Around the Bloc: Estonia Seeks EU Travel Ban on Russian ‘Abductors’ of Savchenko
MPs wants those responsible for Ukrainian pilot’s ‘capture, detention and illegal trial’ barred from Schengen zone.
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MPs wants those responsible for Ukrainian pilot’s ‘capture, detention and illegal trial’ barred from Schengen zone.
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In the mid-1950s, Italy was seeking greater political autonomy from the United States and the Atlantic Alliance with regard to the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East. This foreign policy approach took the name of “Neo-Atlanticism,” a term invented by Giuseppe Pella in 1957. Under this framework, Italy tried to extend its political, economic, and cultural influence in the Middle East, relying on good relations with the Arab countries and the fact that it had not operated as a colonial power. The Suez crisis in 1956 represented the turning point in Italian foreign policy: the Italian government sought to play an active role in the controversy, presenting itself as the most credible and reliable mediator and aiming to enhance its international profile. However, Italy’s willingness to present itself as a medium power was not supported by a sufficiently strong economic, political, or military background. Moreover, internal rifts and personal rivalries within the ruling government party, the Christian Democracy, as well as growing discontent among Italy’s Western partners, made Italy reconsider its position with regard to the Suez crisis.
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A collection of texts about the social and political implication of May 1968 events.
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The research note attempts to contribute to the analysis of the ideology of the extreme right. Building on Barthes and Žižek, it proposes that we should not reduce this ideology to rational postulates or statements by the participants themselves, but that instead we should look for it in their praxis. It proposes that the figure of the leader should be perceived as an important part of this ideology in terms of both the significance of the leader in the extreme right’s belief systems, and the role of leaders in various extra-parliamentary, extreme-right formations. The empirical part of the article is devoted to the figure of the leader in three periods of the existence of the Czech extreme right, and analyses the transformations in the characteristics that these leaders shared during the movement’s beginnings (1989-2001), the period of its relative decline and repression (2001-2015), and finally, during the period of the rise of Islamophobia (2015-2017). The article concludes that for leaders it is important to have immediate contact with the movement, and to maintain closeness to fellow fighters. This characteristic may outweigh the importance of the cultural capital of musicians from well-known subculture bands and the symbolic capital that may be possessed by veterans from the distant past.
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Tamás Nyirkos: The Tyranny of the Majority. History, Concepts, and Challenges (London–New York, Routledge, 2018)
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Globalization and rapid information processes that are inherent in today's post-pandemic society, contributing to the reorganization of the authorities of many countries and their contacts with regions, local territorial units or civil society. Such changes, first of all, provide for delegation of authority at the level of regional and local authorities.However, many developing and today position their own society as post-modern, continue to be in a state of disunity of the branches of government, with a high level of corruption and abuse of official position, improper distribution of resources, inappropriate tax system and incompetent provision of services by relevant authorities. This affects the relevance of studying foreign experience in building a rational, effective, balanced public administration system, the leading place in which in almost all developed countries is the decentralization of the state and, above all, the executive branch. The foreign experience of the successful implementation of decentralization reforms is investigated. The main characteristics inherent in the decentralization of power in European countries are given, including in the context of the existence of a pandemic. The features of decentralization of power in France, the UK, Germany and other countries are highlighted. It is substantiated that the experience of decentralization reforms in each country is unique and reflects the specifics of the development of a particular country, and therefore it is impractical to introduce foreign experience without taking into account the particular economic and political development of a particular country.
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The article discusses the Soviet reconfiguration of Marxist philosophy – especially dialectical and historical materialism – and the way in which it was implemented in communist Romania after 1948.
More...Concepts in dynamic tension
Illiberal regimes undermine human rights norms that entail equal legal protections of citizens and social groups. Illiberal actors often intentionally drive social polarisation in hopes of bolstering their support and securing their political position. This strains liberal democratic-oriented social resilience and provokes resistance to the illiberal regime. The articles in this special issue, looking at the regimes and societies of Central and Eastern Europe—where the establishment and operation of illiberal regimes is conspicuous, where ‘pernicious polarisation’ (Somer, McCoy, & Luke, 2021) that strains social resilience is often striking, and where resistance is crucial to halt or reverse illiberalisation—address this nexus of concepts. In this introduction, we review the four key concepts that undergird the special issue’s articles.
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The paper seeks to explain how displays of emotion in the public sphere help to shape and structure our thinking about politics and how they challenge and transform the most fundamental philosophical concepts we use. The analysis focuses especially on the concept of freedom and the reactions accompanying its perceived lack or loss, including resentment, anger, fear and frustration. The aim is to show that no political theory is complete without analyzing emotions in the public sphere and assigning them their proper place. However, assigning emotions their proper place in political theory not only means recognizing their significance but also understanding the limits of their significance. The second part of the paper thus argues that assessing emotions relies at least in part on judgements concerning their ‘appropriateness’. The paper then concludes with a version of Rawlsian reflective equilibrium, modelling the relation between displays of emotion in the public sphere and political theory.
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Hann, C. & Parry, J. (Eds.) (2018). Industrial labor on the margins of capitalism: Precarity, class and the neoliberal subject. Berghahn
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This is a volume which, by the sheer power of its layered analysis, forms the basis for a critique of the European Union's migration policy. This is particularly important in a Serbian context in which the academic world is also heavily burdened by anti-Westernism based on political and ideological motivations.
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Nadia Marzouki, Duncan Mcdonnell & Olivier Roy: Saving the People. How Populists Hijack Religion. London, 2016. Hurst & Co. Publishers. 288 p. ISBN: 9781849045162
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The development of the information society and the widespread of information technologies open new opportunities for learning and challenge established views and practices about how teaching and learning should be organized and conducted. The article will analyze the outstanding contradictions in the activities of the traditional university system. But after analyzing the totality of the global challenges for a classical university from the modern social realities, the answer to these challenges is the formation of historic "new generation" universities that combine traditional functions with new missions. This paper will try to analyze a series of challenges, such as globalization, the aging society; the increasing competition between higher education institutions, both national and international, and rapid technological development, due to which traditional universities must be transformed to accept new realities. But, in order to achieve this transformation, universities will need to implement strategies and policies that implement flexible academics, innovative pedagogical approaches, new forms of assessment, and institutional collaboration.
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Unevenness becomes a moral category. It is something to be protected and preserved. The moral essence of unevenness is the assertion that certain elements of underdevelopment are more valuable than a state of development. But the masters of semi-detachment have another challenge to meet. Its believers must also separate their societies from each other. Towards their eastern conquerors they try to present themselves as more eastern, i.e. more communist, more pro-Russian, if the conqueror is western, e.g. national socialist Germany, then more pro-German than their neighbour, and in joining the democratic west they try to present themselves as more western, consciously pushing back their neighbours. And if they approach the East and the West at the same time, they argue both ways simultaneously. This attitude also motivates the specific role of nationalism in our region. In our case, the role of national identity is not only the same as it used to be in the most developed parts of Europe, but here in Central Europe it has also had to justify the unevenness of state and society.
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Claire Dupuy: Converging Regional Education Policy in France and Germany. Springer, 2020. Cham. xx + 213 p. ISBN 978-3-030-40834-3 (eBook)
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Unevenness has become a moral category. It is something to be protected and preserved. The moral essence of unevenness is the assertion that certain elements of underdevelopment are more valuable than a state of development. However, the masters of semi-detachment have another challenge to meet. Its believers must also separate their societies from each other. Towards their Eastern conquerors they try to present themselves as more Eastern (i.e., more communist more pro-Russian). If the conqueror is Western (e.g., National Socialist Germany) then they endeavor to present themselves as more pro-German than their neighbors, and in joining the democratic West they try to present themselves as more Western, consciously pushing back their neighbors. Moreover, if they approach the East and the West at the same time, they argue both ways simultaneously. This attitude also motivates the specific role of nationalism in our region. In our case, the role of national identity is not only the same as it used to be in the most developed parts of Europe, but here in Central Europe it has also had to justify the unevenness of state and society.
More...A mai Magyarország előtörténete összehasonlító keretben
The essay focuses on the comparative analysis of Hungarian political development before 1989– 90. Instead of dealing with the 32 years since the change of regime, the author is interested in how many different interpretations of political development can be identified. The author singles out examples of political development in developed countries (for example the United States) as well as developing countries (those countries which have become decolonized in the 1960s). The starting point of the analysis is that Hungary cannot be described by either the categories used for developed countries or those that are used for developing ones. While the essay recognizes that the measure of progress at all times for Hungarian development is the example of Western development, it does not accept the approach according to which Hungarian development is a “dead-end” because it differs from Western development in many ways. The essay puts forward the hypothesis of the “normality” of Hungarian political development.
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