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Transitions Online_People-No Mass Exodus of CEE nationals From Pre-Brexit UKMigration statistics show citizens of CEE countries that joined the EU in 2004 were leaving the pre-Brexit UK before December 2018, but that is not the whole story.
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Judicial hegemony or juristocracy can be defined as the use of caste within the state to reach the strategic objectives of the judges and prosecutors who are the members of illicit organization. This study aims to explore and analyze the organizational structure of the terrorist organization, which is called PDY, and understand how this terrorist organization terrorized the judicial structure in Turkey. Based on the theoretical framework of elitism and bureaucratic elitism, the study also aims to analyze the relationship between PYD terrorist organization and judicial system by using the case study as a method of data collection method.
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In the article the author raises the issues of theoretical and methodological aspects of research studies on hybrid regimes being a combination of democracy and authoritarianism. The aim of the research was to present and develop a typology of hybrid regimes. The implementation consisted of two stages. At the first stage the operationalisation of category of typology was developed and the structure schema of its construction was planned. At the second stage the planned structure schema of typology construction was applied in the creation to typology of hybrid regimes.
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The paper is devoted to the problem of influence of university ranking of contemporaryacademic policy. The author argues that due to specific indicators, which are used in the maininternational university rankings, we would observe the temporal and spatial asymmetry ofunderstanding of university mission, especially in elite segment of higher education: the shiftto research activities in temporal context and the shift to internationalization in the spatial one. So, the overcoming of these asymmetries is an important task for contemporary ranking theory and methodology.
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The present study attaches itself to the 3D politics as a way of approaching new ideas and using any support that Godard’s film - Goodbye to Language - may offer, with the avowed intention of reviewing image signifiers which (here) approaches the fact that: the verdict imposed by the political impulse of the image tolerates three dimensions found in representation and representing, mediation and intermediation, geopoetics and geopolitics.
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In the circumstances of existing tendencies towards integration within uniting Europe, it is necessary to surmount mental stereotypes, which, from the historical point of view, have perceived borders and border zones as the areas of potential conflict, battlefield or buffer-zone, where all more significant investments are exposed to possible risk. Surpassing this legacy of the past is relevant also in the case of the Slovak-Ukrainian border zone, which though having a real potential is stigmatized by the phenomenon of periphery and border zone. The realized research, which is the subject of the study, assesses a current state of cross-border cooperation between the Slovak Republic and Ukraine and exposes its positives and at the same time also deficiencies, which are reflected by its participants.
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The aim of this article is to give an overview of global environmental problems, outline the ways in which countries and people have tried to solve them and present some of the most important aspects of global environmental policy as part of its development. The influence that international relations scholars and global environmental policy scientists can have on policy-makers is also solved, with a primary focus on diffuse influence. Political and scientific measures and international regimes that have tried to solve certain environmental problems or tried to find a compromise between these measures are also mentioned.
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The article presents issues concerning the research priorities in the area of technology and defense technology. Priorities were defined based on an analysis of the impact of technology on achieving operational capabilities, in particular the possibility of carrying out the tasks defined as priorities for technical modernization of the armed forces. In the first part, the author presents the genesis and evolution of planning and programming the development of the Polish Armed Forces. In the second and third article presents the considerations in respect of the powers and responsibilities of the entity coordinating the modernization of the Polish Armed Forces. The result of the undertaken subject are the conclusions and recommendations relating calculates the present innovation in the Polish Armed Forces. The presented material does not contain classified information and source material presented content are acts of universally binding law and normative documents widely available and develop a compact.
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The paper summarizes the nature of Eric Voegelin’s and Leo Strauss’s methodological approaches to the study of the history of political thought, in particular, the Western political thought. The paper concludes that in both cases the thinkers stray away from the mainstream, which is currently represented by contextualism. However, in their dissenting voices both authors take very different routes. Voegelin focuses on political symbols which are grounded in the metaphysical experience of their creators, and Strauss focuses on the perennial question of philosophy and classical, discursive rationality as the criterion of philosophical inquiry. They also differ in their opinions on the role of the political philosopher. For Voegelin, the philosopher is a defender or a co-creator of political creeds. For Strauss s/he is mainly the educator of politically savvy youths and, above all, the defender of philosophy as the most noble pursuit of the mind. The paper concludes by pointing out the importance and prominence of both thinkers.
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Defense planning and research has to engage with questions about future developments quite often. Solutions to these questions tend to be hazy due to (I) the missing data, or due to (II) the necessity to build long-term prognoses, which are – by their very nature – only remotely related to any current or historical empirical cases. Under these conditions counterfactuals and their specific – futureoriented – form: scenarios, offer a valuable tool. Nevertheless, counterfactuals and scenarios, due to their limited empirical embeddedness, demand explicit and rigorous application of a theory. The article highlights often overlooked resemblance of scenarios and counterfactuals and derives from this fact some methodological implications for scenario building enterprise. Beyond that, it aims at demonstrating possible contributions as well as obstacles inherent for the use of scenarios and counterfactuals in our defense policy debates.
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The paper analyses the results from the Economist Intelligence Unit’s research for Democracy Index 2017. It starts by offering a general presentation of the research and focuses specifically on the results of Bulgaria and other Balkan countries on several major criteria: Electoral process and pluralism; Functioning of government; Political participation; Political culture; Civil liberties. The paper seeks to answer the question why there aren’t “Full Democracies” in the Balkans?
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The paper examines the set of research problems in contemporary Russian Gender Studies in Political Sciences, the current status and perspectives of developing this research field in Russia. The authors dwell upon gender methodology in Political Sciences and an alyze main Russian scholars’ research areas in the field: gender in political attitudes and behavior in Russia and abroad, gender in Russian political processes, woman movement and feminism, influence of gender on Russian politics, gender asymmetry, gender aspects of nationalism and geopolitics.
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The reasons for impossibility of continuance of the traditional dialectic dichotomy of political parties to the left and the right in contemporary society and the necessity of its overgrowing to classification are methodologically discussed here. Temporal and geographical character is pointed out of the ideas of the party left and the party right. It is also pointed out that in the case of classification also, regardless the number of members, the principle of consistency is disturbed, since the dividing criterion has been changed during the history, but also the criteria of completeness, exhaustiness, reciprocal exclusion of groups at the same level and enough capability for discrimination, which all must be fulfilled with methodologically correctly implemented classifications. In the 21st century it is necessary perform again recognition of political ideas and practical operation of political parties and name them by the name that really expresses their substantive features.
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The main problem of improving the mechanism for resolving political conflicts – the policy of mutual concessions, the means to ensure stability, use of controlled communication and others.
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This book is the result of a two-year journalistic investigation that traces the history of Corporate Commercial Bank from its origin to its bankruptcy (1994-2014). The investigation was conducted on the basis of dozens of meetings with direct participants or witnesses of the events, representatives of state structures, political parties, business, regulators. In the process, hundreds of official and informal documents have been analyzed. Access to information by Bulgarian and international organizations has been requested many times. The collected facts, data, documents, and exclusive testimonies included in this book contain for the first time conclusive evidence of political corruption in Bulgaria. The aim of the KTBfiles project is to show the genesis of the "CCB model" (Corporate Commercial Bank model) and the technology of its expansion to magnitude, which pressed all key state institutions to the wall. The book explores the circumstances that made this vicious model possible, as well as the mechanisms for its eradication. This makes the investigation much more comprehensive, multi-layered and important than the chronology of bank bankruptcy, whether it is the largest in Bulgarian history. This qualitative journalistic investigation answers not only to the question #WHO but also to the questions how, why and especially what follows if we stop asking and live permanently with civil indifference and cynicism.
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The article analyzes the basic methodological principles and tactics, and Theoretical concept of cognitive approach to the study of electoral behavior, which is best obruntovuye position that the nature and direction of the electoral process in countries which are transformed, mainly depends on the personal qualities of its participants and their ability to assess tourists' objective political reality.
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The essay questions the recent wave of authors claiming that Foucault became ‘seduced’ by neoliberal thought and ended up endorsing it. It does so by a thorough examination of two books that makes the claim, but with radically different explanations for the fact that Foucault engaged himself with neoliberalism. By analyzing the textual ‘evidence’ of the proponents of the ‘seduction theses’ the essay shows that its premises are rather flawed. Firstly, the lack of normative denunciations in Foucault’s writing on neoliberalism cannot be taken as an endorsement, but as integral to a specific way of conducting ‘non-normative critique (Hansen 2016). Secondly, Foucault’s supposedly anti-statist position is questionable when one reads his lectures carefully. In fact, Foucault’s explicitly distanced himself an “inflationary” critique of the state, identifiable on the extreme left as well as in neoliberal thought.
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This article seeks to analyze the significance and the dimensions of the notion of “milieu” in Foucault’s lectures on governmentality at the Collège de France. After reconstructing Foucault’s brief genealogy of the term, I will put forward two arguments. First, I will show that the “milieu” constitutes a strategic element in the emergence of a liberal governmentality in the 18th century. Secondly, I will argue that mobilizing the “milieu” not only enables the government of humans but also makes possible a “government of things” (Foucault) that addresses complexes or assemblages of humans and non-humans.
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The article describes the concept of e-democracy and analyzes the prospects and obstacles to its realization. In the article stated that the development of communication technologies contributed to the formation of global information space, which includes political, economic, social and cultural institutions and as media plays a significant role in the restructuring of socio-political reality, the e-democracy is definitely the subject that should be analyzed. The relevance of the article is to study the phenomenon of e-democracy, its forms, as well as the prospects and constraints that exist on the way of its realization. In the text there are named different multiple prerequisites for e-democracy implementation. Among some of them are: the lack of qualified management decisions and as a result the necessity to adopt new ways of decision-making; increasing levels of political participation as nowadays a significant power relies not only on state authorities, but also on civil society (as a result, in order to increase the activity of citizens in social and political life of the country it is necessary to introduce new mechanisms of policy-making); the opportunity for the citizens to make real actions at different levels as e-democracy is not confined to voting via the Internet.Also in the article there is a given classification of e-democracy (open-source democracy, e-government, semi-direct democracy, e-consultations, computer lobbying) and its features (publicity, collectivity, assessment by the population the quality of work of the authorities). The article indicates the stages of development of informational and communicational cooperation between the authorities and the population. Moreover, the problems of implementation of e-democracy are also analyzed. Among named are: legal regulation problems (while implementing e-democracy, the question of Internet control by authorities arises), necessity of political and moral problems solution (there is definitely the risk of «black» technologies usage), technical problems (unfortunately, not every citizen of our country has a possibility to find Internet access). In the conclusion, it is stated thatedemocracy promotes transparency of activities of public authorities through the usage of modern technologies and providing citizens access to information. It is said that e-democracy is a tool supporting the political activities and ensuring greater transparency and accountability of politicians to the electorate. Finally, it is stated that e-democracy is a tool to improve the quality of high-rank decisions relating to how each individual and society as a whole participate in the political process.
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