Postawa polityczna biskupa Antoniego Okęckiego na sejmach stanisławowskich

Author(s): Katarzyna Bucholc-Srogosz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2011

Bishop's addresses to the Parliament, linked closely with the office of Chancellor of the Republic, show his political attitude. Therefore, the analysis concerns activity of the parliaments in the years 1776-1788. There must be assumed on basis of previous research that the bishop was proponent of the King. Bishop Okęcki as Chancellor did not played a great role in matters of state. There could be assumed on the basis of literature that he was rather a religious person (Bishop) than a statesman. Both these functions – religious and secular – did not go hand in hand and were not complementary. Bishop as a modest person could not or did not want to use too much his secular authority for the benefit of priesthood. Although there must be emphasized his involvement in educational matters, especially matter of distribution of pojezuickie wealth for National Education Commission. Okęcki as senator always represented the King's position. His dislike of the Russian ambassador Stackelberg could cause his weak involvement in political affairs and affairs of the State. He often abandoned the pursuit of cases supported by Russian envoy. The surviving correspondence between the Bishop and the King shows that he did not obeyed envoy in all matters. He was very meticulous and careful when it comes to the letter of law and duties of his office. He was very often elected to chair the committee for examining different magistracies because of sitting in Senate of Republic. It must be admitted on the basis of analysis of Seym's diaries that he very well fulfilled his tasks. His statements on issues of control were logic. He often was the promoter of new solutions. An example is the proposal of 1778 to empower Parliament to amend the provisions of the Permanent Council.

Działania Wydziału do Spraw Wyznań w Płocku wobec Kościoła katolickiego w latach 1950–1989 w świetle dokumentów Archiwum Państwowego w Płocku

Author(s): Andrzej Szymański / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2014

The actual scope of operation of the Office for Religious Matters – besides its statutory tasks that included the managing of statistics related to denominations, coordination of religious questions with those of other sectors, and preparation of draft legislative acts regulating the attitude of the state to individual religious communities – was defined by the anti-religious and anti-church policy of the governing Communist party, which aimed at the quickest possible atheisation of the country. In the case of the Mazowsze Płockie subregion, with passage of time the local religious administration became a permanent element of the para-religious life. Beginning with the early 1980s, a regression in the operation of the religious authorities in the country was observed. The state-and-party authorities resigned from a strongly confrontative attitude to the Catholic Church in Poland. This reduced the role of the local departments for religious congregations, which began to drown in the red-tape lethargy. Worth mentioning is the fact that the operation of the apparatus for controlling religious activity in Płock subregion received a onesided treatment, namely from the perspective of the documents of local religious administration gathered in the State Archive in Płock.

Kasaty klasztorów w Wielkim Księstwie Toskanii za panowania Piotra Leopolda (1765-1790)

Author(s): Marcin Kwiecień / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2007

Fundusz kościelny na tle innych funduszy sektora finansów publicznych

Author(s): Katarzyna Cisowska-Mleczek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2005

„Mimowolny stabilizator”. Kościół rzymskokatolicki jako gwarant bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego PRL

Author(s): Juliusz Sikorski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2021

We see the Roman Catholic Church in the People’s Republic of Poland as a victim of a totalitarian and authoritarian system. This is understandable. However, as a subject of internal politics, during the system’s construction or later in periods of unrest, the Church played an important role in defusing social problems and tensions. This was something the communist authorities very much counted on. Such actions also legitimised usurpers who had no real social support. This was the case both in the first years after the end of the war, when, for example, there was the complicated problem of settling the acquired lands, and in the years of political turmoil and breakthroughs. The Church, as an institution headed by the Primate and the Episcopate, tried to calm social moods in these critical moments. This resulted from a sense of responsibility for the nation and the state, whatever it might be. In this way, he contributed to stabilising the country’s internal security in times of crisis.

Rola prawosławia w filozofii politycznej Aleksandra Dugina

Author(s): Lech Rubisz,Anna Zapotoczna / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2023

A. Dugin’s political philosophy is permeated with mysticism and Orthodox Christian religiosity, which leaves a strong mark on such political ideas as Eurasianism, anti-Occidentalism, the Russian World and Dugin’s original Fourth Political Theory. The role of the Russian philosopher in forming of the domestic political thought and politics itself suggests an analogy to the same role of Carl Schmitt in fascist Germany, including an analogy to the discussion on this role. The authors hypothesise that regardless the controversy of this issue, A. Dugin is considered both as an articulator of the spirit of deeply dormant views in Russian society and in part of the elite, as well as a thinker who reinforces this spirit and provides deep moral and philosophical justifications for the Russian opinion-makers. The purpose of this article is the interpretation of Dugin’s theory in the political science senses paying attention particularly to the role of Russian Orthodox Christianity in it. Thus chosen methodological perspective prejudges the structure of the study.

Polityka sektarianizmu w Syrii w okresie prezydentury Baszszara al-Asada

Author(s): Marta Woźniak-Bobińska,Mustafa Menshawy / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2023

Contemporary Syrian politics is a paradox. On the one hand, the ruling Baath regime led by President Bashar al-Assad claims national unity and co-existence based on alleged secularism. On the other hand, the same regime foments existing sectarian strife for its benefit. Today’s Syria seems to be torn between two seemingly opposite realities – secularism and sectarianism. To solve this puzzle, the authors conducted the frame analysis of the presidential speeches since the eruption of conflict in 2011. They have proved that Assad has denied the facts, skilfully constructing desectarianisation discourse, while deepening the sectarian divisions. By doing so, he increases the legitimisation of his rule as well as chances for survival. The Syrian regime has entrenched the sectarian practices which it theoretically stands against. It is a unique case of de-sectarianisation as sectarianisation.

Chondoist Religion in North Korea: Selected Aspects

Author(s): Nicolas Levi / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

Chondoism is a 20th-century Korean pantheistic religion, based on the 19th-century Tonghak movement. Originally, Chondoism was recognized as the national religion of Korea, unlike Buddhism and Christianity. Being a patriotic movement, Chondoism was able to develop itself in North Korea when North Korea was liberated from the Japanese occupation (1910–1945). Despite the nature of the North Korean regime, Chondoism is still present in the North Korean society. Like other religious groups in North Korea, the Chondoist religion today serves political aims in this country as the Chondoist Chongu Party belongs to the Democratic Front for the Reunification of Korea. On the other side, its influence cannot be neglected when understanding the society of North Korea.

“NEPOTPUNA CJELINA”: AKTUELNI IZAZOVI PLURALNOG RELIGIJSKOG ŽIVOTA ZA MUSLIMANE BOSNE

Author(s): Samir Beglerović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 100/2022

Tekst koji namjeravam izložiti koncipiran je više u formi otvaranja nekih pitanja negoli u obliku uobičajenih studija u kojima se aktuelni problemi tretiraju iz rakursa sasvim specifičnih znanstvenih teorija. Na ovako nešto opredijelili su me brojni faktori. No, jedan bih ovom prilikom posebno izdvojio. Oslovljavajući različita pisanja vezana za savremene kulturne i društvene izazove koji se postavljaju pred religiozne osobe, nerijetko se, što je u dobroj mjeri i razumljivo, većina analiza zadržava na onome pristupu religiji koji se karakterizira kao govor, uslovno rečeno “iz vana”, čime se nastoji, vjerovatno, postići objektivnost. Međutim, strogo logički promatrajući, opravdano je postaviti pitanje: Koliko može biti objektivno nešto što iz razmatranja cjeline isključuje jedan njen prirodni dio?

Kategorie teoretyczne do analizowania struktur myślenia talibów

Author(s): Joanna Rak,Roman Bäcker,Kamila REZMER,Maciej Skrzypek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2024

This article aims to propose a set of theoretical categories for analyzing political thinking struc-tures distributed by the Taliban after the war in Afghanistan. It includes three groups of ideal typesthat enable researchers to identify and classify different aspects of these structures used to formulatelegitimacy claims. They are religious and political; tribal and post-tribal thinking; nativism, contra-ac-culturation, vitalism, and autonegativism. Although the scope of their application significantly exceedsthe exploration of the indicated research field, they are useful to understand the changes in the contem-porary political scene in Asia and carefully forecast the direction of changes in the Afghan political sys-tem. These structures are used by the Taliban to generate social legitimacy for their rule and the shapedpolitical system, i.e., to gain support for the current government from the ruled population and to modelthe acceptance of its policies, institutions, and values. They constitute specific legitimacy claims that,apart from the use of repression and cohesion of the ruling elite, form one of the stability pillars of a po-litical regime. They can be treated as legitimizing structures underlying the constructed political order.

Prawa kobiet w Islamskim Emiracie Arabskim

Author(s): Natalia Potera / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2024

The article is devoted to the specific analysis of the changes that have taken place in the perceptionof the status of women in Afghanistan. The state, also known as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, is anarea where the level of gender inequality and discrimination is one of the highest in the world. The originsof Afghan statehood date back to the eighteenth century. Over the years, the local community has facednumerous armed conflicts, the basis of which can be found both in the interventions of third countries andin internal problems. These include, for example, ethnic conflicts or extreme religious extremism.The first part of this article contains the analysis of the position of women in the light of Islam andMiddle Eastern traditions. The author points to two main determinants that have a real and significantimpact on the scope of the rights granted to an individual. She points them out consecutively: religion–as a factor shaping the mentality of each group, as well as the patriarchal model of society, determinedby the physical, mental and spiritual spheres of a human being.In the second part, the author describes the socio-cultural changes that took place in 2021, i.e. afterthe Taliban took power again. It refers to the laws and regulations that were introduced in the IslamicEmirate of Afghanistan.The third part contains references to the assumptions of international law and all other acts that dealwith the issue of discrimination against women and other disadvantaged groups under national law. Tobetter explain the issue, a definition of the term “discrimination” is also provided.In the last part of the paper, the author describes the current position of women in Afghanistanand at the same time, she presents her observations on the rate of change in the mentality of the localcommunity.

Wpływ konkordatu między Stolicą Apostolską a Rzecząpospolitą Polską z 1993 roku na nowelizację Kodeksu rodzinnego i opiekuńczego z 1964 roku

Author(s): EDYTA WŁODARCZYK-CZECH / Language(s): Polish Issue: 336/2023

This article on the influence of the 1993 Concordat on the amendment of the Family and Gu- ardianship Law of 1964 at the end of the 1990s is intended to demonstrate that this influence was significant in terms of the institution of marriage and the institution of separation.The possibility for a marriage entered under the internal law of a church or other religious as- sociation to obtain civil law effects is a significant and socially expected change. Undoubtedly, the signing of the Concordat made it much easier for people who wanted to give this institution both a secular and a religious dimension to get married.On the other hand, the institution of separation of spouses in Polish and canon law, despite the apparent similarity in its essence, is characterized by significant differences in both legal systems. Polish law does not indicate the specific reasons for the separation, focusing only on the complete breakdown of the marriage, while canon law does not treat the complete breakdown of the part- nership as a sine qua non condition, but pays attention to the primary causes of this breakdown.In Polish law, separation is not intended to permanently separate the spouses, but is a space for reflection and reflection on continuing in marriage. In canon law, it is mainly intended to pro- tect the innocent party and children and allows separation from an adulterous spouse. However, when circumstances improve, or forgiveness simply ceases.

Freedom, truth and Morality in Politics and in International Relations

Author(s): Andrzej Kurnicki / Language(s): English Issue: 53/2023

the United States is a federal republic whose citizens enjoy a dynamic political system, a strong tradition of the rule of law, robust freedom of speech and religious belief, and a wide range of other civil liberties. the first Amendment to the U.S. constitution prevents the government from enacting laws that: govern the establishment of religion; prohibit the free exercise of religion; restrict freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of assembly. there is a growing tendency in global politics, academia and in diplomacy to accept the inclination of hegemon states to dominate all-important aspects of global power. freedom and moral standards are viewed as a political ballast because human beings by nature, and states in particular, have a boundless desire for unrestricted power and for the promotion of their own self-interest, regardless of international law, custom, culture or tradition.the twenty-first century crisis of freedom is at the root of the crisis of truth. in the conceptually contemporary world, John Paul ii’s voice clearly showed the inseparable link between freedom and truth. the Pope’s philosophy of freedom is contrary to the concept of freedom from values, so widespread in contemporary culture, especially in the USA.

THE RISKS TO GERMANY’S PEACE AND SECURITY GENERATED BY THE REICHSBÜRGER MOVEMENT OR “CITIZENS OF THE REICH” BASED ON POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS CONVICTIONS

Author(s): Iulian Dinulescu / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2023

In recent years, the extreme right in Germany has expanded, the phenomenon gaining momentum. The far-right groups and organisations in Germany were, are and will be dominated by an ideology that amalgamates religious or non-religious ideas but that defends German culture and spirituality according to its visions and objectives. Adherents of far-right ideology combine these ideas with conspiracy theories, and on such a background, some of them change their attitude towards society and become violent. For example, right-wing extremists attacked the Parliament, the symbol of democracy, for the first time in Germany, namely on 29 August 2020, and later on 6 January 2021, protesters, including right-wing extremists, attacked the Congress of the United States of America. One of the organisations, such as the Reichsbürger Movement, which means Citizens of the Reich, who reject the current borders of Germany and want the return to those established in 1871, set up cells and planned activities recently catalogued as terrorists by German prosecutors, in December 2022 and May 2023. For the Citizens of the Reich, there is no Federal Republic of Germany because this country is part of a conspiracy and part of a satanic state system, and they recognise only Imperial Germany. According to the religious beliefs of some of them, the imperial constitution was received from God and must be respected, and they are in an apocalyptic battle between good and evil. The model invoked by some of them is that of Jesus Christ who changed society, erroneously invoking biblical precepts to bolster their claims.

SECURITY DEVELOPMENTS IN MENA ARAB SPRING – WHERE TO?

Author(s): Iuliana-Simona Ţuţuianu / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2013

Far from establishing a democratic political system in the European sense of the term, the events in the Arab world are more likely moving, in the author’s opinion, towards a long transition from an authoritarian regime with strong secularised components regarding state and society to another governance, which – given the political developments such as those in Egypt last year – is not necessarily different in form and means but mostly in its substance, which leads to a powerful Islamic and Islamist component.

ISLAMIC COUNTRIES MODERNISATION PROCESS AND INFLUENCES ON GLOBAL SECURITY

Author(s): Eugen Lungu / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2011

Modernisation in the Islamic world, from the perspective of the political life, according to many Western authors, is aimed at changing the political systems that govern the Islamic states and at adopting the Western model, the liberal democracy. However, the passing of Muslim societies with deeply rooted cultural and religious traditions to another type of political-economic-social organisation, in which the values specific to liberal democracies prevail, is not an easy process, the social turbulences not being totally eliminated from this approach. In the end, the effects of the Islamic world on global security are pointed out, succinctly referring to the problems existing in three Islamic states: Turkey, Iraq and Afghanistan in order to better reflect the relation between modernisation and security in the Islamic world.

ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM – AN UNKNOWN IN THE EUROPEAN SECURITY EQUATION ? –

Author(s): Eugen Lungu / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2010

There are specialists in European security who claim that Islamic fundamentalism could create problems for European security in the coming decades. Phrases that include “Europe’s Islamisation” are increasingly common in today’s media. Regarding Bosnia Herzegovina, West Muslim communities and Turkey, we believe that some conclusions about the possible developments in Europe regarding Islamic fundamentalism may be drawn. Even if in some parts of Europe there is a trend towards developing Islamic fundamentalism, we believe that the experts in the security field have the ability to draw up viable strategies in order to stop the escalation of Islamic fundamentalist movements.

THE CURIOUS STORY OF THE 2018 ROMANIAN TRADITIONAL FAMILY REFERENDUM: BUCK-PASSING AND THE FAILURE TO MOBILISE VOTERS

Author(s): Iulian Stanescu / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

In 2018, a referendum to revise the Constitution took place in Romania. Just one article was in contention for revision. The goal was to make gay marriage unconstitutional. In the end, the referendum failed due to a low turnout of just 21.1%, below the 30% threshold required for validation. This paper looks into the causes of the low turnout. First, there is an overview of knowns and unknowns, such as lack of exit poll data and issues with the voting population numbers. The bulk of the paper deals with two overlapping narratives about the causes of low turnout - first, a boycott campaign and second, a combination of factors, especially low mobilisation. Using precinct level results, supplemented by pre and post referendum polling data, an examination of evidence for both narratives is put forward. The results provide a case for failure of mobilisation by main political parties and religious organisations, especially the Orthodox Church, despite public statements of support for a “Yes” vote in the referendum. In turn, this was based on a buck-passing strategy by political parties and religious organisations.

CARL SCHMITT VE ERIC VOEGELIN DÜŞÜNCESİNDE YENİ İLAHİ DÜZEN: SİYASAL TEOLOJİ

Author(s): Melike ÇELEBİ ÖZCAN / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 27/2024

Could it be that in the modern world theology has lost its meaning and the state has taken on a divine character? According to Eric Voegelin, the concept of "political theology" has led to debates about the relationship between political and religious ideas in the modern world. On the other hand, political theory has come a long way throughout history in the light of Carl Schmitt's work. Both thinkers' discussions on the nature of sovereignty, the state and political authority have influenced the understanding of the modern period. In their works, both thinkers dealt with the loss of spirituality and the existential crisis that emerged with the disappearance of the concept of transcendence lost in the political order. Ideologies that neglect or reject the spiritual dimension of human existence have been criticized as political religions. This study will discuss the intertwined theological and political deviations from the perspective of both thinkers.

“Öteki”nden Korkmak: Avrupa Entegrasyonuna Bir Meydan Okuma Olarak Din

Author(s): Taner Zorbay / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 28/2024

As elsewhere in the world, religion has been a matter of integration or disintegration for European societies and nations. Developments in troubled regions such as the Middle East, especially since 2011, show Europeans that they have no choice but to rethink the place of religion at both the national and regional levels. Europe has long been preoccupied with "warriors of faith". Therefore, the coming years will show whether European countries will turn religion into an instrument of peaceful coexistence or completely abolish the system they have built since the Westphalian era. This article includes existing data/events rather than theoretical explanations. Through some old and often new sources, this study aims to understand the role of religion in European society in terms of regional cohesion. In addition, it is hoped that at the end of this study, the issue of whether the European Union wants to be a union based on common values and norms that promote equality and harmony, or a "Christian Club" that leaves no room for any faith other than Catholic Christianity, will be clarified a little more. To this end, this article first illuminates the historical background of the European Union and examines what religion means in Europe. Then, some examples from the 20th century, such as the Jews of Nazi Germany and the Muslims of the former Yugoslavia, are evaluated in terms of religious differences and their consequences. This article then analyzes the issue of European foreign fighters going "in the name of God" to countries such as Iraq, Syria, or Afghanistan, and then the possibility for the integration or disintegration of Europe based on religion. It is hoped that this article will help readers understand the position of religion in Europe and give an idea of whether it is possible for different faiths to live in peace and harmony in Europe. Of course, this article will neither be the first nor the last to seek answers to all these questions. Nevertheless, it is hoped that it will open the door to further research in this area.