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ЗЛОСТАВЉАЊЕ И ЗАНЕМАРИВАЊЕ ДЕЦЕ У ПОРОДИЦИ

ЗЛОСТАВЉАЊЕ И ЗАНЕМАРИВАЊЕ ДЕЦЕ У ПОРОДИЦИ

Author(s): Jelena Milenković-Vuković / Language(s): Bosnian,Serbian Issue: 3/2018

Abuse and neglect of children in the family is the most severe form of domestic violence and violence in general, due to the specificity of the biological, psychological and social characteristics of the child, as well as the relation of the child to possible criminal behavior. A family that should represent the ideal environment for the psychophysical, emotional and social development of the child, becomes the source of his neglect and abuse. The ill-treatment and neglect of children in the family is a social phenomenon that has always attracted the attention of the expert and scientific public, and has recently attracted the attention of domestic public opinion. Although numerous studies have shown that abuse and neglect of children in Serbia has increased, especially in the last 15 years, data on the extent of this phenomenon are very difficult to obtain, because the forms of this abuse are covered by the "family secret" and, in addition, statistical data are available are unreliable, since there is no single tracking and analysis of this phenomenon. This paper examines the forms of abuse and neglect of children, the prevalence of abuse and neglect, the characteristics of parents who abuse and neglect their children, the characteristics of child victims of abuse and neglect, and indicators of abuse and neglect of children. The aim of the research work is to search for statistical data on the phenomenological and etiological characteristics of abuse and neglect of children, with particular reference to crimes from different groups in which children are victims of abuse and neglect.

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Analiza wybranych aktów terrorystycznych w roku 2013. Odrodzenie Al-Kaidy?

Analiza wybranych aktów terrorystycznych w roku 2013. Odrodzenie Al-Kaidy?

Author(s): Bogusław Węgliński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2014

This article indicates that evolution of the modern terrorism is still in progress. The author has analysed terrorist attacks in 2013 in the context of how the modern terrorism is broadcast in the new media. The author describes also the geopolitical situation in Africa and the Near/Middle East.

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Infrastruktura krytyczna państwa jako obszar potencjalnego oddziaływania terrorystycznego

Author(s): Marian Żuber / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2014

The term “critical infrastructure” describes those physical facilities, supply chains, information technologies and communication networks that, if destroyed, degraded or rendered unavailable for an extended period, would significantly impact the social or economic well-being of the nation or affect ability to conduct national defence and ensure national security. In the article the author presents terrorist threats to the objects of critical infrastructure, which include assassinations, kidnappings, hijackings, bomb scares and bombings, cyber attacks (computer-based), and the use of chemical, biological, nuclear and radiological weapons. High-risk targets for acts of terrorism include military and civilian government facilities, international airports, large cities, and high-profile landmarks. Terrorists might also target large public gatherings, water and food supplies, utilities and corporate centers. Furthermore, terrorists are capable of spreading fear by sending explosives or chemical and biological agents through the mail. The paper describes examples of the terrorist attacks on the elements of critical infrastructure in the history of modern international terrorism. In the end of the article the author presents methods of protecting the critical infrastructure against threats, especially against terrorists attacks.

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GENOCIDE IN NORTHWESTERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: A SOCIOLOGICAL AND PEDAGOGICAL ANALYSIS OF CRIMES AGAINST HUMANS AND AGAINST HUMANITY DURING AND AFTER THE WAR

GENOCIDE IN NORTHWESTERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: A SOCIOLOGICAL AND PEDAGOGICAL ANALYSIS OF CRIMES AGAINST HUMANS AND AGAINST HUMANITY DURING AND AFTER THE WAR

Author(s): Goran Bašić,Zlatan Delić / Language(s): English Issue: 5-6/2018

The aim of this study is to reach a new understanding of genocide in northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina during and after the Bosnian War (1992–1995). The analytical basis is a literature review of various studies from the domains of war sociology, social epistemology, and critical pedagogy. The analysis is based on the perspectives of the genocide in Bosnia as a process that began in northwestern and eastern Bosnia in 1992 and ended in Srebrenica in 1995 (in the Prijedor Municipality in northwestern Bosnia alone, more than 3000 civilians were killed in1992). Even after mass crimes directed against the very idea of humanity – and after genocide – it is necessary to work on a pedagogy of notions focused on the politics of reconciliation and the politics of emancipation of the oppressed and disenfranchised. Therefore, it is important for the culture of peace and the politics of reconciliation to spread and promote the considerable theoretical experiences of critical pedagogy in education. We need a peaceful orientational knowledge that provides the basis for new identity politics to evolve, politics that respect the right to be different and the right to bravely distance ourselves from criminal identity politics.

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ASSESSMENT AND TREATMENT OF WAR TRAUMA

ASSESSMENT AND TREATMENT OF WAR TRAUMA

Author(s): Laurence A. French,Goran Kovačević,Lidija Nikolić-Novaković,Bakir Alispahić / Language(s): English Issue: 5-6/2015

Reason(s) for writing and research problem(s): The Yugoslavian breakup wars beginning in the early 1990s resulted in many common unresolved war-trauma issues. Common to these conflicts, whether it be Bosnia Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia, Kosovo, or Macedonia is the unmet need of both military veterans and civilian casualties suffering with either physical or psychological injuries, or both. Aims of the paper (scientific and/or social): The scientific and social aim is to offer valuable methodology for estimate of the presence of War trauma in respective societies and propose the best possible approach in assessing the scope of the problems. Methodology/Design: The authors developing assessment protocols with a number of them translated into the Bosnian and Serbian language so that they could be used within those nations most closely involved in the Balkan Wars of 1991-2002. Validity will be established by administering the predictor (like the MMPI) to all applicants/candidates and then later assessing the scores/profiles with those who are successful or who failed the program. Research/paper limitations: The proposed methodological approach as explained in this paper is a profile based research and it is constructed for and limited to assessment of War trauma and using it for other purposes could give one false data and interpretations. Results/Findings: The paper analyze the best fit methodology for respective societies and results. In other countries where similar research was administered, results were the blueprint for state policy development in the fields of Societal security, radicalization, social deviations and victimization. General conclusion: The idea behind this paper is to explain sophisticated scientific approach to analysis of societal trends and to develop the best procedures for neutralizing the effects of detected negative societal trends in local communities. Research/paper validity: Validity is established by administering the predictor (like the MMPI) to all applicants/candidates and then later assessing the scores/profiles with those who are successful or who failed the program.

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CONCENTRATION CAMP RITUALS: AN EXTREME CASE OF INSECURITY

CONCENTRATION CAMP RITUALS: AN EXTREME CASE OF INSECURITY

Author(s): Goran Bašić / Language(s): English Issue: 5-6/2014

Reason(s) for writing and research problem(s): This article analyzes the experiences retold by former concentration camp detainees who were placed in concentration camps like civilians at the beginning of the Bosnian war in the 1990s. Aims of the paper (scientific and/or social): The article aims to describe the recounted social interaction rituals after time spent in a concentration camp as well as identifying how these interactions are symbolically dramatized. Methodology/Design: The empirical material for this study was collected through qualitative interviews held with nine former camp detainees and four close relatives. Research/paper limitations: The analyzed empirical examples revealed how the camp detainees' victim identity is created, recreated, and retained in contrast to ‘the others’ – the camp guards. The camp detainees’ portrayal of their victim identity presents their humiliated self through dissociation from the camp guards. Results/Findings: The detainees’ new (altered) moral career is presented as a result of the imprisonment at the camp and the repetitive humiliation and power rituals. The importance of the camp guards was emphasized in these rituals, in which the detainees’ new selves, characterized by moral dissolution and fatigue, emerged. General conclusion: In their stories of crime and abuse in the concentration camps, the detainees reject the guards’ actions and the designation of ‘concentration camp detainee’. The retold stories of violation and power rituals in the camps show that there was little space for individuality. Nevertheless, resistance and status rituals along with adapting to the conditions in the camps seem to have generated some room for increased individualization. To have possessed some control and been able to resist seems to have granted the detainees a sense of honor and self-esteem, not least after the war. Their narratives today represent a form of continued resistance. Research/paper validity: The interviewees’ rejections of the guards’ actions and their forced “camp detainee” status could be interpreted as an expression of deritualization, leading away from their own earlier experiences. The subsequently illustrated myriad of everyday interactions, which can be distinguished analytically in the interviewees’ stories, expose rituals of humiliation, power, resistance, and status. Through these, we see the interviewees’ loss of identity, others’ recognition of one’s identity, emotional involvement, and different symbols of resistance.

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Jugoslavenska narodna armija u agresiji na Republiku Hrvatsku 1990.-1992. godine

Jugoslavenska narodna armija u agresiji na Republiku Hrvatsku 1990.-1992. godine

Author(s): Davor Marijan / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 2/2001

After the death of Josip Broz Tito in 1980, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ) entered the crisis-ridden 1980’s. These years were marked by events in Kosovo in 1981 and 1989, long-lasting economic crises, and the rise of Greater Serbian nationalism directed against the federal state envisioned and adopted by the 1974 SFRJ Constitution, which drew a reaction from non- Serbs. With the inclusion of the Yugoslav People’s Army, it became evident that the notion of “Greater Serbia” became deeply embedded within that institution, which was largely populated by Serbs, and which had, through the years, created a picture of itself as the defender of Tito’s legacy. Towards the end of the 1980s, the restructuring of the JNA according to the “Jedinstvo” (“Unity”) plan was completed, and resulted in the centralization of the army. This restructuring was completed to the detriment of Territorial Defense, which served as an element of Republican armies, to the advantage of the Yugoslav People’s Army, its former legal equal. In this manner, top-ranks of the military openly supported the political power of Serbia and Montenegro, who as opposed to the remaining republics, pressed for the reorganization of Yugoslavia into a centralized state. In the dusk of the bi-polar world, this option had no real basis, which could be grounded on external threats. After the victory of democratic forces in Croatia and the resulting change in government, the JNA immediately disarmed the Croatian Territorial Defense. At the same time, the redistribution of troops across the region of Zagreb was completed, and began with the construction of the 10th corps, whose task was to pacify the city with tactics acquired in Kosovo in the 1980s. The structure of troops in armed and mobilized units in Croatia and near Croatia during peacetime was strengthened, and was particularly significant in areas where Croats formed the majority. In this manner, dependency on personnel was reduced, and with regards to the strength of these mobilized units, it was anticipated that they would be the focal point in an armed conflict in Croatia.

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ANTE MILINOVIĆ UR., SRPSKI ZLOČINI NAD HRVATIMA I MUSLIMANIMA U BOSANSKOJ POSAVINI I SJEVEROZAPADNOJ BOSNI 1991. - 1995.

ANTE MILINOVIĆ UR., SRPSKI ZLOČINI NAD HRVATIMA I MUSLIMANIMA U BOSANSKOJ POSAVINI I SJEVEROZAPADNOJ BOSNI 1991. - 1995.

Author(s): Marko Babić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 2/2000

Review of: Marko Babić - SRPSKI ZLOČINI NAD HRVATIMA I MUSLIMANIMA U BOSANSKOJ POSAVINI I SJEVEROZAPADNOJ BOSNI 1991. - 1995., uredio Ante Milinović, Zagreb, Orašje, Mostar, Sarajevo 1999., str. 502

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PREDSTAVLJANJE KNJIGE AKADEMIKA DR. DAVORINA RUDOLFA "RAT KOJI NISMO ŽELJELI"

PREDSTAVLJANJE KNJIGE AKADEMIKA DR. DAVORINA RUDOLFA "RAT KOJI NISMO ŽELJELI"

Author(s): Milan Ramljak / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2001

Review of: Miljan Ramljak - Davorin Rudolf, Rat koji nismo željeli, Globus, Zagreb, 1999, 409 str.

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Muslimani / Bošnjaci u Slavoniji: ratni sukobi, identitet, suživot

Muslimani / Bošnjaci u Slavoniji: ratni sukobi, identitet, suživot

Author(s): Dragutin Babić,Filip Škiljan / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 20/2020

This text analyses social, demographic and identity processes within the Muslim/ Bosniak national corpus in Croatia, particularly in one of its parts, in three Slavonian counties: Osijek-Baranya (Osijek), Vukovar-Srijem (Gunja) and Brod-Posavina (Slavonski Brod). Additionally, the analysis comprehends: the socio-political status in this area, immigration time and causes, acceptance in the new environment, coexistence experiences, participation in armed conflicts and post-war multi-ethnic coexistence. During the process of the breakup of Yugoslavia, immediately prior to as well as during the armed conflicts, numerous issues of nationality and nation were raised, such as how certain ethnic groups had developed as well as their recognition of or challenges to them by larger groups in the territory of the SFRY (Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia) as well as sovereignty issues and the rights of the states created during the process of the breakup of former Yugoslav state to be constituted. The Muslims as a ‘young’ nation were placed in a particularly difficult position; in addition, they were challenged from adjacent larger nations, especially from the protagonists of Serbian and Croatian ethno-nationalism. The problematic attachment of the nation to religion led within the Muslim national community to the debate of who and what Muslims were. In the midst of the armed conflicts in the territory of former Yugoslavia when Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Muslims in it suffered extremely severe consequences, the intellectual elite of this national community proposed and adopted the national name Bosniaks for Muslims. In the wake of these changes and self-interrogation and with the objective of understanding the role the Muslims/Bosniaks played during the war in Croatia (Slavonia), semi-structured interviews were conducted with members of the national community in Gunja, Osijek and Slavonski-Brod. In total eighteen (18) interviews were conducted with men aged between 56 and 77. After analyzing the interviews, the researchers gained insight into the organization of the Bosniaks in Slavonia, their activities in preserving their national identity, the relationship to the new national name and their role in the armed conflicts in the 1990s in defending the Republic of Croatia.

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The Bosnian Genocide and the Srebrenica massacre

The Bosnian Genocide and the Srebrenica massacre

Author(s): Marko Attila Hoare / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This paper aims to place the Srebrenica massacre in its broader context, both in terms of its place in the Bosnian war, and theoretically. The Srebrenica massacre is the only war crime of the Bosnian war that has, in legal terms, been solidly confirmed to have constituted genocide. In the ICTY, 2001 convicted Radislav Krstic of complicity in genocide for his role in the Srebrenica massacre, thereby establishing the fact of the Srebrenica genocide. The ICJ, in its ruling of 2007 in Bosnia vs Serbia, explicitly stated that the Srebrenica massacre was an act of genocide. However, the ICJ in the same ruling stated that other massacres of the Bosnian war, in particular those of 1992 when Bosnian Serb military forces were formally under Belgrade’s command, were not genocide. The ICTY has so far failed to convict any suspect of genocide except in relation to the Srebrenica massacre. Consequently, the Srebrenica massacre has assumed the status of a crime apart in the Bosnian war.

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25. godišnjica Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma: dosezi i problemi u izgradnji mira i funkcionalne države Bosne i Hercegovine

25. godišnjica Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma: dosezi i problemi u izgradnji mira i funkcionalne države Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Zijad Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 01+02/2020

The Dayton Peace Agreement was the result of a compromise, which was its greatest weakness. Instead of being the result of a careful and studious concerted effort to find the right solutions for the lasting peace in the region, for the West the Dayton Peace Agreement was just another in a series of efforts to find an instrument that can achieve the declared political goals. Holbrooke considered the agreement, which had been imposed by himself on the warring parties, to be generally satisfactory, because it stopped the war and established a unified state, reflecting the primary objectives of the United States in Bosnia and Herzegovina. That however, in his opinion, does not meant that the Dayton Peace Agreement is perfect, acknowledging some weaknesses in it. For some time, certain voices from Bosnia and Herzegovina and the international representatives are calling for a modification of the provisions of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Some appeal to the convening of the Dayton II, in order to correct deficiencies of the original plan, which could be clearly seen due to its inefficient implementation. The division of the country into two territorial entities is a fundamental weakness of the Dayton Peace Agreement since it prevents the proper functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The international community has insisted that the two entities strictly implement the Dayton Peace Agreement, but did not know how to fulfill the provisions of Annex 7 of the General Framework Agreement related to the return of refugees, the most important question for the future demographic picture of BiH society. The solution provided by the US diplomats in Dayton is mainly pragmatic one and reflects the balance of military power in the region. In Dayton, the basic rule of international law which stipulates that the international community does not accept the violent conquest and annexation of the territory of another state has been fully respected; this represents the main value of the peace agreement. Confirming the international legal norm of uti possidetis iuris, the signatories of the Dayton Accords have confirmed that norm as the fundament on which the international order has been built on.

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Geopolitika i mir: Prekid vatre kao mirovni sporazum

Geopolitika i mir: Prekid vatre kao mirovni sporazum

Author(s): Nerzuk Ćurak / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 03+04/2020

The Dayton Peace Agreement formed Bosnia and Herzegovina as a unique political community. Its characteristics, determined by the conditions of its creation, negotiation strategies used in the US Army base where it was created, as well as its content, acceptable to all “parties in conflict”, created more of a ceasefire than a peace agreement. Two and a half decades of continuous existence of the political and judiciary reality created by the “Dayton papers’’ witness the geopolitical strength of the global US power backing Holbrooke’s ambivalent document. Contradictory in its essence, both integrative and disintegrative, the Agreement is an expression of non-war rather than peace (existence of war through its absence), and a halt of violence more than a contract for creation of permanent peace. Even as such, life gave this Agreement a specific kind of meaning, one which citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina live as if it was peace. Unfortunately, there has been no progress of peace in this life. For 25 years, the Dayton state has been delivering itself to its citizens as a permanent structure of negative peace. The Constitution drafted as a part of Agreement limits the construction and development of political community keeping it in the confinement of negative peace, in which possibilities for transformation of the state and the community towards positive peace are scarce or impossible. Basing his arguments in geopolitical theory and theory of peace, the author aims to oppose geopolitics and peace as two relatively divergent terms whose discursive rivalry contributes to understanding of the paradox of Bosnia and Herzegovina, characterized by the geopolitical fabrication dynamic and a still form of peace.

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PHENOMENOLOGICAL VARIATION AND INTERCULTURAL TRANSFORMATION: MERLEAU-PONTY’S PHENOMENOLOGY AND ABU-LUGHOD’S ETHNOGRAPHY IN DIALOGUE

PHENOMENOLOGICAL VARIATION AND INTERCULTURAL TRANSFORMATION: MERLEAU-PONTY’S PHENOMENOLOGY AND ABU-LUGHOD’S ETHNOGRAPHY IN DIALOGUE

Author(s): Laura McMahon / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This paper develops phenomenological resources for understanding the nature of intercultural understanding, drawing on the work of Merleau-Ponty in dialogue with feminist anthropologist Abu-Lughod. Part One criticizes Western framings of non-Western violence against women that render the experience of non-Western Others inaccessible. Part Two discusses how certain strains in Western feminism reinforce some of these problematic framings. Part Three offers a phenomenological account of our experience of other persons, and Part Four argues that intercultural understanding takes the form of a “variation” between one’s own and the other’s experience. Part Five explores the implications of this phenomenology of cross-cultural understanding for interpreting dynamic cultural transformations, and the politics of violence against women, in an interconnected and unequal world.

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The Void Communities: Towards a New Approach to the Early Post-war in Poland and Ukraine
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The Void Communities: Towards a New Approach to the Early Post-war in Poland and Ukraine

Author(s): Anna Wylegała / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2021

The present article offers a new framework for understanding the early East European post-war that introduces and conceptualizes the idea of “Void Communities.” The core of the argument is that the disappearance of various groups of Others—ethnic, religious, and class—was one of the most important consequences of the Second World War for Central and Eastern Europe, and particularly for Poland and Ukraine. The Void left by those who had disappeared could be described on several levels, such as physical absence, social and economical dysfunctionality, transformation of the social structure and stratification, property transfer, decline of moral values and norms, and changes in local culture and traditions. Based on an extensive oral history research (of more than 150 interviews) and in-depth reading of ego documents, the article prioritizes the first-hand perspective of witnesses and centres on those who remained in the post-war Void Communities after their neighbours had been murdered, deported, resettled, or encouraged to leave semi-voluntarily. While the paper primarily focuses on the historical region of Galicia, now divided between Poland and Ukraine, the source material used to analyze the framework for Void Communities includes documents associated with the entire pre-war Polish Second Republic.

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KRIMINOLOŠKI FOKUS ISTRAŽIVANJA

KRIMINOLOŠKI FOKUS ISTRAŽIVANJA

Author(s): Adnan Fazlić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 1-2/2014

Review of: Adnan Fazlić - Karen T. Froeling, Nova Science Publishers, New York 2007., Criminology Research Focus (ISBN-13: 978-1-60692-601-7)

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ОТ СОЛОВКОВ ДО БУТОВО: РУССКАЯ ПРАВОСЛАВНАЯ ЦЕРКОВЬ И ПАМЯТЬ О СОВЕТСКИХ РЕПРЕССИЯХ В ПОСТСОВЕТСКОЙ РОССИИ

ОТ СОЛОВКОВ ДО БУТОВО: РУССКАЯ ПРАВОСЛАВНАЯ ЦЕРКОВЬ И ПАМЯТЬ О СОВЕТСКИХ РЕПРЕССИЯХ В ПОСТСОВЕТСКОЙ РОССИИ

Author(s): Veronika Dorman / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2010

30 октября 2007 года, в День памяти жертв политических репрессий, президент Российской Федерации Владимир Путин впервые принял участие в официальной церемонии, организованной в честь памяти жертв советского режима на Бутовском полигоне. А за три месяца до этого на полигон с Соловецких островов по каналам, вырытым руками миллионов зеков, был доставлен монументальный крест.

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Празднование первой годовщины Октября и красный террор: легитимация революционного насилия

Празднование первой годовщины Октября и красный террор: легитимация революционного насилия

Author(s): K. V. Godunov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 33/2020

The author explores how attitudes toward the Red Terror and activities of the Cheka were manifested during celebrations of the first anniversary of the October Revolution. Based on a study of speeches by Bolshevik leaders, propaganda materials related to the festival, discussions at various levels, and characteristics about the holiday provided by opponents and enemies of the ruling party, the author demonstrates what arguments were used for legitimation and delegitimation of the Red Terror. The author analyzes the discussion by D. B. Ryazanov and G. E. Zinovev on the correlation of terror and the holiday; characterizes the position of V. I. Lenin and other prominent Bolsheviks who used the holiday as a resource to discuss the powers of the Cheka; and describes positions of opponents to the Bolsheviks. The significance of one of the first political amnesties in Soviet history, dedicated to the celebration of the October Revolution, is described. Prominent Bolsheviks perceived the role of terror in the revolution in different ways: if V. I. Lenin and G. E. Zinovev, in the struggle to strengthen their influence, were insistent on the need to deepen terror, D. B. Ryazanov insisted that the scope of repressive politics should be limited, and L. B. Kamenev lobbied for amnesties. All of them used the celebration of the first anniversary of October to implement their projects. Research on the linkage between the Red Terror and the holiday provide insights into the specifics of the political situation in the autumn of 1918.

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RAHATLAMA BİRLİKLERİ: FEMİNİZM ÇERÇEVESİNDE BİR ANALİZ

RAHATLAMA BİRLİKLERİ: FEMİNİZM ÇERÇEVESİNDE BİR ANALİZ

Author(s): Hatice ÇELİK / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2020

Japanese occupation of the Korean Peninsula and its rule there between 1910 and 1945 had serious impact on the Korean society and at the memories of its people. This impact has political and socio-cultural reflections. Between two countries (at this point it would be better to use three countries since it is necessary to add North Korea too to the issue), there are some problems coming from the colonial rule, and sometimes they become more visible and lead to tension. One of those issues is the “comfort women”. In this paper, it is aimed to analyse how the comfort women issue has come out, how it affects the international relations of the related countries and finally how the issue is addressed from the international law perspective. This analysis will be constructed based on a feminist theory perspective mainly concentrating on the war rapes and women’s forced participation at this process. The study aims to contribute to the literature in the way that; both it is one of the few examples in Turkish literature on comfort women issue and it is one of the few examples of case study with feminist perspective.

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Notional and conceptual approaches to radicalization as a process of violent extremism development

Notional and conceptual approaches to radicalization as a process of violent extremism development

Author(s): Aleksandar L. Jugović,Dragan V. Živaljević / Language(s): English,Serbian Issue: 2/2021

Radicalization is a political, social, psychological and group process that leads to the circumstances where certain political beliefs are accompanied by the readiness of an individual or a group to manifest violent extremism and acts of terrorism in a direct manner. This paper is aimed at the analysis of the concepts of radicalization, extremism and terrorism, and the classification and explanation of different concepts of radicalization. The paper applies the methods of analysis, synthesis and classification. Radicalization is classified and explained through three general approaches: structural contexts, risk factors and the development of radicalization. The key result of the paper is the conclusion about the need for the scientific development of a comprehensive theory of radicalization. The synthetic integrative theory of radicalization development should take into account different and mutually conditioned dimensions of this process.

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