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ロシア革命とサハリン ― 日露関係から日ソ関係へ(1917-1922 年)―

ロシア革命とサハリン ― 日露関係から日ソ関係へ(1917-1922 年)―

Author(s): Yaroslav Shulatov / Language(s): Japanese Issue: 67/2020

Sakhalin occupies a special place in the history of relations between Russia and Japan. Depending on the times, the island has been a battlefield or a place for cooperation; the rivalry over Sakhalin was often an agenda-setting factor for bilateral relations. The island could be set as a sort of “crossroad,” where Russia and Japan interacted variously; a “mirror,” reflecting the condition of Russo-Japanese contact. The situation over Sakhalin was particularly dynamic in the first half of the twentieth century. The island became the last battlefield in the Russo-Japanese War, and then the final crucial problem at the peace conference. According to the Portsmouth Peace Treaty, Sakhalin was divided between the two empires, which created a precedent of revising the Russo-Japanese borderline with military force—since 1905, it has been changed only by wars. Still, the demarcation of a new border took place in a peaceful atmosphere, symbolizing the cooperative trend in the bilateral relations after the war. The situation seemed to have been resolved. Yet the collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917 rendered Sakhalin the subject of Russo-Japanese bargaining again. Then, with the outbreak of civil war in Russia, Japan took an active part in intervention, deploying the largest contingent of troops to Siberia and the Far East. The center of Sakhalin Oblast, Nikolaevsk, was occupied by Japanese troops in 1918. After the clashes with partisans and annihilation of the Japanese garrison and its inhabitants in 1920 (the “Nikolaevsk Incident”), Japan occupied Northern Sakhalin, making it the hostage of settlement with Russia. After the USSR was established and Soviet-Japanese negotiations launched officially, Sakhalin became the key problem, particularly at the final stage. After reaching a compromise on this issue, the Peking Convention was signed in 1925. A new “Soviet” Russia repossessed Northern Sakhalin, and the USSR was officially acknowledged by Japan, which carved out concession rights for Sakhalin oil and coal, effective until 1944. These events became the subject of attention by many prominent scholars, including John Stephan, Teruyuki Hara, Takashi Murakami, Naoki Amano, etc. However, mostly due to lack of archival sources, the period of 1917-1922 remains insufficiently researched, particularly from the viewpoint of diplomatic history. What place did Sakhalin occupy in the negotiations between Japan and its Russian counter-partners, especially given the enormous dynamics of changes and diversity of political actors involved? This article analyzes the role and evolution of the Sakhalin issue in Russo-Japanese relations after the collapse of the Russian Empire in February 1917 to the establishing of the USSR in late 1922. The author conducts multi-archival research and examines the position of the provisional government, the Kolchak administration, Russian military circles, and local authorities, as well as the Bolsheviks and Soviet officials in Moscow and the Far East, providing analysis of the complicated “mosaic” over Sakhalin in Russo/Soviet relations during the abovementioned period. The article uses various declassified files mostly from Russian archives (AVP RI, AFP RF, RGIA, and RGASPI), as well as materials of the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (Gaimushō Gaikō Shiryōkan) and published documental collections. The issue of Sakhalin appeared on the table of negotiations with Japan soon after the February Revolution. Japan worried about the US involvement in developing the island’s resources, and encouraged the provisional government to exclude American capital and provide the Japanese with prerogatives, but Petrograd was reluctant to do so. The Russian military also took a cautious stance towards Japan, suspecting it of using Russia’s weakening position and expanding its influence over her eastern territories including Sakhalin.

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Macroeconomic volatility, monetary union, and external exposure: evidence from five Eurozone members

Macroeconomic volatility, monetary union, and external exposure: evidence from five Eurozone members

Author(s): Scott W. Hegerty / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Membership in a common currency area is thought to promote economic stability by facilitating macroeconomic convergence, but a country might give up important monetary policy tools that could help stabilize its economy following a shock. The effect of a common currency on macroeconomic volatility can therefore be ambiguous. This study examines five Central and Eastern European countries that joined the Eurozone since 2005; their differences, particularly with regard to the countries’ economic performance and pre-accession exchange-rate regimes, help drive a unique set of results. Structural breaks in the volatility of real output, consumption, and investment generally correspond to events other than Eurozone accession, and Vector Autoregressive methods show that global shocks have more of an impact on output volatility than do regional shocks or economic openness. Spillovers affect Latvia and Lithuania more than Estonia, Slovakia, or Slovenia, which suggests that a unified currency space might have difficulty managing idiosyncratic shocks.

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Social and institutional factors of economic development: evidence from Europe

Social and institutional factors of economic development: evidence from Europe

Author(s): Helje Kaldaru,Eve Parts / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2008

Social and institutional determinants of economic development are attracting increasing attention among development economists. The present paper analyses the impact of macro-level social capital and related social factors on economic development in 34 European countries. Macro-level social capital comprises different aspects of institutional quality and is closely related to income distribution and social cohesion. We used principal component analysis to group initially selected social determinants of economic development into three components (human and social capital, income equality, and redistribution), which altogether describe 64.4% of the variation in initial variables. The following regression analysis proved that all these components have a positive effect on economic development, measured by the human development index.

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THE STUDY OF EVALUATION OECD MEMBER COUNTRIES BASED ON THE ENABLING TRADE INDEXES

THE STUDY OF EVALUATION OECD MEMBER COUNTRIES BASED ON THE ENABLING TRADE INDEXES

Author(s): Erkan Bil,Gülay Keskin,Tanju GÜDÜK / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2018

The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) is an intergovernmental economic organization with 36-member countries, was established in Paris,1961. OECD aims to stimulate sustainable economic growth and improve social well-being in many of the world's most advanced countries but also emerging countries. It provides a forum in which governments can work together to share experiences and seek solutions to common problems. The Global Enabling Trade Report was first published in 2008 by the World Economic Forum. It has become a powerful tool for alliances about improving trade facilitation by focusing on the right countries and the right projects, quickly and efficiently. Co-published by the World Economic Forum and the Global Alliance for Trade Facilitation, the report features the Enabling Trade Index which measures the factors, policies and services in economies that facilitate the flow of goods over borders and to their destination. This study aims to classify OECD member countries including Turkey, based on the data of the Enabling Trade Index 2016. For the process of entering the data, Excel and the statistical software program SPSS have been used. In the process of analyzing the data, cluster analysis has been used and Ward’s hierarchical clustering method has been chosen. In conclusion, the result indicates that OECD member countries generate five clusters.

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PREDSTAVLJANJE KNJIGE AKADEMIKA DR. DAVORINA RUDOLFA "RAT KOJI NISMO ŽELJELI"

PREDSTAVLJANJE KNJIGE AKADEMIKA DR. DAVORINA RUDOLFA "RAT KOJI NISMO ŽELJELI"

Author(s): Milan Ramljak / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2001

Review of: Miljan Ramljak - Davorin Rudolf, Rat koji nismo željeli, Globus, Zagreb, 1999, 409 str.

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EKONOMIJA TRANZICIJSKIH ZEMALJA I PUTEVI EKONOMSKE REFORME

EKONOMIJA TRANZICIJSKIH ZEMALJA I PUTEVI EKONOMSKE REFORME

Author(s): Idriz Ćosić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 31/2012

Zadnje desetljeće na prostorima Jugoistočne Evrope i Balkana prošlo je kroz određene reforme, kako političke tako i ekonomske prirode. Proces tranzicije donio je određene promjene, koje su značajno uticale na ekonomiju pomenutih zemalja. Većina zemalja u ranijem periodu bila je na neki način vođena putem tzv. komandne ekonomije. Pojavu tranzicije mnoge zemlje nisu mogle pravovremeno uskladiti sa zahtjevima na terenu, te su se prilagođavale u datim situacijama ekonomskih promjena. Činjenica je da je većina zemalja politički upravljala ekonomijom, počev od privatizacije. Tranzicija je dugotrajan proces, a prilagođavanje ekonomskim standardima zahtijeva određena pravila i norme bez kojih je praktično nemoguće voditi ekonomsku reformu. Najviše problema u održivosti ekonomije imaju balkanske zemlje, koje vođene primjerima zemalja Jugoistočne Evrope prave različite modele održivosti razvoja. Zbog toga većina zemalja nastoji održati ekonomske standarde, s osnovnim ciljem održive ekonomije i priključenja standardima Evropske unije.

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CIVIL SOCIETY, HUMAN RIGHTS STRUGGLES AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN ARGENTINA AND RUSSIA: SOME BRIEF COMPARATIVE CONCLUSIONS

CIVIL SOCIETY, HUMAN RIGHTS STRUGGLES AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN ARGENTINA AND RUSSIA: SOME BRIEF COMPARATIVE CONCLUSIONS

Author(s): Enrique Peruzzotti,Françoise Dauce / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2010

The late 1980s and early 90s saw an upsurge in comparative research on civil society in Latin America and Eastern Europe. At the time, scholars supported the idea of a “third wave of democratization,” and Latin America was presented as a model for post-communist countries. Civil societies in both regions were analyzed comparatively. Emblematically, the Russian Soldiers’ Mothers were often compared with the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in Argentina. However, the further evolution of post-communist societies soon discouraged further comparison. This was especially the case for Russia, where social and political change took unforeseen paths. Scholars came to underline the specificity of Russian social structures and traditions to explain this. Given this divergence, why revisit the comparison between Russia and Argentina today? Our answer is that two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, comparative research appears interesting again because the illusions of transitology have disappeared and new research perspectives emerge out of a recognition of the specificity of historical circumstances.

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ILLUSIONS OF MARKET PARADISE: STATE, BUSINESS, AND ECONOMIC REFORM IN POST-SOCIALIST RUSSIA AND POST-1980s CRISIS ARGENTINA

ILLUSIONS OF MARKET PARADISE: STATE, BUSINESS, AND ECONOMIC REFORM IN POST-SOCIALIST RUSSIA AND POST-1980s CRISIS ARGENTINA

Author(s): Jeffrey Kenneth Hass,Gastón Joaquín Beltrán / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2010

The 1980s and early 1990s were characterized by sweeping, radical neoliberal, monetarist-inspired economic reforms designed to correct financial or structural crises. Latin American countries initiated the wave, followed by Eastern Europe and the former USSR, although the timing, scope, and policies varied. Often one reads accounts of friends and foes of reform lined up to do battle in domestic and international alliances. However, reform processes and outcomes do not always follow the formula of reformers versus conservatives; there is more to the balance of power than these all-too-common accounts would suggest. Industrial managers in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia and business elites in Argentina initially accepted reforms that would soon harm them. Soviet industrial managers, with their hands on levers of Soviet and early post-Soviet production, did not wholeheartedly embrace increasingly radical economic reforms, but neither did they reject them, or prepare for the uncertainty and systemic shocks that marketization would bring. Unlike younger entrepreneurs, they did not play games of speculation to accumulate capital; rather, they played on the margins of the law to improve gains and positions somewhat. However the extent of these practices didn’t come close to guarding them against what would come.

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NEW POVERTY IN ARGENTINA AND RUSSIA: SOME BRIEF COMPARATIVE CONCLUSIONS

NEW POVERTY IN ARGENTINA AND RUSSIA: SOME BRIEF COMPARATIVE CONCLUSIONS

Author(s): Gabriel Kessler,María Mercedes Di Virgilio,Svetlana Yaroshenko / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2010

In general, the concept of new poverty focuses on the emergence of groups characterized by strong downward mobility, as well as previously unknown types of poverty. Its specific definition, therefore, varies among countries. The cases of Russia and Argentina illustrate this variation. In Russia, new poverty became a subject of debate following the market reforms of the 1990s, several years later than in Argentina. Poverty in post-Soviet Russia has a number of specific features. Firstly, it is a widespread phenomenon. Impoverishment peaked in 1999: at that time, depending on the standards used, the share of poor people was between 20 and 50 percent. Since the early 2000s, owing to economic stabilization, the number of poor people has been slowly reduced, but the share of the population with incomes lower than the subsistence minimum is still high—between 8 and 35 percent of Russians. Secondly, it is a problem that affects previously secure social strata, the so-called “new poor”: economically active people who were protected in Soviet times but now face sustained downward mobility and employment insecurity.

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INSECURE LAND RIGHTS, OBSTACLES TO FAMILY FARMING, AND THE WEAKNESS OF PROTEST IN RURAL RUSSIA

INSECURE LAND RIGHTS, OBSTACLES TO FAMILY FARMING, AND THE WEAKNESS OF PROTEST IN RURAL RUSSIA

Author(s): Oane Visser / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2010

This article discusses property reforms in the post-communist countryside (focusing on Russian policies, which have been the most “progressive” among the dominant economies of the former Soviet Union) and analyzes why they have hardly stimulated capital formation and empowerment among the rural population so far, compared with rural developments in Argentina that are discussed by Bidaseca in her paper in this issue. A comparison between the post-communist countries and Latin America is interesting for an understanding of land reforms. On the one hand, the agrarian history of these areas is very different, with 70 years of collective agriculture in the communist system of the former Soviet Union, and much shorter and more limited state intervention in Latin American agriculture. During the heyday of state intervention in the Latin American countryside in the 1970s, widespread collective and public arrangements in credits and marketing existed, but production mostly remained in private hands (with the exception of some socialist states like Nicaragua). On the other hand, the postsocialist privatization in the former Soviet Union (FSU) and Eastern Europe can be seen as a chapter in a much bigger book of neoliberal reforms which have been taking place notably in Latin America, but also in Asia and Africa, since the 1980s and 90s.

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AGRARIAN MODERNIZATION, LAND CONFLICTS, AND PEASANT MOBILIZATION IN RUSSIA AND ARGENTINA

AGRARIAN MODERNIZATION, LAND CONFLICTS, AND PEASANT MOBILIZATION IN RUSSIA AND ARGENTINA

Author(s): Oane Visser,Karina Bidaseca / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2010

The current neoliberal agrarian policies in Russia and Argentina (and the former Soviet Union and Latin America at large) have been strongly influenced by the Western agribusiness model of the agrarian economy. Following periods of state-led agrarian development (a planned economy until 1991 in Russia and a state-led market economy in Argentina until 1990), the rural sector in these countries is now characterized by free prices and relatively free import and export policies. In both countries, actors (governments, agribusinesses, or academics) in search of international models or partners predominantly looked to the highly productive agriculture in the West. In Russia, for example, Western advisors from the World Bank were involved in the design of privatization and liberalization policies in Russia in the early 1990s. In addition, as international farm consultancy and farm exchange programs originate in the West, and, furthermore, Russian agrarian academics have mainly used Western agriculture as a yardstick for comparison.

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НАУКА: ЛАТИНСКАЯ АМЕРИКА ХХ ВЕКА: СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ АНТРОПОЛОГИЯ БЕДНОСТИ

НАУКА: ЛАТИНСКАЯ АМЕРИКА ХХ ВЕКА: СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ АНТРОПОЛОГИЯ БЕДНОСТИ

Author(s): Milyausha Zakirova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2010

Review of: Миляуша Закирова - Латинская Америка ХХ века: социальная антропология бедности / Отв. ред. Б.И. Коваль. М.: Наука, 2006. 287 с. ISBN 978-5-0203-5134-9

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Ленин и Сталин как историки: сравнительный анализ воззрений

Ленин и Сталин как историки: сравнительный анализ воззрений

Author(s): Vardan Ernestovich Bagdasaryan,Sergei Ivanovich Resnianskiy / Language(s): Russian Issue: 32/2020

This article reconstructs the historical views of the leaders of the Soviet state, V. I. Lenin and I. V. Stalin, as an important component of their ideological projects. The comparison of their views on history is an indicator of differences between the Leninist and Stalinist versions of Soviet ideology. The authors conclude that the continuity of views on the history of Lenin and Stalin is maintained within the framework of the general methodological platform of Marxism (formation theory, class struggle theory, adherence to the macrosocial approach to history). Stalin developed a number of Leninist provisions regarding the understanding of history and, above all, related to the combination of Marxism with the theory of imperialism. At the same time, certain differences are found in content used — mainly the history of European revolutions by Lenin and the history of Russian state-building by Stalin. Lenin placed more emphasis on universal laws of history, while Stalin recognized the originality of the Russian historical process. There were certain differences in emphases on their interpretations of national relations and foreign policy in Russian history. Such differences in views of history were correlated with differences between the tasks Lenin and Stalin faced at different stages of the Soviet project.

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YASAMA-YÜRÜTME İLİŞKİLERİNDE ÇATIŞMALI BİR DÖNEMİN ANALİZİ: AHMET NECDET SEZER DÖNEMİ (2000-2007)

YASAMA-YÜRÜTME İLİŞKİLERİNDE ÇATIŞMALI BİR DÖNEMİN ANALİZİ: AHMET NECDET SEZER DÖNEMİ (2000-2007)

Author(s): Yüksel Alper Ecevit,Çiğdem KAPAN / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2020

According to the parliamentary system in the 1982 Constitution, government was formed from within the parliament. Presidents were elected for a seven-year term and were given both legislative and executive powers to a certain extent. Political science literature widely accepts that presidents are given symbolic roles in the parliamentary systems. Contrary to these expectations, Sezer era (2000-2007) marks the most confrontational period of legislative and executive relations in Turkish history, as the right to veto the bills was used at an unprecedented level. There is an existing competition between principal-agent theories and the political opportunity framework theory in defining the type of government systems. While the former evaluates the political system according to the chain of delegation, the latter focuses on the relationship between relevant actors and the context in which these interactions occur. The central motive behind analysing the Sezer era is as follows. The Sezer era is unique in the sense that the president had to work with two totally different assemblies in terms of political parties and individual members. This gives us a platform for natural experiment to evaluate whether Sezer’s political behaviour solely satisfies expectations from the parliamentary set-up or they are shaped by the existing political opportunity structure nested in the political system. To answer these questions, we investigated presidential vetoes on parliaments’ bills. Our findings contradict with the expectations of the theories based on the principal-agent framework. We argue that Sezer’s behaviour is motivated by his political views as well as the constitutional constraints. This study would shed the light on how to categorize Turkey’s government type between 1982 and 2017.

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Free movement of people in the European Union and recognition of same-sex marriages on the example of Poland, Ireland and France

Free movement of people in the European Union and recognition of same-sex marriages on the example of Poland, Ireland and France

Author(s): Karolina Bicz / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

The article presents the issue of the free movement of persons in the European Union in the field of same-sex marriage rights, taking into account comparative elements. The research presents provisions of the European Union, as well as internal regulations in force in France, Ireland and Poland. The article discusses the approach to the analysed issue at the level of EU regulations and internal regulations of the examined Member States. Moreover, the interaction between EU and national regulations is an important research point. Besides the article shows case variants concerning the recognition of same-sex relationships due to the legal and ideological conditions in the analysed countries Also, the article analyses the impact and importance of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Human Rights for the studied topic. In addition, the study takes into consideration the impact of constitutional provisions on the legalization of homosexual couples in the analysed countries. The article is divided into parts covering the following issues: free movement of persons in the European Union, the right to family reunification of European Union citizens, relations between European Union law and the internal law of the Member States, recognition of same-sex marriages in France, Ireland and Poland, and summary. The opinions of A. Tryfonidou, H. Verschueren, P. Tulea and M. Bell were included in the study due to their importance to the research are.

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‘İDEAL ÇOCUK’TAN ‘KÜRESEL TÜKETİCİ’YE: TÜRKİYE’DE ÇOCUK DERGİLERİ VE ÇOCUK İMGESİ

‘İDEAL ÇOCUK’TAN ‘KÜRESEL TÜKETİCİ’YE: TÜRKİYE’DE ÇOCUK DERGİLERİ VE ÇOCUK İMGESİ

Author(s): Dilara Nergishan KOÇER / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 31/2020

Children’s magazine that is agemate with the Turkish press is important not only for the history of childhood but also the social history. Even though they play a role in the modernization project, state-building, children's literature, or education, children's magazines do not draw attention enough by the academic researchers. The aim of this study is to examine the history of children’s magazines published through 150 years, and to reveal changing the image of children via this magazines. Revealing the ideologies and values transferred over children’s magazines gives information regarding what kind of child image wanted to be created/built in this process. For this purpose, this study cronologically evaluates the history of transformation of children’s magazines in time and present a panaromic view from 19th century to 21st century. The study examine the children’s magazines in the historical process in paralell with political, economic and socio-culturel changes that Turkey underwent. Starting from the Ottoman era, the study evaluate the children’s magazines regarding the determined periods as ‘early-single party periods’, ‘after 1950’s multi party system’ and ‘after 1980’s’ with a complementary point of view. Literature survey is used for the study. The study, following the values and ideologies transferred by the magazines, reveals that the image of child transformed from ideal-citizen child to consumer child.

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Geçiş Ekonomisi Ülkelerde Reformların Makroekonomik Göstergelere Etkisi

Geçiş Ekonomisi Ülkelerde Reformların Makroekonomik Göstergelere Etkisi

Author(s): Remzi Bulut / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 12/2020

Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in the Soviet Union In 1985. For the first time, he stated that the socialist system was blocked and stayed behind the time. He acknowledged that many problems, especially economic and social, was started. It was the first time that these problems were opened to discussion democratically. In these discussions, the topics of “reform program”, “central planning” and “reform in the socialist system” have gained weight. He wanted to apply Perestroika (restructuring) and Glasnost (openness) policies to solve the problems. However, the economic and social problems increased a little more and the necessary solution could not be found. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 prepared the ground for the collapse of the socialist system. From 1990 onwards, discourses of independence started in the republics that formed the USSR. At the end of 1991, the USSR was formally dissolved. Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia followed the USSR. As a result, the socialist system known as the Eastern Bloc disintegrated before the year 2000. Thus, these countries that tend to market economies are called “Transition Economies”.

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BLACK MIRROR: A COMPARATIVE HISTORY OF POLISH AND AMERICAN FAILURES

BLACK MIRROR: A COMPARATIVE HISTORY OF POLISH AND AMERICAN FAILURES

Author(s): Maciej Górny / Language(s): English Issue: 123/2021

Even though they occurred around the same time, the Polish January Uprising of 1863/64 and the American Civil War (1861–5) have seldom been considered in the same context by historians, while comparative historical studies of the events are scarce. The present article explores the historiography relating to both countries to, firstly, outline the most interesting attempts in existing Polish and US- American research to find shared aspects in the two events. Secondly, my study establishes and analyses phenomena and themes in these parallel histories that could prove most fruitful for comparative investigation. In conclusion, I assess the potential that comparative approaches could generate for the historiography of the American Civil War and the January Uprising.

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Government expenditures in the support of technological innovations and impact on stock market and real economy: the empirical evidence from the US and Germany

Government expenditures in the support of technological innovations and impact on stock market and real economy: the empirical evidence from the US and Germany

Author(s): Jana Kotlebová,Peter Árendáš,Božena Chovancová / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

Research background: The current changes in the global stock markets are related to the next wave of the industrial revolution “Industry 4.0”. It is expected that the Industry 4.0 will lead to an acceleration of the innovation process and growth of volumes of tailor-made products. The stock markets started to react to the upcoming technological changes over the last decade, which are reflected by the changes in the composition of the major stock indices where the technological sector started to grow in importance. But innovations are not only connected with the specialized technological sector, but they are also of direct concern to the whole spectrum of economic entities. Besides the private investments that are usually allocated via the stock market, also the public sector investments play an important role. Purpose of the article: The aim of this paper is to investigate the relationship between government expenditures on research and development (R&D) and stock markets (and GDP) in the US and in Germany. Methods: We use the tools of descriptive analysis as well as correlation and regression methods of estimation. Findings & Value added: Our research confirms that the collection of data on R&D on annual basis for Germany and the US is insufficient for analytical and systemic management purposes. The real effects of investments in the R&D are time lagged. The regression analysis of annual data confirms only the statistical importance of patent applications as well as interest rate and stock index as independent variables in explanation of variability of real economy growth during the 1985–2017 period. Our model did not prove the significance of government expenditures. We can explain it, among others, by the fact that governments do not pay sufficient attention to the challenges yet, which are associated with the Industry 4.0, especially in the US, where the government expenditures in R&D gradually decrease. The governments in both economies try to increase their support, but fiscal sustainability is a limiting factor.

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Ideologiczno-metodologiczne meandry Rozważań o wojnie domowej Pawła Jasienicy. Uwagi o dziele i jego recepcji

Ideologiczno-metodologiczne meandry Rozważań o wojnie domowej Pawła Jasienicy. Uwagi o dziele i jego recepcji

Author(s): Artur Mękarski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 12/2020

This article sets itself two tasks. First, it attempts to offer an insight into Rozważania o wojnie domowej (Reflections on the Civil War), the last book by Paweł Jasienica, an essayist and acclaimed history writer known mainly for his books on the history of Poland. Second, it also investigates the reception of the work it interprets. In executing the first task, the author focuses mainly on extracting the critique of the communist ideology which Jasienica included, in some veiled way, in his account of the main topic to which his last book is devoted – the Vendée rebellion of 1793. Throughout the text, the reader is made to believe that the leading revolutionaries whom Jasienica considered responsible for the atrocities committed in the course of suppressing the Vendée rebellion were guided by the idea of historical necessity. However, the concept of historical necessity, argues the author, should be viewed as pertaining to the ideology not of the French revolutionaries but of the communists in Poland. While the concept played no part in the former’s efforts to justify the overthrow of the old regime, it was used by the latter to legitimise their rule in Poland. By associating the concept of historical necessity with the Vendée massacres, Jasienica sought to “discredit” the communist ideology on which the political system in Poland was based. In other words, he used his account of one of the episodes of the French revolution to criticise the PRL’s political system, arguing, one should add, in favour of replacing it with liberal democracy.

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