u pitanju traženje azila na osnovu seksualne orijentacije ili rodnog identiteta, te odgovor na najbitnija pitanja koja jedna osoba može imati ukoliko se nađe u situaciji da traži azil. Kompletnu temu nije moguće do detalja obraditi u ovako kratkom formatu, stoga vodič treba posmatrati kao uvod u temu i smjernice za daljnje djelovanje ili istraživanje ove teme.
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MIXER, Aleksandar Novaković: Kvisling iz Gročanskog sokaka; CEMENT, Marjan Čakarević: Skromnost praznine; ŠTRAFTA, Saša Ćirić: Logocentričko čišćenje filozofije; ARMATURA, Slobodan Georgijev: Nadzirana nezavisnost za Srbiju; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Tomislav Marković: Nedićgrami; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, MEDAKOVIĆ, Dejan; BLOK BR. V, Lazar Bodroža: Patrijarh 3000
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This compendium was created by the consortium members of the CEE Prevent Net initiative. Its development is the result of a robust exchange of good practice methods among various organizations and civil society actors in the areas of youth work and (non-formal) education aimed at preventing intolerance, discrimination, and right-wing populism and extremism in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. Initially, this volume was supposed to present 10 good practices for working with young people directly; however, the CEE Prevent Net network decided to expand this initial enterprise gratuitously. This additional section provides youth workers, educators, and other civic actors with recommendations and advocacy strategies for youth work that fosters tolerance, facilitates dialogue, and prevents discrimination and far right ideologies.
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Jedna od najznačajnijih karakteristika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (NDH) jeste neprijateljstvo njenog režima prema srpskom narodu i Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi (SPC). Nijedna fašistička država koja je egzistirala tokom Drugog svjetskog rata nije sprovela tako široko zamišljeno i organizovano čišćenje državne teritorije od pripadnika neke tradicionalne hrišćanske zajednice kako je to učinila ustaška država kada je riječ o ekspulziji srpske pravoslavne zajednice. Riješenje srpskog pitanja u NDH pored direktne fizičke eliminacije podrazumijevalo je organizovano protjerivanje te ubrzanu i nasilnu nacionalnu asimilaciju. [...]
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When talking to people from different sides of social divides, I have witnesses the fact that piety to ‘their’ victims is needed in order to establish normal relations with the living. As a child, I heard a neighbour, who lost her husband, saying that she expected the public not only to talk about fascist camps, such as Gonars to which my grandfather was taken from occupied Ljubljana in 1942, but also of prisons such as the one in which she herself was imprisoned after WWII in 1945. She wished that her suffering, from the hands of repressive institutions of that time, to be also remembered. Today we remember that some soldiers, who themselves were victims of Nazi crimes and prosecuted as partisans and communists, after the war became themselves violent prosecutors and torturers. Although emphasizing piety to all innocent victims is slowly becoming a widely accepted standard of political correctness, few countries have approached the ideal of overcoming divisions into ‘our’ and ‘their’ victims, in which conditions have been met to investigate circumstances of death and memory of all who had suffered.
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U razgovorima s ljudima s različitih strana društvenih podjela uvjerila sam se kako je za normalizaciju odnosa prema živim a neophodan pijetet prema ‘njihovim ’ žrtvama. Još u djetinjstvu čula sam od susjede koja je izgubila muža kako očekuje da se u javnosti ne govori samo o fašističkim logorima, poput Gonarsa u koji je iz okupirane Ljubljane 1942. odveden moj djed, nego i o zatvoru u kome je poslije Drugog svjetskog rata 1945. bila zatvorena i sama. Željela je da i njena patnja u rukama tadašnjih represivnih institucija ostane zapamćena. Danas pamtimo da su neki ratnici, koji su i sami bili žrtve nacističkih zločina i proganjani kao partizani i komunisti, poslije rata i sam i postali nasilni isljednici i mučitelji. Mada isticanje pijeteta prema svim nevinim žrtvama polako postaje prihvaćeni standard političke korektnosti malo se zemalja približilo idealu nadilaženjem podjela na ‘naše ’ i ‘vaše ’ žrtve u kojima su sazreli uvjeti za istraživanje okolnosti smrti i pamćenje svih stradalih.
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Protiv režima predsednika Viktora Janukoviča prvo su se pobunili studenti prošlog novembra na Majdanu, centralnom gradskom trguu Kijevu. To su Ukrajinci koji imaju najviše da izgube, mladi ljudi koji sebe bez puno razmišljanja smatraju Evropljanima, koji za sebe žele evropski život u evropskoj ukrajinskoj domovini. Mnogi od njih su levičarskih uverenja, neki od njih su čak i radikalni levičari. Posle godina pregovora i meseci obećanja, ukrajinske vlasti pod predsednikom Janukovičem u poslednjem trenutku odustale su od potpisivanja jednog od glavnih trgovinskih sporazuma sa Evropskom unijom.
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Pretpostavljam da su i amateri za međunarodnu politiku u Srbiji sa znatnom zabrinutošću protekle sedmice pratili novo zaoštravanje suprotstavljenih pogleda Zapada i Rusije na aktuelne probleme Ukrajine, koje je demonstrirano u Minhenu, na bezbednosnom forumu koji je okupio „najjače igrače“ svetske diplomatije.
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Sa prozora hotela “Ukrajina”, gde obično odsedaju turisti, pa i pisci koji svojim književnim poslovima stignu u Kijev, pruža se jedinstven pogled na Majdan, odnosno Trg nezavisnosti kojim dominira ogroman prostor. Ne može se lako prepešačiti. Unaokolo su masivne zgrade sa čijih krovova se otvara sadržaj ovog trga kao na dlanu. Upravo taj trg je mesecima poligon demonstrantima koji su se suprotstavili proruskoj politici predsednika Viktora Janukoviča.
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Nasilje u porodici je najčešći, ali i najskriveniji, vid nasilja koji postoji koliko i samo čovječanstvo. Vijekovima se smatralo da je nasilje prema članovima porodice porodična, privatna stvar, pa su samim tim njegove razmjere bile nevidljive. Razvojem svijesti o ljudskim pravima, te pravima djece, žena i starijih u porodici u posljednje četiri decenije srušeni su brojni stereotipi o idealnoj porodici, kao što su na primjer uvjerenje o djetinjstvu kao najsretnijem razdoblju života, uvjerenje da su počinitelji seksualnog zlostavljanja najčešće osobe nepoznate žrtvi, uvjerenje o dostojanstvenoj starosti u krugu najbližih. Posljednjih decenija je nasilje u porodici postalo predmet šire društvene rasprave, naučnih istraživanja, briga brojnih društvenih i državnih institucija, a naročito nevladinih organizacija koje su istakle da je porodično nasilje (u kome su žrtve najčešće žene) jedan od najdrastičnijih oblika kršenja ljudskih prava. Klinička iskustva i empirijska istraživanja su pokazala da porodica kao osnovna jedinica društva nije samo podržavajuće okruženje koje pruža emocionalnu, socijalnu i materijalnu podršku članovima, već može biti i nasilno okruženje, pa sopstveni dom za koji kažemo da je utočište od surovog spoljnjeg svijeta postaje najopasnije mjesto u kojem se na najbrutalniji način krše osnovna ljudska prava njenih članova. Nasilje u porodici možemo odrediti kao skup ponašanja čiji je cilj kontrola nad drugim osobama upotrebom sile, zastrašivanjem i manipulacijom. Takvo određenje nasilja može se primijeniti u svim oblicima porodičnog nasilja – fizičko zlostavljanje, psihičko zlostavljanje, seksualno zlostavljanje i materijalno i radno iskorišćavanje. Nasilje u porodici predstavlja model ponašanja, u kome uglavnom muškarac, ostvaruje nadmoć i kontrolu nad drugima, korišćenjem fizičke ili psihičke prisile. Nasilju u porodici mogu biti izloženi svi članovi porodice, ali su najčešće žrtve ovog nasilja žene, djeca i starije osobe. Tolerisanje nasilja u porodici ima duboke korijene u kulturnim i patrijarhalnim obrascima ponašanja, koji podrazumijevaju rodno zasnovane strukture moći, podređenu poziciju žene, upotrebu fizičke snage kao legitimnog sredstva kontrole i moći prema ženi i slabijim članovima porodice. Patrijarhalni kulturni obrasci, koji su potpuno uspostavljeni i široko rasprostranjeni, su takvog karaktera da direktno i simbolički izražavaju i odražavaju autoritet i dominaciju muške grupe nad ženskom. Svi postupci muškaraca prema ženama i djeci, prema članovima porodice iz „nižih nivoa hijerarhije“, shvataju se kao pravo i obaveza „vaspitača“ da disciplinuju i uređuju unutrašnje odnose, da kažnjavaju neprivilegovane članove. Nasilje u porodici je izuzetno ozbiljan i složen problem sa kojim se susrijeću kako same porodice, tako i obrazovne i socijalne ustanove, organi unutrašnjih poslova i institucije pravosudnog sistema, nevladine organizacije. Ali, zakonski propisi, te pojedini strateški dokumenti, koji u svojim segmentima tretiraju problem nasilja, u praksi su teško primjenjivi jer ih nije pratilo: osiguranje infrastrukture koja je pretpostavka za sprovođenje zakona, osiguranje potrebnih sredstava, edukacija kadrova, umrežavanje nadležnih subjekata za primjenu legislative, uspostavljanje jedinstvene statističke baze podataka o žrtvama nasilja u porodici.
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Један од основних предуслова за миран и просперитетан живот у савременом друштву је мир. Мир обезбеђује услове за економски и привредни развој и општи друштвени напредак. Доприноси том циљу могу бити различити, а један од њих је могућ кроз образовање за мир. Учење о миру обухвата знања о мировним покретима, антиратним иницијативама, алтернативним начинима превазилажења и решавања сукоба, чињенице о разоружању, животној средини и одрживом развоју, људским правима, другим културама и религијама, различитостима и др.
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Since its foundation, along with field visits of places of suffering, the Association for Social Research and Communication has been working on collecting data on monuments built in local communities, which are dedicated to the wars of the 1990s. Thus, in 2016, UDIK presented the Central Register of Monuments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which contains data on more than 2,100 memorials, while in 2017 UDIK's team mapped over 1,200 memorials in the Republic of Croatia. This booklet provides a brief overview of developments on the issue of memorialization and the basic findings of UDIK's research on monuments in both countries.
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One hundred days of Russian aggression against Ukraine has still not answered the basic question: who will win? The first phase of the clash – a manoeuvre warfare until the end of March, in which the aggressor had broadly defined operational goals – ended in failure for Russia, and resulted in it withdrawing from one of the two main theatres of operations and reducing its aspirations in other directions. The trench warfare phase, which has lasted since the turn of April, has not led to a breakthrough, but the extended actions have exhausted the Ukrainian army to an extent that the enemy has been able to make slow but consistent progress in achieving its assumed minimum goal: taking control of the entire Donbas and the land bridge to Crimea. Moscow has largely achieved this aim; since 24 February it has taken control of80,000 km² of Ukraine’s territory. It is not enough simply to maintain the status quo regarding external support for Ukraine, without which it will no longer be able to fight off the aggressor. The comprehensive rearming of the Ukrainian army with Western weapons and military equipment offers a chance to stop the Russian aggression. Moreover, in order to defeat Russia militarily, the West must display an attitude of consistent solidarity.
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With the start of the war against Ukraine, the Putin regime is taking on more and more features of a totalitarian system. The authorities are aiming for a total information blockade and a ‘rally around the flag’, including through the use of a massive propaganda campaign that is demonising Ukraine and the West. The degree of repression against the disloyal elements of society is growing. The few anti-war protests occurring in response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have been nipped in the bud. One of the direct consequences of the invasion is the increase in emigration from Russia for political reasons. Although there is a lack of reliable sociological data on the real mood in Russian society, one can see a relatively high level of support for the ‘special operation’ in Ukraine or else passive acceptance of the Kremlin’s policy. Although society is beginning to suffer from the effects of Western sanctions (they include rapidly rising prices of basic products and a shortage of goods), there is no reason to expect any mass protests on economic grounds in the near future. The situation within the ruling elite also appears stable, despite the deep frustration among many groups of influence caused by the sanctions. Western restrictive measures have significantly raised the cost of participation in the Putin regime. Anti-war calls from the representatives of the establishment are few and far between, and they usually avoid direct criticism of the Kremlin, which maintains the ability to discipline those who are discontented. The narrow circle of decision makers, which comprises mainly the heads of secret services and law enforcement bodies, seems to fully share the objectives and methods of war set out by the president.
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Research among young people aged 15-30 showed that peer violence is the most frequent security risk - a total of 23% of young people say that peer violence is often or very often in their environment. This is followed by traffic accidents (15%), i.e. fights/violent incidents and drug users or sellers in public places (14% each). The survey also showed that 87% of respondents feel mostly or completely safe in the country of Serbia. Respondents feel safest in their own home and the further away they are from their personal space – neighborhood, school/workplace and city where they live – the less safe they feel.The largest percentage of young people states that they have heard of some violence in their area (48%), while 12% of young people are personally familiar with the violence that occurs in their area. Among the investigated forms of violence, young people in Serbia most often state that they have experienced psychological violence. Thus, 15% of those surveyed say that they have experienced psychological violence one or more times, and the frequency of experiencing this type of violence is significantly higher among women.
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