„Nielojalne szable”? O badaniu zaplecza prezydenta miasta in spe za pomocą zmodyfikowanej metody AHP

Author(s): Maciej Drzonek / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 12/2016

The article contents some results of research on political preferences of candidates for City Council in Szczecin. The survey was done just before the 2014 local elections. In the survey’s results published in this paper, the main object was to determine the relation of candidates for councilors to competition for the mayor of Szczecin. The analysis is focused on the issues of mayor’s potential attributes such as: previous achievements, personal competence, image, party affiliation and program for action in future. Moreover the concentration was also done on preferences of mayor’s candidates: it was very interesting to compare answers on the question who would be better mayor of Szczecin. In the research the modified Analytic Hierarchy Process methods was used. Firstly, the modification, called the method of weighting the selection preferences, showed Piotr Krzystek (mayor of Szczecin since 2006) as a most preferred pretender in 2014 - the majority of party electoral committees recognized him as a second choice candidate. Secondary, each electoral committee had disloyal followers.

„Za textom“. História, vývoj a postavenie politických vied vo vybraných politologických časopisoch na Slovensku

Author(s): Viera Žúborová / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 2/2016

In recent years, political science as a discipline was described very negatively in the views of political elites, media and society. Despite the fact that the their position in modern democratic societies went hand in hand with the word trends of political sciences in common, we are able to observed differences within the interpretation, the methodology, or in the context of scientific papers and publications. The main aim of the article is to analyse selected political journals in Slovakia in the context of their establishment in the international databases, in context of their thematic target and in the diversity in relation to the expertise of authors.

МЕТОДОЛОГИЈА МЕРЕЊА МЕКЕ МОЋИ: НОВИ ПРИСТУП

Author(s): Nikola M. Kosovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2015

This paper suggests a new methodological approach to measuring the amount of soft power a country has at its disposal. This approach investigates the origins, contemporary manifestations and perspectives of soft power in bilateral international relations. The article begins with a thorough discussion about the theoretical background behind the concept of soft power and currently existing methodological approaches to its measuring. The author states that the term “soft power”, which is becoming ever more popular in political science and international relations, was first mentioned in 1990 by Joseph S. Nye, who later defined it as the ability to influence the behavior of others to get the desired outcomes not by using force, coercion or payment, but through attractiveness. Nye also determined three main sources of a country’s soft power: its culture, political values and foreign policies, but, as argued in this paper, neither Nye nor any other author has provided any methodological instructions on how to quantitatively measure the amount of this resource a country has at its disposal, which is a major drawback of this concept. In order to provide evidence for this point, the author proceeds with an in-depth overview of existing literature, reflecting on the most well-known indexes and researches, and pointing out to their strengths and weaknesses, as well as a serious lack of practical use for policy makers. The next part of this article is dedicated to explaining and arguing for a new methodological approach to observing and quantifying soft power in international relations. The author’s main argument is that the hallmark of soft power is not uniformity of application, but its variation. In practice, this means that some elements of soft power that are useful for Russia in its relations with Belarus, or for USA in Mexico, might not be equally effective between Russia and Ukraine and USA and Canada. Therefore, the investigation and measurement of sources of one country’s soft power should be conducted on a case-by-case basis by observing specific elements of soft power and their concrete application in bilateral relations. In other words, to be able to give firmly grounded policy recommendations, one needs to know the answer to a key question – what matters for members of a particular society. Ideally, this can be achieved through conducting an opinion poll among the citizens of the country of interest. This opinion poll should address all three aspects of soft power, as defined by Nye. Since all of these aspects can be further divided into separate sub-elements, the questions should ideally address all of them. The dependent variable in this research would be the people’s opinion about a certain country (whether it is favorable or unfavorable), while the independent ones would concern different elements of soft power. Depending on the obtained data, methods that could be used to analyze them would be either an optimal regression model, or a chi-square test, which would assess the influence of different soft power elements on determining the opinion about other countries. The final part of the paper is dedicated to the possible application of this methodology in a case study of the Russian soft power capabilities in Serbia. The author provides arguments that Russia is the most popular country among Serbian citizens, although due to many facts this might seem a bit odd. Therefore, the argument goes, this case is an interesting one to research since this means that there are elements of the Russian soft power that matter to Serbs more than what could be expected to negatively influence the image of Russia in this country. The author then provides a clear overview of this research and instructions about what the structure and the contents of the questionnaire that could be used in this research should look like in order to answer the key research question of why Russia is so popular among the citizens of Serbia.

МЕТОДОЛОГІЯ І ПРАКСЕОЛОГІЯ ДОСЛІДЖЕНЬ ПОЛІТИЧНИХ ПРОЦЕСІВ

Author(s): Liudmyla Mykolaivna Herasina / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2017

The theoretical methodological analysis of political processes in this article allows probing their nature, specific and practices of development. A political process can be interpreted as a system action of all of subjects and objects of policy for realization of public power; activity related to forming, development, transformations and functioning of the political system.The greatest cognitive potential is contained by the paradigms of institutionalism, structurally functional, behaviorism and theory of «rational choice». Institutional approach in political discourse presents the political institutes as dominant «system of co-ordinates» in development of political process. Structurally functional methodology accents attention on an underlying structure and functions of the political system, on the role of social environment in a process. A political process in the theory of «rational choice» is often described as a «public choice», or as certain variations of «scenarios of games». This methodology has wide application: for the estimation of operating international relations and their prospects; to the prognosis of parliamentary activity of factions from forming of coalition, political blocks or groups; at the analysis of electoral conduct of citizens. Prakseology of political processes most expressly demonstrate them scientific typology’s, which was carried out scientists on the base of different criteria. For a scale, allocate the political processes of macro-level, which characterize political development at level held or regions of planet (historical, global; western and «unwestern»; evolutional, revolutionary). Processes micro-level are concrete political events, daily relations of different subjects politicians, which are related to practical realization of individual, group or corporate interests (political co-operation is in a government, parliament, parties, regions of country, structures of local-authority). When a democratic political culture consists in basis of political co-operation of subjects, in society the horizontally organized process is formed on the base of principles of consocial democracy; when a policy is based on a netatism and authoritarian culture, there is the a peak organized political process. Political processes in the post of totalitarian states of Eurasia, Central and East Europe, which Ukraine belongs to, is extremely contradictory – is investigation of the transitional state of society; presence of political subcultures; dysfunctions of institutes of«hybrid» democracy; instabilities of the party and electoral systems; oligarchic of economy; property differentiation of population; corruptions and braking of reforms.A world political process of contemporaneity is a computer-integrated, global process, which represents the various activities of nation-states and those legitimate organs, international organizations and motions (world or continental scale); it – political activity of all of subjects of international relations is consolidated. The specific of world political process is that here the unique, legitimate «center of compulsion» absents with the proper political legal jurisdiction. Consequently, the problem of «balance of powers and interests» acquires ponderability, as a factor of stability (or instabilities) of worldwide policy is important. This process characterizes: variety of political development and different social and political forces; special methods of realization of world power; difficult aggregate of civilization, transnational and peripheral, regional, national and local political processes.Thus, progressive evolution of the civilized people and countries directed anymore on the construction of the democratic, legal state on the base of political pluralism, rights and freedoms of man, developed national economy and culture, high level of welfare and social defense of citizens.

Мониторинг и оценка на публични политики и програми

Author(s): Andrey Nonchev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 2009

The report entitled Monitoring and Assessment of Public Policies and Programmes (available in Bulgarian only) reviews the methods for monitoring the activity of the public sector, central and regional authorities and public-private partnerships. The systematic and thorough use of integrated tools for the monitoring and evaluation of public policies and programs is yet to become the normin Bulgaria. He underestimating of the importance of these practices is one of the reasons for the relatively low level of preparedness of the country in adjusting to the requirements and challenges of EU membership. The lack of monitoring and evaluation of public policies and programs leads to many problems, e.g. related to the mismanagement of EU pre-accession and structural funds, the implementation of the harmonized European legislation, the capacity of the Bulgarian administration. In this context, the knowledge and use of these methods and techniques is a prerequisite for sound, effective and accountable governance. They are also needed for increased public participation and involvement of all stakeholders in the development, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of public policies and programs.

Моралне норме и грађанско право са освртом на права проналазача

Author(s): Nina Planojevic´,Siniša Varga / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2011

Subject of the paper is an analysis of methods of civil law - moral adjustment. The emphasis is on the method where legal norm prescribes obligation to act in pursuance of moral. The aim of authors is to point out on problems which may arise in the application of this kind of legal norms, mostly in regard to contents of moral cognition. For example in Patent Act is laid down that inventions are excluded from patentability if their publication or exploitation would be contrary to (order public or) morality. Starting from the fact that biotech inventions are principally exposed to ethical estimation, authors represent a number of reasons against such kind of legal regulation, concluding that it is not usable in every part of law, particularly in patent law. It is especially because immoral invention can be commercially exploited anyway. Because of that, their proposal is to take out ethical estimation of existing invention on the basis of the legal norm that contains assignment onto moral norm, but to introduce the taking moral norms over into legal ones for the purpose of regulation of processes of (scientific) research which precede to origination of inventions.

Наслеђа оспораване институције. Ка разумевању идеолошких и политичких импликација научних теорија о настанку, функционисању и друштвеним последицама задруге

Author(s): Slobodan Naumovic,Zorica Ivanovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2018

In this text we start from a general question – why is it that certain research topics and problems, like the zadruga, arouse scholarly interest in particular ways – in order to confront a more narowlly focused one – what is it, exactly, that a given social scientist communicates in her or his particular writings about the institution of the zadruga, apart from what seems to be obvious in the disciplinary sense? Speaking in Bourdieu’s terms, we address the question of ce que parler veut dire in the academic contexts of family history and family typology (Bourdieu 1982). Here, though, the task is not so much the tracing of the relationship between the socially sanctionned positions of those who utter public statements and the performativity of their utterances in the social field. Rather, the accent is on the polivalence of academic speech on the zadruga, on its possibility to speak in two, three, or more “registers”, on the ideological and political sous-entendus of such utterances, on the multiplicity of possible readings (and misreadings) of such pronouncements, and on the eventual political outcomes of such scholarly hermeneutical cycles (Shklar 2004). On the way, we intend to attack one of the central questions of the project – what exactly constitutes the conceptual, ideological and political legacies of scholarly reflections on the institution that used to be termed as the zadruga? In doing so, we are going to leave aside the problems that generally attract more scholarly attention – the many ways in which the zadruga, seen as one of the key local social institutions, was instrumentalised in the spheres of political communication and action in the region of the Balkans (Naumović 2009), topics on which the reader will find more in some of the fine texts resulting from the project (see, for example, Stojanović 2017). We also put aside scholarly issues regarding family history, family typologies, as well as terminological problems per se. We are interested in probing the reasons out of which the great historian Maria Todorova believed that “any myth can be used as the ‘scientific’ argument for an ideology (Todorova 1989, 12),” and that the zadruga “is an ideal subject for the creation and perpetuation of a myth (Todorova 1989, 11).” In a nutshell, we will be addressing what would have been, some time ago, termed as the “poetics and politics” (Clifford and Marcus, eds., 1986; Naumović 2000) of scholarly reflection on the zadruga.

Неке особености методологије, метода и истраживања социологије права

Author(s): Zoran S. Nikolic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2011

Although it is not original, the method of the sociology of law has to, without a doubt, adjust itself to the characteristics of its subjects. The problems of the method of the sociology of law can be divided into two groups: The importance and complexity of a legal field in the life of a society demand a higher degree of a methodical development that would be capable to stand up to the requests of legal norms; Modern inclinations towards transforming the sociology of law into an applied science bring about wider cognitive possibilities of its method. The sociology crisis in a scientific and cognitive sense is mainly caused by the crisis of its methodology. There are not many empirical researches of primary and secondary legal subjects. The reasons are in the characteristics of a society, its human resources, and its methodology. Much of legal, political, financial, and social dispersion into a wider social plan asks for a specific approach in legal subject research. That should be an introduction into a cognitive width of this science, as well as the other ones, which the sociology of law would cover within its own system. On the other hand, national sociologies of law could limit themselves into their own societies. This could result in having many different individual national sociologies of law. In many countries where sociology is being researched very seriously, last few decades, there is a tendency to develop an interdisciplinary or a multidisciplinary sociology of law. This does not refer to a different approach, but an intension for this branch of sociology to have a scientific nature that would be based on the basic characteristic of the method of the sociology of law: global approach in a research of a specific subject. Today, there are intense intensions to find the way to transform the sociology of law into a specifically applied science. The sociology positioned in this manner would have an important application in legal areas, such as buyer/seller contact, criminal and violent acts, family law, as well as aid to lawmakers and judges.

Облици операционализације националног идентитета

Author(s): Jasna Miloševic´ Ðordevic´ / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2011

In this paper we analyzed current definition and way of exploring national identity and other similar concepts in Serbia. Special focus has been made on operationalization of mentioned concept, and how different methodological approaches influences the interpretation of this phenomenon. Few concepts and way of measuring of modern, civil, democratic, national, cultural, educational type of collective and individual identity has been identified. Six different way of measuring national identity has been discovered, and all of them can be grouped in fewer theoretical concepts that can be confirmed by mentioned methodological approaches.

Основни философски методологии в икономическата наука

Author(s): Vasil Prodanov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 3/2017

The main goal of the study is to reveal the parallel and the relationships in development of the mainstream trends in philosophy and methodology of science, methodology of economics and the changes in the economic reality. Through theoretical and comparative analysis, it is drawn a conclusion that the classical rationalist philosophical methodology of the European Enlightenment, the first and second positivism, neoposiitvism, postpositivist philosophy are methodological basis of each of the successive mainstream theoretical models of economic thinking in the developed capitalist countries from Adam Smith until now.

Особливості застосування виборчих технологій у парламентських виборчих кампаніях 2006-2007 рр.

Author(s): Tetyana B Madryha / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 1/2010

The electoral technologies which was used during parliamentary electoral campaign 2006-2007 are analysed. An attention applies on the feature of application of electoral technologies in relation to the western areas of Ukraine. Character of manipulation of electors, which was carried out with the purpose of conquest of their voices, is considered.

От среда на несигурност към национален разкол – случаят Сирия

Author(s): Aleksandar Dimitrov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2018

The Syrian crisis is one of the most persistent and dramatic conflicts of the 21st century. It has become a crossroad of the global interests of the great powers, the dispositions of regional players, and a field for the realization of hybrid and proxy wars. The aim of the article is to show how maintaining an environment of uncertainty leads to the reproduction of uncertainty even in seemingly stable countries. For this purpose, the Index of Failing States (2005 – 2017), Water Indices (Tensions, Scarcity and Risks), etc., are being traced and compared with the rise of political tensions in Syria. The analysis shows that the risky environment leads to catastrophic consequences - from economic ruin to national disruption. The article demonstrates the use of indexes as an analytical tool explaining the generation of certain political processes declared as "invisible" before their outbreak.

ПОЗИЦИОНИРОВАНИЕ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ ПАРТИЙ: ОСНОВНЫЕ ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ ПОДХОДЫ

Author(s): Artur Zufarovich Zinnatullin / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1/2015

The paper presents principal methodological approaches to studying party policy positions under the conditions of competitive political regime. It aims to identify the advantages and shortcomings of these approaches. Much attention was given to the theoretical and empirical studies of party policy positions carried out by foreign political scientists. The conclusion was drawn that the analysis of party programs and manifestos is the most appropriate approach to identifying party policy positions. In particular, it helps to set up comprehensive databases of party policy positions, which could be used during further investigations of party positioning and political competition.

ПОЛИТИКОЛОШКЕ И ОПШТЕДРУШТВЕНЕ ТЕМЕ НА СТРАНИЦАМА ЧАСОПИСА „ИСТОРИЈСКИ ЗАПИСИ“

Author(s): Radenko Šcekic / Language(s): Slavic (Other) / Issue: 1-2/2018

The journal „Historical Records”, which continuously has been published for seven decades, in its pages indicated the numerous topics from history. Designed primarily as a specialized magazine for the study of historical topics, occasionally gave space also to papers and themes from other fields, such as law, economics, politicology, geopolitics, literature and others. In this article we will try to present a number of such works that have enriched the enormous opus of the magazine

Політичні вибори у Великобританії: технології боротьби партій

Author(s): Mykola M. Kulachynsky / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 4/2011

The problems of transformation of fitting are investigational in the article for technologists of political fight of parties of Great Britain in the conditions of their adaptation to short stories of daily occurrence. The modern technologists of political fight are analyzed during local and national elections and given it a shot is forecast the tendencies of changes in the British elective process.

Політичні стереотипи як об’єкт наукового аналізу

Author(s): Nataliya V. Mikhalchuk / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2010

The article outlines the theoretical and methodological bases of research of political attitudes as a standard, circuit, simplified, emotionally charged images of political and social facilities. The author focuses on the individual as a unit micro-oriented political knowledge.

Проблема интеграции европейской политической науки

Author(s): Tat'jana Chulickaja / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 02/2003

ПРОБЛЕМА НЕПОТИЗМУ В СУЧАСНОМУ УКРАЇНСЬКОМУ СУСПІЛЬСТВІ

Author(s): Olena Mykolaivna Sakhan / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2017

A problem of nepotism in the modern Ukrainian society is viewed as one of manifestations and powerful sources of corruption which shows itself as practice of placing one’s relatives, acquaintances, friends or persons within a high-ranked individual’s circle to certain offices without regard to their professional skills and training at other people’s expense. It has been underlined that a destructive result of the nepotism’s personnel policies lies in the fact that unfavourable psychological climate is established among the staff, «unhealthy» organizational set-up is formed, basics of teamwork are ruined, and employees who enjoy no protection lose motivation to fulfill their duties properly; as social lifts are broken, young and talented specialists have no opportunities to be promoted, improve their financial and social status, and this causes migration of an able-to-work, highly-trained portion of the population abroad. The above factors decrease work efficiency of employees in certain teams and lead to deterioration of growth indexes and rates of an institution (establishment, organization, etc.) which ceases developing. Attention is drawn to the fact that immorality and unlawfulness of nepotism manifests itself as ignoring interests of a community (society, state), especially at the state and local levels; as interests of merely a small group of people who are linked through family or mental relations; this causes conflicts between family clans in pursuit of domination over that certain area, and tension in the society. It has been emphasized, that Ukrainian officials justifying themselves by the fact that «tradition» of showing favouritism to relatives and friends is rooted in our people’s minds have made a wide use of practice of nepotism and have turned Ukraine to a «state of developed nepotism» for only twenty-five years. Manifestations of corruption with nepotism atop enhance as a number of officials increases, that’s why the size of the officialdom which shall not be greater than that established by the European regulations must be controlled. It has been concluded that in order to overcome the problem of nepotism in the Ukrainian society, these very personnel policies and similar discriminatory practices which are applied to recruitment in the state’s various agencies must be abandoned, and officials must be punished severely for their wrongdoings starting with the top authorities and administration. For that end, bearing in mind experience of advanced states which made success in their struggle against corruptive phenomena, the society and authorities should focus their efforts on activation of anti-corruption bodies’ work and enhancement of control over compliance with requirements of the Ukrainian legislation in force which sets limits on placement of immediate relatives to senior public offices and promotes prevention of corruption. Establishment of anti-corruption mentality in citizens and strong intolerance of public opinion to any sorts and forms of corruption in all spheres of public life shall be facilitated through educational institutions and the mass media on the basis of world-recognized educational standards.

Развој и јачање демократских капацитета у Србији путем примене праксе грађанске непослушности

Author(s): Aleksandra Mirovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2011

In the article the author analyzes the events from 5th October 2000 in Serbia, their outcome and their various characterizations. It shows that frequent designation of the events as a revolution or an over turn, even as a putsch, is very disputable. Applying the method of analytical testing some important characteristics of these categories on the considered case of Serbia, aims not only to show that it can not find here, and that it is wrong to use the terms, but to mark and set aside essential elements of what is really in this example implemented as a means of political struggle. Exactly, this is an evolutionary strategy of mass civil disobedience. Namely, the force has been a key factor influencing the direction of events, and acting on the very outcome, but it was a potential and latent power reflected in the mass of active citizenship and his expressed readiness to fight, if would be need, with all means for recognition of his electoral will. However, as the scenario of providing active, i.e. right (armed) resistance to the regime was not realized, the protests that took place 5th October has remained at the level of civic struggles for the protection of the existing constitutional order, which was being endangered by then authority itself (so- called the usurpation of legality) in its manner of governance. And this is precisely the key moment which suggests that, despite quasi-democratic conditions, i.e. the lack of that rigid institutional condition stricto sensu, which the dominant Rawlsian conception set as a necessary framework for this kind of practice, the protest actions of the Serbian citizens can still be treated as an acts of civil disobedience. Systemic- institutional context is certainly framework of actors’ behavior. But the social and political activities of citizens are affected by social norms too. In Serbia’s case, just the civil norms of a new political culture emerging have secured the necessary contextual framework for the implementation of the civil disobedience practice. The main conclusion is that the analyzed case of Serbia, as an example of successful implementation of civil disobedience for the democratization of political power, shows how much can be great social capital and strong political forces made by associated disobedient citizens, i.e. how much citizenship’s activity can contribute to both, developing and strengthening the democratic capacity of one society and its political institutions. Therefore, special attention is devoted to analyzing the present state of civil society in Serbia, its unused social and political potentials, and tendencies of marginalization and irresponsible disqualification of civil disobedience practice.