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Przestępstwo „prania brudnych pieniędzy” w regulacjach polskiego i niemieckiego kodeksu karnego

Author(s): Joanna Szewczak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 29/2016

In today’s world money are the value that wants to achieve almost everyone. Unfortunately, the desire to have them sometimes leads to reach for illegal means and the offense which is also a “money laundering”. In the case of this particular crime we can say that this is a global problem. Combating these practices are legal regulations, also in the field of criminal law. This article aims to bring regulation of Polish and German Criminal Code on “money laundering”, to identify the similarities and differences as well as the attempt to answer the question whether such regulations are needed.

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COMING BACK TO REALISM? CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES AND REALITIES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Author(s): Marius Spechea,Alexandra Ioana Silea / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2018

The election of the American President Donald Trump and the defining of the US strategic vision, Russia’s actions in the international arena, China’s bigger and bigger weight as well as EU’s crisis create an unpredictable and dynamic environment. This environment requires not only strategic repositions, but mostly conceptual redefinitions. Therefore, can we discuss about a reaffirmation of pure realism in international relations? Was it always like this – or, from ideological reasons, the society refused to accept it?

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THE DIFFICULT TRANSITION TO UKRAINIAN DEMOCRACY FROM INDEPENDENCE UNTIL THE ADOPTION OF ITS CONSTITUTION

Author(s): César García Andrés / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

In 1991, with the disintegration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the emerging states had to face a major change in all areas, not only political but also economic, social, administrative, etc. Among the main challenges that these countries had to assume was the entry into the democratic field, unknown to them. This had to be done through the implementation of a system that validated the new situation of these countries. One of the key aspects of this transition was the elaboration of a democratic constitution, since, although in the communist regimes there were constitutions, it is necessary to remember that these were simple fictions under the Communist Party. It can be found one of these cases in Ukraine, which, since its declaration of independence on 24 August 1991, had to gradually begin this unprecedented path within its borders. From this moment, a long road began for the resolution of the post-Soviet conflicts inherited from the previous era, until the achievement of a new Constitution for Ukraine on June 28, 1996. It is therefore necessary to analyse in depth how the Ukrainian democratisation process went up to the consolidation of its constitution. An exhaustive interdisciplinary analysis will be carried out of all the problems faced by Ukraine in order to complete this process, which was accomplished out in all the ex-Soviet republics with greater or lesser success.

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COMPETITION POLICY AND ITS IMPACT ON SOCIETY

Author(s): Doina Gavrilov / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

The competition policy gets in the center of international relations in the last decades. One of the main reasons why competition is considered more and more is because of the European common market. We understand that the competition policy is very important in managing the market, but also we are interested to see how much importance it has in assuring social welfare. To see if the competition policy influences social welfare, first of all, we analyze the impact of it on the consumer and its behavior. Then we focus on the consumer behavior influence on the social welfare. After analyzing multiple papers, we get to the conclusion that the competition policy as a cumulus of rules and laws bring advantages to the consumer as a part of the society and that social welfare, understood as happiness and contentment of the society is influenced by the consumer behaviour.

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Stranačka politika u Vukovaru 1990-1991.

Author(s): Vladimir Filipović / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 16/2019

This article provides an analysis of local politics in the Vukovar municipality, from the pluralization of the political party scene in Croatia that started in early 1990 to the breakdown of democratically elected local institutions in May 1991. This relatively short period was marked by strong political polarization of the two largest national communities in the municipality, the Croats and the Serbs. In the process, there were three parties that played key roles in the political arena and in national mobilization – the League of Communists of Croatia/the Party of Democratic Change (SKH/SDP), the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) and the Serb Democratic Party (SDS).

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The impact of adopting the euro on the Croatian economy: What can be learned from other countries?

Author(s): Zlatko Čehulić,Rajka Hrbić / Language(s): English Issue: 5/2019

In this paper the impact of adopting the euro in Croatia is analysed using experiences of other countries which have passed through this process in the last decade and which are comparable with Croatia in many aspects. The process of adopting a currency different from the one that has been used for more than twenty years presents a very important economic question for each country. In this period preceding to adopting the euro, there is an opportunity to analyse this process in the countries which went through it in the past. The result of this paper shows the impacts of adopting the euro in the European countries. The selected countries, which are adequate for analysing the effects of adopting the euro, are: Portugal, Ireland, Greece, Spain, Slovenia, Slovakia, Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia. These countries have been selected for different reasons. The majority of these countries have some similarities with Croatia, which are shown in this paper via relevant economic indicators. These results are significant for Croatia and show a positive influence on the Croatian market on a long-term basis. This paper is relevant and has a practical basis both for Croatia and other countries which will go through this process in the future.

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The Post-Brexit EU as a Global Actor: Reconsidering Security

Author(s): Valentin Naumescu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The departure of the UK left the EU not only without its second largest economy, but also without one of its two nuclear powers – with a permanent seat in the Security Council – and without an important member state of NATO – a global security provider. For a long time, the EU has tried to brand itself as a global actor from a ‘normative power’ perspective, able to ‘export’ values and norms without having an army of its own. Nonetheless, shortly after the Brexit referendum of 2016, the EU has announced its Global Strategy, while France and Germany launched the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) initiative in the field of defence, formally adopted by EU in 2017. In the midst of a growing strategic competition for influence, aggravated by the 2020 pandemics of COVID-19, the Great Powers diversify their leverage, resources and instruments. With increasing rifts in its partnership with the US and concerning uncertainties in relation to the UK, against a background characterized by the disintegration of the West as a political concept, having difficult relations with Russia and China, the EU reconsiders the issue of security. This article explores the international context from the perspective of the relations between the global actors, a changing world order and the re-interpretation of the concepts of security and hard power. We shall analyse both the discourses of political leaders on the topic, and the EU decision-making process in the field of security

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Workfare Society in Action – the Hungarian Labour Market and Social Conditions in European Comparison

Author(s): Annamária Artner / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

This paper aims at investigating the achievements of Hungary’s “workbased society”. Based on statistical data, it examines the characteristics of the Hungarian labour market and the development of social indicators over the past decade in comparison with the European Union and the Central and Eastern European member states. As there are improving tendencies during recent years on a regional level, the relatively good employment situation of Hungary cannot be considered as an outlier. While the Hungarian labour market conditions have been improved to some extent, some characteristics, like the level of wages and productivity are rather lagging behind the regional average. Due to policy changes since 2010, the social protection of the most vulnerable declines and, concerning the increase of income inequalities, Hungary is a regional “leader”. The article concludes that in order for such a social welfare regime to help social inclusion and serve social equality, a reconfiguration of the economic, as well as political governance, is needed.

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Access to Public Information as a Political Sciences Technique: What and How Should Be Studied, and What for?

Author(s): Marcin Wałdoch / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

Access to public information in Poland is most typically discussedin the legal and political contexts. However, it is not consciouslydiscussed as a possibility for political scholars to exercise their right ofaccess to public information. This paper, which is of postulatory nature,identifies the benefits for those political scholars who decide to use, inthe process of data collection, their right of access to public informationas a data collection technique. The proposed technic of data collectionmay be used by scholars – political scientists around the world.

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Comparison of Ivan Mažuranić's Political Writings with the Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language

Author(s): Josip Miletić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The paper analyzes and compares Mažuranić’s political writings published in 1848 under the titles Croatians to Hungarians and Manifesto of the Croatian-Slavonian People with the 1967 Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language as well as the reactions of the contemporaries to these texts. Based on considerations of the social reaction and fate of the authors of the aforementioned texts, we have analyzed the democratic character of society in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and socialist Yugoslavia. The results of the research have shown the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy saw a more democratic atmosphere and far more freedom of expression of personal opinion than socialist Yugoslavia.

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Wiosna Arabska i jej następstwa na przykładzie Tunezji, Egiptu i Libii

Author(s): Artur Wiśniewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 28/2018

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie procesu zmian społecznych i politycznych, zachodzących w wybranych krajach arabskich w latach 2010-2011. Autor dokonuje analizy wydarzeń Wiosny Arabskiej, wskazując na jej przyczyny, przebieg, a także następstwa w kontekście zarówno regionalnym, jak i międzynarodowym. Wyjaśnia również zagadnienia dotyczące kultury islamu jako czynnika mającego istotny wpływ na przebieg arabskiej rewolucji.

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Бъдещето на публичната дипломация в България

Author(s): Georgi Aleksandrov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2019

In times of exponential technological and communicational progress, the topic of the future of political communication is gaining more and more strength. As a result of the creation of many new means for communication and the evolution of the democratic society, there was born a new instrument of political power – public diplomacy. Many scholars have already developed large scale works on the topic about the role, the meaning, and the future of public diplomacy on the world stage. Here we have at hand the question for the future of Public Diplomacy in Bulgaria. This scientific topic is interrelated with yet another phenomenon – the European Union and the participation of Bulgaria as a member in it. This article reviews the future role of public diplomacy as an instrument of the sovereign assisted by the soft power of the EU and the significance of a strong and unified European Union.

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Communism Equals or Versus Nazism? Europe’s Unwholesome Legacy in Strasbourg

Author(s): Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2016

The accession of post-communist states into the Council of Europe system enlarged greatly the territory of effective protection of human rights in Europe and at the same time compelled the European Court of Human Rights to address the current effects of past violations of human rights by communist regimes. It gave the Court an opportunity to establish a legal standard of how to deal with matters such as the public presence of communist symbols and insignia, de-registration of neo-Communist parties, and the relevance of past membership in the Communist parties for an exercise of electoral rights in a newly democratized state. This opportunity was at the same time a challenge, and the Court was less than successful in meeting this challenge, despite the fact that it had already established the relevant legal standards when deciding about the cases triggered by the Nazi past. Without making it explicit, and without articulating openly the relevant differences, the Court has not established any equivalence between legal treatments of the aftermath of the two types of criminal regimes in the European recent past. The article discusses three recent cases belonging to these categories and concludes that there is a clear contrast between the Court’s treatment of “post-ommunist” cases and the same Court’s earlier treatment of equivalent “post-Nazi” cases; the article offers some explanations for the discrepancy which reflects a broader dualism in European collective memory of the past.

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The European Dimension of Minority Political Representation. Bulgaria and Romania Compared

Author(s): Maria Spirova,Boyka Stefanova / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2012

The political integration of ethnic minorities is one of the most challenging tasks facing the countries of post-communist Europe. The roads to their political representation in the mainstream political process are numerous and diverse. The EU accession of the Central and East European countries has expanded the scope of the political participation of minorities by adding an electoral process at the regional level: the elections for members of the European Parliament. This article presents a comparative study of the ways in which EU-level electoral processes affect the scope and quality of minority representation on the example of the participation of ethnic political parties in Bulgaria and Romania in the 2007 and 2009 electoral cycles of the European Parliament.

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The Final Solution in Bulgaria and Romania: A Comparative Perspective

Author(s): Ethan J. Hollander / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2008

Accounts of the Final Solution in Bulgaria and Romania often stress the differences between the two countries, attributing Bulgaria’s relatively low victimization rate (18 percent) and Romania’s relatively high one (approximately 50 percent) to differing levels of anti-Semitism or local attitudes toward Jews. This article argues that, broken down by region, Bulgaria and Romania were actually quite similar, in that both countries participated in the victimization of Jews in newly acquired territories while protecting those in the “home country.” By investigating the complex negotiations between Nazi Germany and local officials in each of these countries, the author shows that because of their close alliance with Nazi Germany (and not despite this), the governments of Bulgaria and Romania were both able to protect their own Jewish citizens. Both countries essentially traded loyalty in military and economic affairs for concessions, delays, and limitations in the Final Solution. This observation has fascinating moral implications, since it suggests that countries could only protect their own citizens by cooperating with Nazi Germany. It also illustrates that far from being passive subjects of coercion, weak states in imperial relationships can actually bargain to change the terms of their own subjugation. Imperial hegemony is partly a product of negotiation and international contracting, not unmitigated coercion.

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The Wind of “Illiberalism” that is Blowing Around Post-Communist Countries: Solutions Must Come from Within

Author(s): Florian Çullhaj / Language(s): English Issue: 18/2019

A peculiar phenomenon that characterizes today’s Illiberal governments is that their advent to power is a legitimate process within the democratic rule; particularly, in post-communist countries like Hungary or Poland where constitutions and functional institutions stabilize and promptly certified by the European Union. In this paper, we set the scene for an ongoing theoretical debate developed between authors who stand for the liberal values priority and others who stand for democratic values priority. We think that the widespread eruption of illiberalism ensues from the decoupling of liberalism from democracy. Drawing on existing studies, the paper traces the essence and the unfolding of illiberalism, focusing the discussion towards other non-EU countries like Albania; to explore to what extent the country’s internal developments fit patterns of Hungarian-Polish model. We argue that the best solution to overcome illiberalism must come from within, similar to the Macedonian example.

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IZAZOVI MIGRACIJA ZA EUROPSKU DEMOKRACIJU

Author(s): Pavo Barišić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2020

The issue of migration has become a paramount political concern. In this context, one can look at the emerging challenges that liberal democracy faces today, especially in Europe. Similar cases of democratic turbulence can be observed in America. Non-democratic countries are in a different situation. They do not have to deal with resistance from public opinion in the same way. Migrations, therefore, impose new realignments in democratic politics and obscure some older political divisions and tensions. This article examines the key political paradigm shifts that drive and open up migration to democratically organized societies in Europe. It starts with the fact that Europe has become the largest refuge for migrants in the world. With migrants comprising 10.4% of its population, the proportion of migrants in Europe is three times higher than the world average of 3.5%. From 1990 to 2017 the figure increased from 6.8% to 10.4%. Every third migrant in the world lives in Europe. The impact of globalization on increasing economic migration is also presented. Since 2010, politics in Europe has abandoned the desirable model of multiculturalism and turned to the concept of inter-culturalism. In this short span of time, political parties that use anti-immigrant views have taken off. The article draws particular attention to the situation in the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Northern, Central and Eastern Europe. The message from citizens is that migration is a serious and highly inflammatory political issue and that anti-immigrant sentiment in European societies has become politically radicalized. Political forces that advocate for more radical solutions have stepped into this space and exploited it. The ‘mainstream’ parties no longer underestimate or ignore the issue of illegal migration. It is increasingly entering the compulsory corpus of their programs.

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KRAJNJA DESNICA U ZAPADNOJ EVROPI

Author(s): Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2019

Review of: Vladimir Ilić - Jova Bakića Evropska krajnja desnica 1945–2018, Beograd: Clio, 661 str.

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NEDOVRŠENI IDEOLOŠKI PROFIL POLITIČKIH STRANAKA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI: KATALIZATOR USPORENE DEMOKRATIZACIJE

Author(s): Adis Arapović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2020

Over twenty-five years since the establishment of the multiparty system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, neither the electoral nor party system has been completed to the extent that it encourages the consolidation of parliamentary democracy. The profiling of the political spectrum is not based on standard or classical political and ideological dichotomies, for example, left vs. right, liberal vs. conservative, libertarian vs. authoritarian, and political parties can hardly be classified into classical political typologies: liberal, populist, conservative, social-democratic, socialist, green, etc. The lack of profiling on the political spectrum is a simultaneous cause and consequence of the lack of ideological pluralization and profiling of the electorate, and as one of the parallel but capital consequences it is also the impossibility of achieving political consensus for managing the development of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which determines the overall democratization process and profile parliamentary democracy. The final outcome is slow, incomplete and dispersive overall democratic processes, so the questioning the lack of political tradition and culture, and the reasons why Bosnian party pluralism has not yet profiled standard political and ideological doctrines shaped by the formed group attitudes of the public, political parties and movements, and the economic expression of these ideologies through economic and social development.

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EВРОПСКА ДИПЛОМАТИЈА И ОБУЗДАВАЊЕ СРПСКОГ НАЦИОНАЛИЗМА: НОВО БАЛКАНСКО „МЕСЕЧАРЕЊЕ“

Author(s): Zoran Todorović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2019

The paper points to the lack of re-examination of the consequences of the longlasting and continuous nationalist actions of Serbia aimed at expanding and homogenizing the ethnic state, which is still plaguing international relations in the Balkans and Europe today. The long-lasting nationalist paradigm most brutally manifested in the wars of the 1990s continues to operate through tried and tested patterns of subversiveness, incitement propaganda, and irredentism in the areas that Serbia still counts as its political space today. The paper raises the question and seeks to answer whether European diplomacy has the power to curb the political-territorial pretensions of Serbia that it has traditionally manifested towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Northern Macedonia and Croatia. Then, is it certain that the European Union is finally transforming the Serbian nationalist state into a civilian democratic state, or will European leaders "moonlight" over the Balkans while Russian hegemonism uses Greater Serbian nationalism to destabilize Europe. How certain it is to succeed in doing so without the assistance of the United States of America, or will it be established that, to put it bluntly, only the US embassies in the Western Balkans have the power to show Balkan nationalist leaders how irrelevant they can be if peace is threatened again.

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