Around the Bloc: Navalny Says Checked for ISIS Ties
While the authorities say it was a routine detention, activist’s supporters say he and his colleagues were singled out.
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While the authorities say it was a routine detention, activist’s supporters say he and his colleagues were singled out.
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The aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and occupation of a large part of its territory from 1992 to 1995 is a part of the Serbian irredentist project and continuation of the conquering/ expansionist and genocidal politics towards Bosnia and especially against Bosniaks as an important factor of the Bosnia and Herzegovina‟s sovereignty. The most massive and the most heinous crimes, as well as the destruction of religious and cultural monuments were committed in the name of fulfilling the determined set up plans. Carrying out of those procedures and processes resulted in significant disturbances causing the revision of population‟s socio-demographic structure. The negationism as the final stage of the genocidal process is further destabilizing the internal socio-political relations and complicates democratic processes undertaken to strengthen the country‟s capacity, its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
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Ethnic relations and ethnic conflicts influence the stability and security of many states and regions in the world to a great extent. They influence the image of the current international system and therefore it is very important to discuss the following: how to ensure and implement individual and collective rights of ethnic minorities and, by doing so, accomplish the security for every state? In their efforts to find the answer to this question, institutions of international community are beginning to realize that the rights of ethnic minorities have become a very important segment of human rights, and as such, a prerequsit for security and stability of many states and regions in the world. The issue of ethnic relations and their influence on security is especially important in the context of Western Balkans. States of this region, which is burdened with troubled past and ethnic conflicts, in order to achieve security and stability, have to pay greater attention to the regulation of ethnic relations within their societies and between each other. Achieving full integration within the EU is in the function of accomplishing this goal. Indeed, the desire to join the integration processes, especially with the EU, has encuoraged the regulatiWestern Balkans; national minorities; ethnic relations; ethnicon of ethnic relations, which resulted in more thorough normative framework and better implementation of minority rights.
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The purpose of this article is to fill the gaps in the biography of Stanisław Radkiewicz by describing the period of his communist activity in Lviv. It focuses on Radkiewicz as one of the organizers of the assassination of Józef Cechnowski. Cechnowski, a police informer (a so-called agent provocateur), was killed by Naftali Botwin in July 1925. Therefore, this paper may be a contribution to Botwin’s biography as well. The article presents this event in a broader historical context, which is essential to explain the socio-political background and the consequences of the assassination. It also shows some aspects of the Botwin myth created by the Communist Party of Poland and supported by the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic. The sources used as the basis of the article are archival documents, especially personal files and memories of direct participants and witnesses of these events in Lviv. It is a little-known episode which had a significant impact not only on Radkiewicz’s career but also on the labour movement in Poland.
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The Act of 6 September 2001. Access to public information is one of the prerequisites for a democratic society. This act gives the public the right to ask questions to obtain information which is public information under Art. 1 par. 1 of the Act on the access to public information. The article pointed out the problematic issues that arise at the time the request for public information in electronic form. These issues are related the form and content of electronic application, information processed, the signature file as public information and the form and how to respond to the request electronic body including a decision to refuse public information.
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The authors present various forms of social movements and discuss common points on which the movements have built their positions towards the authorities and the media, and raise the question of how a supposedly democratic network structure of movements can build a coalition to face the dominant power (of the authorities and the media). The possibility of maintaining the heterogeneity of positions and identities is thematised through the distinction between “collective” and “connecting action”, as conceptualised by the modern theory of digital citizenship as activism, the foundation of which represents a network society. In the foreground is the verification of the thesis that some specifics of the connecting action, which are formed at the intersection of communication and organisational practices, strengthen the emancipation of movements and their potential to create new policies and new ways of parallel exchange.
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This paper aims at interpreting the philosophical meaning of political and civic European integration – from West to East. For this purpose, the paper explores certain historical sequences and theoretical modeling of European integration (from the Middle Ages until the Treaty of Lisbon), confronted with theoretical synthesis of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, regarding the establishment of European unity. The study is based on modern and contemporary authors who have pondered on the problem of a European integration philosophy. The philosophical perspective is based mainly on normativism and centered on the alliance between knowledge, spirituality, equilibrium, good will and legality - and in this respect the research methodology consists in a confrontation of particular perspectives (such as the legislative framework of the European citizenship) with major theories currently performing in a interdisciplinary approach.
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It has to be pointed out that in the second half of the 20th century the public discourse was dominated mainly by two phenomena. Namely, to put that notion in short, the change of our culture from a word-centric into image-centric one. As well as the decrease of the importance of the worldview-ideological disputes. The aim of this article is to indicate the effects of these phenomena on the social life. The authors point out to the consequences of the decrease in the role of the intellectual motifs in favour of the growing importance of the emotions when making a political-based decision. Thus, the concentration of the voters’ attention on the personality of the politician, not on his or hers views, achievements or political program. Hence, one may observe the decrease in the role of the political party in the political life at the national level and the diminishment of the inner-party democracy and its direct effect, namely, widely seen growth of demagogy and populism.
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Social and political challenges facing Ukraine after the Revolution of dignity, processes of regionalization and decentralization of European research actualized in political Regional studies. Regions in the EU has in fact become the basic structures of European political and economic space in the context of the philosophy of «Europe of Regions». Obviously, the Ukrainian political science must not stand by these trends pan and actively accompany this general trend of spatial structures. For balance and stability of the country depends on the regional structure, adequacy of political and socio-economic development. In this context it is particularly topical issue is the balance in the relations between the «center-regions» regulation is carried out by centralized and decentralized mechanisms. Accordingly, the purpose of the article is analysis of domestic political of regions in the current development of the state in the context of modern trends of regionalism. The article analyzes the domestic political status of regions in the context of the current complex processes of constitutional reform, decentralization of power and territorial re- form. It is noted that areas related to the political-spatial system, acting as a kind of political system is not sufficiently developed. As a result, regional issues considered most economists or geographers, and the main thrust of Political Studies focused on the analysis of regional electoral processes and regional elites. This state of the domestic political concern of regions as administrative and territorial reform one of the main areas involve drastic changes is the system of public authorities at regional level. All this adversely affects the development of regional theory and practice of regionalism, as evidenced by the extremely inconsistent regional policy, the complexity and ambiguity of tragic political and legal processes: the Russian occupation of Crimea, the self-proclamation of the so-called Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) and Luhansk People’s Republic (LNR). It is noted that the problem of disintegration of the Ukrainian society since independence have not been solved. Under regional theory should offer the best answer to this challenge. In particular, what model of government will help curb the centrifugal tendencies, strengthening integrity and thus provide an effective model of public administration and democracy. Given the tragic events that occurred in Ukraine in 2014–2017 years, to administrative- territorial reform on the basis of administrative regionalism became impossible. Only with the use of policy instruments regionalization return of the Crimea and Donbas be real. It is noted that the political regionalism hides significant political risks versus administrative, including uncertainty about the future prospects of devolution trends. In this regard, notes that the learning experience of European countries, we should not idealize him and mindlessly trace unconditionally perform tips and suggestions of foreign politicians and experts (especially in the federalization). After these reforms, most EU countries carried out under conditions which significantly different from the current Ukrainian. It is also necessary to take into account national specifics, which differs significantly from European and neighboring countries geographic presence aggressor who provokes and supports separatist movements in Ukraine.
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It is shown that on way of forming the meaning of life the existential vacuum can get, mechanism of getting out of which must be sought in the service of an important cause, love for another human being, self-realization of man. Noted that it is necessary to demark it from the concept of «happiness» to analyze the meaning of life. In this context, it is necessary to indicate what goals we want to achieve when we talk about the realization of the «meaning of life», and also to determine conditions that are worthy of greater pride or admiration, as well as the values that determine them.Emphasized that the opposite concept of nihilism arises when we try to isolate the meaning of life and determine its characteristic features. Pessimism is often associated with extreme pessimism and radical skepticism. Nihilism aims at the destruction of moral, religious and metaphysical beliefs and can fuel an anthropological crisis. And falling into an existential vacuum – to find there fertile soil. Various types of nihilism are considered, such as: political nihilism, which is based on the belief that the destruction of all existing political, social and religious institutions is an indispensable condition for any further improvement of the political system; Ethical nihilism or moral nihilism, which rejects the possibility of absolute moral or ethical values (it is considered that it is not possible to distinguish between good and evil, because their demarcation is nothing more than a product of social and cultural context); Existential nihilism, which postulates the idea that life has no intrinsic meaning or value.Asserted that humanism confirms our ability to self-realization of the individual and responsibility for the sake of the common good for all people. The happiness of an individual is inseparably linked with the well-being of mankind as a whole, in part because we are «social animals» and develop in a «cultural context». Losing the meaning of life leads to a psychological crisis, internal conflict, loss of self-identity, which leads to a new crisis – the identity crisis. The crisis of identity is actualized against the background of the disorientation of its social role, continuity as a result of conflicting expectations and un- certainty about itself and its role in society. The identity crisis is generated by many factors, including economic instability, negative images in the media, as well as the lack of role models, clear ideological programs and blurred values.Reported that in the context of the developed multiculturalism in the globalization world, the question of the hierarchy of values and the system of personal identification becomes particularly difficult, since in recent years the identity crisis, instigated by social divisions, economic difficulties, cultural ill-treatment and political oppression, is becoming an actual problem requiring Attention. The various moods that arise in society, and emotional upheavals provoke an identity crisis in large-scale structures. By personal self- identification, it is suggested to understand the idea that people create meaning through social interaction with other people-that is, the position of symbolic interactionism, in which the individual’s identity acts as a social product formed as a result of social interactions within specific social contexts.
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Политичките центри на моќ во општествата често се обидуваат преку различни форми на национализам да ги уредуваат родовите улоги на поединците. Во оваа смисла, во примерот со Република Македонија во периодот на 2006-2017 година, низ различни проекти кои ќе нѝ послужат да ја илустрираме оваа идеја, Владата прави обиди да влијае врз претставата за улогата на жената и во семејството и во државата. Претставата е во релација со идејата да се зголемува нацијата. Во центарот стои македонската жена, која, со тоа што ќе стане мајка и ќе роди по можност повеќе деца, ќе придонесе во зголемувањето на нејзиниот број.
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The main thesis puts by the author is an indication of education for peace as one of the functions of a modern state. The author analysed selected papal texts with reference to the issues of education for peace, both in terms of the definition of the concept and its scope in the context of the state functions. An important element of the work is pointing to entities responsible for education for peace, e.g. parents, teachers and politicians. The work presents new possibilities of reading and analyzing the texts of Pope John Paul II in the contemporary scientific discourse.
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How it is to be an activist in a small or provincial town? Are the structural challenges the activists face the same as their counterparts from big cities, that are usually studied and described in academic literature? If the environment is different, do small town activists adopt other practices to cope with the challenges that stem from the different milieu they operate in? In this paper we try to answer some of those questions by looking at the organizers of Black Protests in provincial Polish cities in 2016 and afterwards. The protests organized to oppose the intended changes in the already repressive anti-abortion law not only surprised everybody with their scale and intensity, but also with their distribution, as majority of the protest events took place in small and provincial towns in Poland.
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Da bismo što preciznije odgovorili na ovo pitanje, potrebno je prethodno osloboditi se nekih aprioristicfcih pretpostavki o omladini koje nemaju osnova, ili barem do sada nisu empirijski dokazane.
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The phrase “deliberative democracy” is attributed to the author Joseph Bessett, who in the article Democracy the majority principle in republican government, published in 1980, argued about a new form of democracy in contradiction with classical democracy, about deliberative democracy as an authentic alternative to traditional forms. In this respect, it is admitted that the political decisions cannot be legitimized without an early negotiation dialogue [1: 1].The rise of populism in Central and Eastern Europe is a justification for the democratic crisis, a failure of representative politics after 1989. A negative effect of the populist current was also seen in Romania, Hungary or Poland. In this sense, applying a reorientation to a policy based on a deliberate democratic culture with populist influences was considered to be a solution that would justify the interference between populism and a deliberative democracy.The participation in the vote of the citizens of Eastern Europe who initially see in the left parties the popular interest is radically changing in the present, towards the right parties that no longer identify with pure right principles. Furthermore, moving populism from the left foot to the right foot does not require sacrifice. In the end, it all comes down to changing symbols, changing vocabulary but within the same type of policy based on a common way of thinking both left and right. The distinction between the two is greatly minimized. The transitional period in which the executives put pressure on the law institutions and themselves with a rather weak identity, on the press, on the media, allowed a reassessment of the transient moments, the populist discourse having the capacity to capture democracy of a populist state [2:132]. The diagnosis of the causes of the increase of populism was based on two major pillars, one being the failure of the national institutions located in the space of national constitutions and the second is the influence of the international institutions of the EU and of the Council of Europe that do not wish to sanction the fall towards populism [3:219].
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The paper analyzes volunteering as a factor in the self-organization of society in period Joint Forces Operation, a new social need. It is proved that during the period of democratic transit the volunteer movement became a factor of civic activism. It is emphasized that volunteering has become a political institution of Ukrainian society, an element of the political system. Volunteering contributes to the transformation of civil society. Volunteering acquired the status of a political institution, due to its great importance in political life and significant activity in the political sphere; at present it belongs to social and political movements, which in a certain sense can be considered as groups of political pressure; partnership with the state in solving important matters. A weighty function of volunteering was the compensatory replacement of the state in the logistic support of the front line during the Russian aggression against Ukraine. In volunteer activities, significant financial and material resources were involved, it acquired a mobilization character. The number of volunteers and volunteer organizations has increased many times. Volunteering has become a nationwide cause. Experts in information technology, mechanics, weapons and military equipment specialists are involved in it. The motivation for volunteering has become patriotic, civil and moral.
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The article provides a brief analysis of sources known to the author on the history of the participation of Jews in the revolutionary movement in the Russian Empire.The methods of modern source study were used, with the help of which the informational possibilities of unpublished and published documents were established, and their assessment was given in terms of their scientific significance for studying the place and role of Jews in the history of the revolutionary movement in the Russian Empire.
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Fiction, oral history, and memoirs of the then participants, besides history and its ambitions to approach the historical truth, enable one to return to a relatively distant or near past. Three such publications – by the authors V. Kuštek (2018), M. Greenfield (2019), and E. Adam – I. Jirků (2018) fulfill this role in regards to the past political, cultural, and economic developments of the Eastern Slovakian and Transcarpathian regions, including in the context of their present day cooperation. Each of these works portrays life in Transcarpathia as well as life in the area of the entire Czechoslovakia, a state which had been formed by the Allied Powers as a result of the Treaty of Versailles after the conclusion of World War I in 1918. The currently developing cross-border cooperation among the regions of Eastern Slovakia and Transcarpathia – part of the European Union’s strategy („Europe 2020“) – can benefit from their common historic and cultural heritage; they struggled with the religious and ethnic plurality, their dramatic destinies were characterized by an uncertain statehood (unstable statehood coordinates), by their distrust against the political and religious elites.
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