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The paper firstly presents the essence and the specification of using benchmarking in the public sector entities.It also describes the benchmarking methodology in the City Hall in Dzierzoniow. Particular emphasis is placed onshowing generally presented defects and weaknesses of the method and verifyingvalidity of their occurence in the local government units.
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The essay introduces five principles of an approach that helps to combine context sensitivity with generalizing ambition necessary for any serious comparative work. It also offers a list of five areas where East European experts are or should be making major contributions to the “general” knowledge while remaining attentive to the “specificities” of their region. It emphasizes a dialogue among scholars of several theoretical and methodological persuasions. Such synthetic/syncretic studies—also in the study of power and politics—may and often do begin with the work of researchers who construct panoramic vistas (via large-N statistical work) and/or reconstruct mechanisms of individual decision making (via game theoretic models). Nevertheless, they cannot do without the work of those who delve into the details of social processes (via sociological analysis); those who decipher the intricacies of meaning creation, transmission, and decoding (via interpretive work); and those who are able to place all of this in proper historical contexts.
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The current paper aims at raising awareness about the differences between theory and practice in accounting. It focuses on the logical path that a student or a novice in this field must follow in order to apply theoretical knowledge into practice. The role, the structure, and the features of the financial information system (as part of the informational system of the entity) are presented in comparison with the accounting ledgers used in the traditional accounting (where transactions were recorded manually). These ledgers are the starting point of any accounting when acquiring the practical knowledge. In addition, the paper considers the didactic principles most suitable to bridge the gap between theory and practice in accounting.
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This article is a case study of the recent impeachment of President Paksas of Lithuania, exploring the heuristic value of Carl Schmitt’s extremalist methodology for research on the institutional dimension of democratic consolidation. This methodology considers the performance of the democratic regime under extreme or exceptional conditions as the test of its consolidation. As presidential and semipresidential regimes are predisposed to evolve into authoritarian regimes and delegative democracies, effective use of the impeachment procedure can be considered to be the positive Schmittean test of the state of democratic consolidation for a political system involved in democratic transition.
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The paper’s aim is to explore the federal-regional model of relations as far as international activities of regions is concerned. A persistent centralization tendency,applied to the federal-regional model of relations and started under Vladimir Putin’s presidency, has created an unusual concept of centralist coordination concerning the international activity of regions. Despite the federal dominance over regions, the concept is far from being consolidated, since the Kremlin lacks the resources, mainly human, to fully control the political situation in the regions. Yet, this evolving centralist concept seems to be detrimental not only to regions’ interest, but also questions the strength of Putin’s model of an authoritarian regime in the long term.
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China’s development assistance to the Western Balkans has been little researched and aid-funded projects are often mistermed as Chinese investments. This article aimed to shed light on specific ‘China Aid’ disbursement and management procedures by examining the signed agreements and contracted projects in five countries - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, N. Macedonia, and Serbia during the period 2000-2020. The objective was to determine the impact of China’s development assistance on democratic governance and decision-making. Attride-Stirling’s thematic networks tool was used to analyze the procedures in each project cycle phase and their compliance with the principles of good governance and aid effectiveness. The findings suggest that the assistance, shaped by Chinese rules in combination with Western Balkans domestic agency, is marked by the opacity of the procedures, lack of accountability, disregard for rules in public finance management, and public procurement. Moreover, China could use its grant and loan agreements to influence sovereign decision-making on issues that affect China’s interests. To conclude, although China’s development assistance to the Western Balkans could benefit the recipients’ economic development, it also constrains their democratic governance and decision-making and serves China’s foreign policy interests.
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The article examines China’s geo-economic interest in Africa. China intends to exercise its leverage over both coastal frontiers for trade and defense and its hinterland for rich mineral, metal, and fossil deposits. Furthermore, the debt trap seems to be one of the methods through which China intended to bargain with Africa to bag as much advantage as it could gain. The question that emerges from this critical engagement with China-Africa relations is to look into how the reality of Africa’s narrative of development is projected both from outside and within and the contradiction embodied in that projection. China used the narrative of development to set its feet on African soil. This paper discusses China’s penetration into Africa by offering interest-free loans and its gradual emergence as a neocolonial power through expanding its network. The method used in the study to establish China’s monopoly and interfering streak in African affairs through BRI is the analysis of available data based on which the objectives and the conclusions are drawn.
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The increased territorial conflicts in the center of the maritime South and East China Seas have ramifications for Asian regional stability. The area is resource-rich, strategically placed along waterways, and has indisputable oil and natural gas reserves. There had also been a perceived change in the international system built by the United States during World War II, with China attempting to replace it as the regional power. China's behavior toward the remaining claimants, as well as to some extent toward other foreign parties in the conflicts, is examined using ideas from International Relations and case studies from International Law. Employing a qualitative research design, the author attempted to analyze the territorial dispute in the East China Sea and the South China Sea. This paper explains how the islands are strategically located near commercial fishing grounds, major shipping channels, and undiscovered oil and gas potential and how the issue is linked to China's preservation of national sovereignty, while the remaining claimant states perceive it as an incursion by the approaching menace of China. Whoever gains control of the islands eventually gains control of a major portion of East China and South China Seas' economic resources.
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The Social Credit system (SCS) in China is being applied in an increasing number of areas of everyday life. This system is built around rewarding and punishing specific forms of social behavior. The question arises whether this system is a new challenge to the right to privacy. The study, which is supported by literature, sheds light on how novel this thought is. This paper uses the comparative method, normative method, and legal-logical methods of induction and deduction. According to the research, the SCS in basic is a state project. The key distinctions between the SCS and similar systems in Western countries include the impact on individuals, state dependency, punitive policy, the breadth of consequences, and cultural differences. In addition, one of the tools of the SCS in China is ‘shame’, which is focused on maintaining harmonious relations within a society. In the West, the focus is more on the citizens’ rights.
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Review of Zdravko Petak - Christopher M. Weible, Samuel Workman, METHODS OF THE POLICY PROCESS, Routledge, New York i London, 2022., 285 str.,
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Across Eastern Europe how the past is remembered has become a crucial factor for understanding present-day political developments within and between states. In this introduction, we first present the articles that form part of this special section through a discussion of the various methods used by the authors to demonstrate the potential ways into studying collective memory. We then define the regional characteristics of Eastern Europe’s mnemonic politics and the reasons for their oftentimes conflictual character. Thereafter we consider three thematic arenas that situate the individual contributions to this special section within the wider scholarly debate. First, we examine the institutional and structural conditions that shape the circulation of memory and lead to conflictive constellations of remembering; second, we discuss how different regime types and cultural rules influence the framing of historical episodes, paying attention to supranational integration and the role of technological change; third, we consider the different types of actors that shape the present recall of the past, including political elites, social movements, and society at large. We conclude by identifying several promising avenues for further research.
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By using the Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT), Comparative Imagology (CI) and a corpusbased approach, this article studies the frequency and the content of conceptual metaphors of Romanian and European identity in the Romanian public discourse of 2012–2018. Our working practice focuses on the systematization of the characteristic occurrences of the Romanian autoand hetero-images, the comparison of the two series of data, as well as the analysis of the dominant trend therein, in relation to the previous time interval (2007–2011). The conclusions of the article concern the increase or decrease in the Romanian speakers’ interest in identity-related problems, the structure of each identity ethno-profile, with a special attention paid to the relationship between the negative and the positive traits assigned to the two communities, as well as the analysis of the extent to which the Romanians have assumed a European identity, at the level of their public discourse.
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This paper undertakes a constructivist analysis of Game Theory approach and presents the co conceptualization of different players in a system i.e. small states, hegemonic and counter-hegemonic states on the basis of role conceptualization , perceptions, ideals and beliefs regarding “self” and “others”. The paper then presents the dilemma faced by a small state in a system while dealing with the hegemon and counter-hegemon and introduces the concept of strategic risk-taking to encapsulate that any action (or inaction) by the small state in a system, even if it be seemingly docile in character aimed at ensuring state sovereignty, is contingent upon the perceptions, beliefs and ideals of the hegemon and counter-hegemon. The paper further argues that any action or inaction by the small state even for securing its sovereignty is deemed a risk-taking action or inaction by the greater power, mostly hegemon. The paper while presenting the case studies from South Asia explores as to how the strategic risk-taking by small states, as perceived by the hegemon or counter-hegemon leads to a lose-lose situation through creation of security dilemmatic situation as a final outcome of the gaming approaches.
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In recent years, the radical right-wing has been gaining ground in international politics. This analysis seeks to advance scholarly understandings of a major theme of right-wing discourse in Europe, the portrayal of Muslims as a threatening ethnoreligious other. It focuses on the Twitter activity of Marine Le Pen, the leader of the French right-wing National Rally (called National Front at the time) and former presidential candidate. Building on original research that extracted hundreds of tweets posted during the 2017 French presidential elections campaign, the study subjects 110 most popular tweets to a critical analysis. It shows that Le Pen’s discourse worked to amplify prejudices and existential fears in ways that could appeal both to the radicals and the mainstream, thus creating demand for a national saviour.
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At a global level, we are witnessing an arms race that has not been seen since the Iron Curtain was lifted. The threats to our country are mainly coming from the East,where Russia exercises its status as a regional power and tends to change the world order by redefining the power poles and redefining the spheres of influence. At this point, Romania can assume the position of guarantor of security at the level of the eastern part of NATO and of the European Union, which generates stability in the region, including in the Balkans. But in order to achieve these goals, besides a very well-established diplomacy, there is a need for military capabilities that can lead to discouragement.
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The information operations carried out at all levels (strategic, operational, tactic) can be one of the most appropriate responses that the military institution can give to modern threats. In order to achieve the objectives of information operations, firearms may sometimes be used to hit specific targets. There are also some capabilities, tools and techniques or specialized key elements which are the basis of most information activities. We identify, therefore, in the allies’ conception Civil-military cooperation/CIMIC as part of information operations and a specific tool of civil-military interaction.
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Green has become the new black. Dealing with this idea, the trend nowadays regarding the beauty industry seems to be more and more about sustainability and corporate social responsibility policies. Lately, CSR activities are highly performed in order to create, strength and/or clean the brand image. Cosmetic companies have long received criticism for unethical and non-environmentally friendly business practices like animal testing, waste, pollution, unsustainable sourcing or toxic ingredients. Whether responsibility toward the world and sustainability has been part of the corporate DNA or not, the beauty industry is trying to demonstrate that the focus is not only on the external appearance of the consumer, on the aesthetic, but also on the ethical and moral practices. In order to differentiate themselves from the competition, companies implement CSR initiatives and strategies to create a strong and unique brand image. In this regard, the purpose of the present study was to investigate how the top three beauty companies in Romania communicate their CSR activities externally, on their corporate website, but also what impact this types of strategies have on the Romanian consumer and on their purchase decision, by the use of a qualitative content analysis and a survey. The underlying aim of this research was to investigate the most used and valued external CSR activities, so that other beauty companies can have a guideline of the most successful initiatives, but also to determine if corporate social strategies can influence the buying decision of the consumer in a positive and significant way.
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This publication is the first in a series of four publications that present the findings of the research project “Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine and Cross-border Cooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Implications and Opportunities”. The research project was implemented by the Institute of Political Science at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Prešov with the support of the Slovak Research and Development Agency over the period of 2016 ‒ 2019 (project no. APVV-15-0369).
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This publication is the second of a series of four publications that present the findings of the research project “Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine and Cross-border Cooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Implications and Opportunities”. The research project was implemented by the Institute of Political Sciences at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Prešov and supported by the Slovak Research and Development Agency overthe period of 2016 ‒ 2019 (project no. APVV-15-0369).This publication includes a set of studies that presents the findings of theresearch into the impact of intergovernmental relations between Slovakia and Ukraine, including national actors in both countries, on the development of cross-border cooperation between regional and local actors at a common border. The aim of the research was to find out how bilateral intergovernmental relations between Slovakia and Ukraine have been developing in terms of creating opportunities and/or obstacles for the development of cross-border cooperation at regional and local level.
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This publication represents the third of a series of four publications that present the findings of the research project “The Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine and Cross-border Cooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Implications and Opportunities”. The research project was implemented by the Institute of Political Science at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Prešov and supported by the Slovak Research and Development Agency over the period of 2016 ‒ 2019 (project no. APVV-15-0369). The set of studies presented in these publications offers analysis of the policies and preferences of regional and local actors who are putting questions of cross border cooperation into practice. Through this analysis, targeted specifically on the regional and local levels, it will be possible to identify, in addition toclear obstacles, the specific opportunities or challenges for Slovak-Ukrainian cross-border cooperation in accordance with the institutional framework of relations between Slovakia and Ukraine on the intergovernmental level and EU-Ukrainian relations on the supranational level. We have attempted to find answers to the question of whether regional actors at the level of the Prešov Self-Governing Region, the Košice Self-Governing Region and the Transcarpathian Region of Ukraine, as well as actors at local level (towns and municipalities, including institutions, businesses and non-governmentalagencies), are able, in terms of their capacities and capabilities, to fully utilize the structure of the political opportunity created by exogenous factors (onthe supranational and national level of relations of the EU and Slovakia with Ukraine) in order to establish mechanisms for cross-border cooperation along the common border. Research into this subject issue also includes (among other things) the essential need to assess existing experience and practice inthe area of cross-border cooperation on the part of regional and local actors on both sides of the border and to examine their perceptions, motivations orstrategies in more detail. Starting from this framework, the project’s research goal was focused on understanding the individual associations between how regional and local actors perceive cross-border cooperation and the border per se. In addition, it is important to know and understand how institutions and individual subjects on the third level mutually and separately prioritize the importance of cross-border cooperation, what influences their perceptions of cross-border cooperation and the border itself, as well as their perceptions of the inhabitants on the other side of the common border. At the same time this is a mapping of those strategies that actors on the regional and local level set for developing cross-border cooperation with partners across the border, as well as towards their own national governments with the aim of achieving the most favourable conditions for the development of cross-border cooperation on the Slovak-Ukrainian border.
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