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The data show that the media in the Republic of Macedonia became associates of the government propaganda, circumventing the professional and democratic principles of informing. The Government is one of the biggest advertisers in the country and there is concern that the funds are allocated to the television channels which support the Government. The collected data will be illustrated through analysis and comparison of the annual reports of the Organization “Reporters without Borders” and the annual reports of the European Commission, but this does not mean that other academic research will be excluded. The survey results show that in Macedonia the media freedom is not achieved, but on the contrary we have drastic deterioration of the freedom of expression. Because of this the media lose their mission to inform and educate their audience, regardless of any political pressure.
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This paper deals with meaning and use of scientific notion of historical-typological analogy. Afterwards, we point out an international character of the conflict on the literary left, emphasizing parallelisms between American and Yugoslav journal scenes. This analysis elucidates structural relationships between two cultures, as well as differences between two historical situations.
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Vietnamese Buddhist monk and peace activist Thích Nhất Hạnh has been a leading figure in the promotion of nonviolent practice throughout the world. We examine his concept of engaged Buddhism, theories of nonviolence, and intersections with rhetorical and communication studies. His approach takes nonviolence beyond the realm of refusing to use physical violence to the recognition that language itself can be violent. In order to understand this approach we detail the concepts of interbeing, loving speech, and deep listening. We examine the role of love in Nhất Hạnh’s theory of nonviolence, comparing it with approaches taken by Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. Examples are given from many of Nhất Hạnh’s speeches and writings with particular attention paid to a love letter he wrote to US President George W. Bush during the Iraq War. Thích Nhất Hạnh offers the practice of writing a love letter to one’s perceived enemy as a means to persuade for a turn to nonviolence.
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Current political and religious tensions in France threaten national cohesion. The main point is the break of reciprocity link between citizens and public institutions they finance. The systemic analysis at the heart of this work reveals close relations that these institutions maintain among themselves through recent judicial affairs on religious signs in public places. These privileged links are reflected in a common discourse on secularism that substitutes public debate and ignores the institutional guarantees of peace.
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Over the last few years, the organization of public debates in situations of socio-technical or socio-scientific controversy has increased considerably. This should lead to a certain form of social peace due to the fact that each of the stakeholders – including citizens associations – are able to express their ideas and make their voices heard. In such conditions, how can it be that these debates, instead of easing conflicts, are more likely to radicalize the positions of the various parties involved, and to give the groups opposing the projects the feeling of being exploited? Part of the answer lies in the numerous systems aiming at moderating discussions, which may have been set up by the debates organizers not so much in order to prevent participants from going off the rails, but rather to avoid the development of convincing arguments. Some fear of rhetoric would then be at work. The analysis of debates and consultations, institutionally organized as part of controversial coal-bed methane drilling projects in the Moselle area, allows to support this hypothesis and to offer an explanation.
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The essay analyses the possible integrative role of political campaigns. It summarizes some typical phenomena of the Hungarian parliamentary electoral campaign of 2014. The authors draw up a hypothesis about the reasons for the diversification of the Hungarian political field today. They interpret the phenomenon (and graduation) of negative campaign. Finally, they collect some problems caused by the conflict of different points of view of different integration scales.
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In elections that determine who the country the country is headed by, the voting behavior for candidates or parties who aspire to management is vital. Within the framework of political communication, election promises are the most important instrument that the candidates or parties refers to political campaigns in order to persuade voters to vote in their favor during elections. In this study, it was investigated the effect on the voting behavior of election promises which are important part of political campaigns. And in this context, Donal Trump’s promises in US presidential election of 2016 were examined. Then it is analyzed the effect on the voting behavior of Trump’s promises by considering the result of the election.
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As an impact of profound change that has been occurring within the media sphere for a relatively short time, the media audience has been undergoing significant transformations and the way we use media has been altering as well. The tension between the forces of control and resistance – a desire for control and a greater and a more direct influence over the audience, and, on the other hand, the creativity of the audience and the use of hybrid media formats as tools for resistance, or at least, active participation in the production and reproduction of media content –is still relevant and adopts new forms and intensities. Therefore, even though the topic of this essay is not new, I advocate it has not lost its relevance. Moreover, the new circumstances impose new questions, demand reconsidering established theories and call for the similar empirical research to be conducted under altered conditions.
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The author points out how each of the two main American presidential candidates in 2012 election campaign tended to back up their own image of a credible and qualified person and, at the same time, strengthen an incompetent image of the oponent by interpreting the predominant issue and causes of the economic crisis. In addition to the main issue, the author identifies slogans as well as various means and forms of promotion used during the campaign.
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Political discourse and rhetoric have always been accused of focusing more on the form than the content. Of creating illusions to people and not delivering on their promises, in particular when campaigning for political office. The article lies upon two conceptual premises, namely 1) language cannot be neutral – it reflects and structures our ideologies and world views; 2) in order to advance their agenda, politicians aim to persuade the public and other relevant audiences – political power thus derives from the power to persuade. The following text will attempt to analyse political discourse of presidential candidates in the American race for president in 2012, while sheding some light on the theory of political discourse and its analysis.
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General perception in political science literature is the declining strength and functions of political parties’ local organizations due to the loosening voter/party linkage and decrease in political activism. Nevertheless, given the safe nature of a permanent voter/party linkage in affecting vote choice, in party systems with hegemonic tendencies, incumbents may use the resources at their disposal to strengthen their links with the society via their local organizations. Within this Respect, this paper is an attempt to evaluate AKP’s local branches activities and functions in understanding their role as intermediary mechanisms that enhance the voter/party linkage in the Turkish political context.
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The right of access to information is the right of the new generation in the Republic of Croatia. It is covered by Art. 38 of the Croatian Constitution (Official Gazette 85/2010) which guarantees freedom of thought and expression and which includes the freedom of the press and other media of communication, freedom of speech and public expression, and free establishment of all institutions of public communication. The right of access to information has been declared in constitutional law and it has precisely regulated its scope and possible limitations. In this way, it is strengthening the transparency and legitimacy of the actions of public authorities, as well as control over it. The aim of this paper is to determine the legislative framework governing the right of access to information and to point to the question of how the legal protection of the right of access to information is regulated.
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Jovan Hranilović was an important poet, literary and theatre critic. Neither his journalistic career has ever been analysed nor has any research been made about him although he worked in media as a journalist, an editor and a manager. Some authors have analyzed his role in foundation and organization of the first Novi Sad section of the Journalists’ association of Yugoslavia (JNU), which was established in 1922. Jovan Hranilović was a prominent manager and, afterwards, the first president of Jedinstvo, a daily paper famous for its informative and political reporting. He was also the most important advocate for establishing the support fund for journalists threatened by sudden illnesses or job losses. The authors have studied moral and ethical principles in journalism which he advocated as the president of the Novi Sad section of JNU, as well as how he saw the role and importance of the newspapers in the media system of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The analysis of the texts that Hranilović published as the editor and manager of Jedinstvo enables us to determine his specific media discourse. Furthermore, we can grasp his media initiative used to promote the journalists’ association he was leading and the humanitarian activities he undertook.
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Preimplantational genetic tests (PG tests) used in the processes of reproduction under laboratory conditions are considered to be one of the most controversial fields of gene technology. These tests are performed on embryos and result in the selection of the most capable embryo, while the rest are destroyed. Numerous moral questions arise regarding the ethical application of these procedures. This study investigated the representation of this topic in the Hungarian online media, applying (qualitative) Foucauldian discourse analysis. The results suggest that the narratives related to the topic can be organized according to their subjects around three discourses: those surrounding parents, those surrounding the embryo, and those surrounding the application of PG tests. It was also revealed that narratives of risk, responsibility and the freedom of autonomous decisionmaking play an important role in constructing the representations of PG tests in the Hungarian online news media.
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Although non-profit or third-sector media are recently a contentious and widely discussed issue in Croatia, there is hardly any knowledge about the audiences of non-profit media and their relationship towards democratic politics. Theoretical framing of the normative role of non-profit media in democracy preceeds the empirical analysis of its role for the audiences in Croatia. The size and characteristics of non-profit media audiences are described and these audiences are compared to mainstream media audiences in terms of political interest, political information consumption, trust in the media, political efficacy and political participation. Analysis is based on data gathered through survey of a representative sample of Internet users in Croatia (N=1208). Descriptive, regression, and latent class analysis showed that 26% of Internet users follow non-profit media and that non-profit media audiences in Croatia have higher political interest, political efficacy, inform themselves more and engage more in politics. Audiences of non-profit media do not differ significantly in overall media consumption and trust in the media in comparison with the mainstream media audiences. The results have implications about the democratic potential of third-sector media in Croatia, and provide insights into a possible shape of polarization of online audiences.
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This article explores the meaning of valence-framing theory in political communication. It examines the influence of valence frames on the formation of political attitudes among the public. The valence-framing effect is derived from the information context value (positive, negative) and applies if people’s attitudes towards a certain subject match the context value of the information received. The article presents a case study of reports during the crisis of Mirek Topolánek’s government in the Czech Republic in 2009. It examines to what extent the context of the statements on the Czech news concerning the parliamentary parties Civic Democratic Party (ODS, leader Mirek Topolánek) and the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD, leader Jiří Paroubek) related to the existing political attitudes of their prospective audiences. The article argues that the valence-framing effect was more evident in the public broadcasting programme Události ČT than the commercial programme Televizní noviny, a paradox which can be explained by the unique link between the attributes of the Czech media environment and the political opinions of their viewers.
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The paper represents the analysis of the narratives that deal with the sentiment of national belonging in Montenegro within the chat room Café del Montenegro. The practice of the Internet chat room users is perceived as cultural engagement – „practicing" the State and the emotion of national identification of its own kind. By writing, arguing, negotiating the meaning of the state and nation an abundance of different and broken knowledge’s are created- many histories, geographies, ethics and politics are offered. On the one hand, these directly undermines, jeopardizes and questions the power of the State narrative, hitherto negotiating the nation, the State, authentic devotion, simultaneously manufacturing the state-nation as a reality. The result of mutual correspondence in the chat room is persistent negotiation of the meaning of national categories in Montenegro over the years.
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Integrated Marketing Communication appeared in the 1980s in the United States, and is nowadays, besides companies, also used by political parties, because they recognized the importance of the synergic effects of advertising and public relations, but also of integrating the audience in the activities of the party. This paper makes use of questionnaires and content analysis of hypertext in order to examine whether the most influential political parties in Croatia and Serbia are informed about integrated marketing communication. Furthermore, the article examines whether these parties use integrated communications in their political activities and inquires how and for how long they have been applying this concept.
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When talking about the festival’s international dimension, we can observe, analyze and valorize its influence, widening and effects through few shapes and aspects. First is participation of foreign ensembles, orchestras, soloists, conductors, directors, costume designers, production designers and other authorial personalities during all 45 years of existence of the festival. Second aspect are partner countries and their role in development the festival’s international dimension, since modification of the concept in 2006. Third are intense diplomatic, cultural and economic activities of management board, organizers and founders. Forth, also notable and important aspect, are monitoring and reviews of foreign journalists and media. Fifth and finally yet importantly, are concerts within regular program of the festival, held abroad.
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