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ФАЛШИВИТЕ НОВИНИ – МАНИПУЛАЦИИ И МИСТИФИКАЦИИ В КОНТЕКСТА НА ПРЕЗИДЕНТСКИТЕ ИЗБОРИ В САЩ (НОЕМВРИ 2016 Г.)

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ФАЛШИВИТЕ НОВИНИ – МАНИПУЛАЦИИ И МИСТИФИКАЦИИ В КОНТЕКСТА НА ПРЕЗИДЕНТСКИТЕ ИЗБОРИ В САЩ (НОЕМВРИ 2016 Г.)

Author(s): Svetlana Stankova / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 5/2017

The article is focused on the mystifications and manipulations spread by fake news in the social networks during the 2016 presidential election campaign in the USA. The main hypothesis concerns the influence these might have had on the outcome of the vote in favor of Donald Trump. The author also considers the background history of the distortion of truth for purposes of political benefits in the context of the technological development of media. The methods used in the argumentation of the article include discourse analysis, and rhetorical and interpretative analysis. The data used in the article are from a study conducted in 2017 by Stanford University and the independent digital media company BuzzFeed News.

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WAR AND TRUTH

Author(s): James P. Farwell / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2019

A Review Essay by James P. Farwell: Ukraine and the Art of Strategy - Lawrence Freedman. Oxford University Press, 2019; This Is Not Propaganda: Adventures in the War Against Reality - Peter Pomerantsev. Public Affairs, 2019

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Famous women yearn for Putin, and other unlikely tales: Glamorizing right-wing populist actors in the Bulgarian editions of Cosmopolitan and Elle

Author(s): Miglena Sternadori / Language(s): English Issue: 23/2019

This analysis identifies the dominant media frames in the coverage of four right-wing populist actors — Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, Silvio Berlusconi, and Roman Abramovich — by the Bulgarian editions of Elle and Cosmopolitan. Although the political platforms of these men are not, in fact, anti-establishment, which is the core characteristic of populism, they are referred to as populist actors because of their use of populist tools and discourses to practice so-called “neo-populism from above.” The four men were framed as: a carriers of a “golden touch”; b sources of profound/problematic wisdom; and c admirable collectors of “trophy” women. The findings are discussed as illustrative of the tabloidization of U.S. women’s magazine brands in the post-communist context of Bulgaria.

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Some remarks on the comparative experiment as a method in assessing populist political communication in Europe

Author(s): Dominika Kasprowicz,Agnieszka Hess / Language(s): English Issue: 23/2019

In this paper fundamental information concerning the designing and conducting of comparative experiments, as methods which are able to be employed in the field of media studies, will be successively delineated. On the basis of the large-scale online experiment conducted in 15 countries in 2017, the assessment of the populist message impact as well as methodological challenges to such a project will be presented. We discuss challenges and lessons learnt from this type of research design.

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Comparison of Ivan Mažuranić's Political Writings with the Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language

Author(s): Josip Miletić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The paper analyzes and compares Mažuranić’s political writings published in 1848 under the titles Croatians to Hungarians and Manifesto of the Croatian-Slavonian People with the 1967 Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language as well as the reactions of the contemporaries to these texts. Based on considerations of the social reaction and fate of the authors of the aforementioned texts, we have analyzed the democratic character of society in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and socialist Yugoslavia. The results of the research have shown the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy saw a more democratic atmosphere and far more freedom of expression of personal opinion than socialist Yugoslavia.

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Tebriz’de Yayınlanan Azerbaycan Türkçesinde Bir Dergi “Dede Korkut Dergisi”

Author(s): Nabi Kobotarian Azeroğlu,Rokaiyeh Azizpour / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 102/2020

The media in Iran emerged during the reign of Qajar Turks Sultan Feth Ali Shah Qajar. The center of printing in Iran was Tabriz and the first book, in Iran, was recorded in this city. After Tabriz, printing houses were established in other cities. Dede Korkut Journal which was published in Tabriz between 1980 and 1982. It was one of the first journals in Turkish published in Azerbaijan Turkish in Iran with Arabic alphabet. The publication of the journal in the city of Tabriz in Iran brought many firsts. After Shah Period, who despised Turkish language and culture, the emergence of this magazine is known as a symbol of the return of the Turks living in Iran to their own roots. Unfortunately, the journal was closed after twenty issues. Dede Korkut Journal, which was published under the supervision of Dr. Feyzullahi, aimed to highlight the importance of national culture and the protection of the Azerbaijan Turkish language. The journal gave priority to national literature and local authors. Another significant feature of the journal is that it introduced national characters such as Dede Korkut, Oğuz Han, Tepegoz and other characters to the Iranian Turks for the first time in national literature. This study aims to the Dede Korkut Journal published in Tabriz.

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ON BETRAYAL AND REDUNDANCY

Author(s): Desmond Maurer / Language(s): English Issue: 87-88/2019

Review of: Desmond Maurer - Zaborav razlike – Bosanski prekarijat, “bolonjski” univerzitet i medijski cinizam by Senadin Lavić (Sarajevo: Dobra knjiga, 2018)

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Ukrainian vs. Russian? The Securitization of Language-Related Issues in Ukrainian Blogs and on News Websites

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Ukrainian vs. Russian? The Securitization of Language-Related Issues in Ukrainian Blogs and on News Websites

Author(s): Ksenia Maksimovtsova / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2020

The transformation of the peaceful demonstrations, which started on November 21, 2013, against Yanukovych’s decision to suspend the signing of the association agreement with the EU, into the bloodshed in Kyiv and eastern Ukraine, has vividly demonstrated that the rhetoric of the “protection of Russian-speakers’ rights” can be easily transformed from the level of “discursive threats” to the real threat of Ukraine’s dissolution. Therefore, the article seeks to explain how language-related issues were securitized in public discussions in leading Ukrainian blogs and on news websites that function in the Russian language after the Revolution of Dignity. The analysis of journalistic articles and users’ comments encompasses the period of 2013–2015 when the Russian–Ukrainian conflict and the discussion of language issues reached its climax. It is argued that despite an extreme presence of anti-Russian (anti-imperialist) arguments and consolidation over the idea of Ukrainian as the only state language (“one nation–one language”), arguments that supported an equal legal status of Russian- and Ukrainian-speakers were also to be found in selected digital media outlets. The analysis has also demonstrated that for most online users of Ukrainian digital media that function in Russian, the state language is constructed as the language discriminated against in its own national state.

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Discover, Instrumentalize, Monopolize: Fidesz’s Three-Step Blueprint for a Populist Take-over of Referendums

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Discover, Instrumentalize, Monopolize: Fidesz’s Three-Step Blueprint for a Populist Take-over of Referendums

Author(s): Pepijn van Eeden / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2019

This article assesses the referendums in Hungary in 2004, 2008, and 2016 diachronically. The review is framed by two competing liberal parliamentary approaches to direct democracy: A useful democratic corrective to the distortions of particracy, or a risky option leading to tyranny of the majority? Rather than choosing sides, this article shows how the conundrum conceals another, more interesting question: Which are the constraints under which the liberal parliamentary viewpoint shifts from the one to the other? Theorizing on post-democracy and populism provides a provisional answer: A consensualized, “post-political” parliament is key, as this, in combination with widening social-economic disparities, incentivizes illiberal populist parties to harness referendums, which prompts liberal parliamentarianists to change their minds. The referendums in 2004, 2008, and 2016 in Hungary substantiate this suspicion. Taken together, they offer a step-by-step blueprint for how, in a thoroughly postpolitical situation, a referendum evolves into a perfect catalyst for populists on their road to power, enabling them with (a) agenda-setting; (b) an explosive emphasis on popular legitimacy; (c) arousing voluntarism, while luring opponents into campaigning for boycott and political apathy; (d) combining social equalitarianism with identarian protectionism, and most importantly; (e) bypassing parliament itself.

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Letter from Bratislava

Author(s): Martin M. Šimečka / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2000

When I traveled to the West for the first time in my life-sometime in December 1989-I was captivated, apart from the cleanliness of Austrian villages, by the huge billboards that accompanied me like a caravan of pilgrims. Each featured a face, most familiar to me from Austrian television, and beneath the face, there was a sentence to address me. It was very strange: until then, I had known only one kind of billboard, displaying the retouched photographs of communist leaders on the rostrums, built for May 1. Blank faces of dead Marx, Lenin, and Gottwald next to the faces of living Husak and Strougal impersonated the immortality of communist ideology, its constancy, its superiority over life and human fate, over each human being and his or her misery. [...]

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Authority Legitimation In Campaign Discourse Of American Presidential Candidates

Author(s): Boryana Kostova / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

This article addresses legitimation in discourse seen as a complex and multifaceted concept. The specific focus is on authority legitimization which is understood not simply as ethos construction but rather as a claim to rightness, i.e. the claim to be normatively right to perform the speech act. Building upon work on legitimation by van Leeuwen and van Dijk, the article studies intertextuality as one aspect of authority legitimation. The presence of elements of one text in other texts can take various forms and degree of visibility and intensity. Therefore the main purpose of the article is to identify the types and functions of intertextuality. A framework within the scope of Critical Discourse Studies is proposed by which a small corpus of acceptance speeches of contemporary American political leaders is analyzed. The results from the quantitative and qualitative analysis have shown that speakers of different political backgrounds use intertextuality similarly. It is revealed that the most common source of intertextuality is the voice of the political opponent. The main functions of intertextuality in the analyzed speeches are solidarity and credibility building as well as downgrading opposing points of view.

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ROLUL POLITIC AL CORONIMELOR „PRIDNESTROVIE" / ”TRANSNISTRIA"

Author(s): Alla Ostavnaja / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2020

In the self-proclaimed Pridnestroviаn Moldavian Republic takes place the thorough regulation of the name of the republic in different languages: in Russian – "Приднестровская Молдавская Республика"(short form «Приднестровье»), in Moldovan (with Cyrillic spelling) – "Република Молдовеняскэ Нистрянэ" (short form "Нистрения"), in Ukrainian - "Придністровська Молдавська Республіка" (short form "Придністров'є"), in English "Pridnestrovskaia Moldavskaia Respublica", "Pridnestrovie", "Pridnestroviаn Moldavian Republic", they are also allowed choronyms "Pridnestrovien Moldavian Republic", "Transdniestrian Moldavian Republic", "Transdniestria". However, in parallel with officially established choronyms, other choronyms areused. It is primarily about the choronym "Transnistria".Thebenumerated choronyms not only express the translation / transliteration of the official name of the region, but represent an important part of the political symbolism of the self-proclaimed republic. Through the choronyms used, subjectivity is asserted in the formation of state identity and positioning in international relations. This topic is approached from the point of view of critical toponymy. The study showed that the conflict between Moldova and Pridnestrovie is also taking place in the toponymy area. The "toponymic struggle" fortheuse of certain choronyms pursues political objectives, as they reflect the interests of the parties to the conflict. In the Pridnestrovie weins is to the use of official choronyms, which affirm the self-proclamation of Pridnestrovie. In the Republic of Moldova, naming Pridnestrovie with choronym "Transnistria", the perception of the region as a continuity of the Transnistrian Government by the Kingdom of Romania (1941-1944) was expressed. But more of ten in the Republic of Moldova are used toponyms that require the perception of Pridnestrovie as a territory part of the Republic of Moldova.

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Współczesne wymiary konfrontacji informacyjnej

Author(s): Piotr Daniluk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2014

This article attempts to isolate and characterize the complexity of the contemporary information war and warfare. The analysis of technological evolution in the field of information is based on the impact of the periods of economic development specified by A.D. Chandler. The first period was based on the dominance of the press and the film. This is the time associated with the First World War. The second period consists in the rapid development of radio and is associated with the interwar period and the time of World War II. The last, contemporary period, is related to the dominant role of television and the internet. This is the time of the Cold War and the transformation of the contemporary international security. There are three main groups of actors of the informational confrontation: state and governmental institutions, business branding companies and social organizations. Finally, the article proposes capturing the complexity of researching the information war.

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Milorad Dodik’s Public Attitudes and Perceptions Toward the ICTY: Operational Code Analysis

Author(s): Jasmin Hasić,Zejna Yesilyurt / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2020

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was formally closed on 21 December 2017. During the quarter century of its existence, ICTY’s rulings had a significant impact on public discourses and narratives about the Bosnian war. Different opinions among the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) about ICTY’s role and its verdicts have emerged over time, especially among the leaders of the dominant ethno-political parties representing the three ethno-constituent groups – Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs. Milorad Dodik, current member of the BiH Presidency, a former President of Republika Srpska (RS) entity, and the leader of one of the most prominent political parties in RS, was particularly vocal and critical about the work of the ICTY. This paper closely examines Dodik’s public views and opinions toward the ICTY. We use content- and operational code analysis to analyze key features of his perceptions toward the ICTY’s work while serving as the President of RS for two consecutive terms.

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Коронакризата и дебатът за демокрацията

Author(s): Olga Simova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 10/2020

The paper discusses the question how the coronavirus crisis has influenced different aspects of the debate on democracy. In the beginning, those peculiarities of the crisis are outlined, that have an effect on decision making in governments and on the reception of governmental decisions by society. Next, an answer to the question is sought for, whether authoritarian regimes are more capable of dealing with thissort of crises than democratic. The paper then addresses the debate on how to overcome the health crisis, as well as the ethical basis of the diverging views in this debate. Here the balances between freedom and security, and freedom and equality in contemporary liberal democracies come into consideration together with the impulses to revise those balances as a result of the coronavirus crisis and the attempt to overcome its economic and social ramifications. The last section presents the problems that democracy has to face in relation to the expected slowdown or even reversal of globalization processes and the intensified regionalization coming up.

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Sekuritizacija iregularnih migracija u kampanji za predsjedničke izbore u Republici Hrvatskoj 2019./2020.

Author(s): Goran Džidić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 11/2020

A few years after the peak of the 2015 migration crisis, this type of nonmilitary threat has become an important part of the political debate at national and supranational level of the European Union. The Republic of Croatia, as a part of the so-called Balkan Route, is no exception. Migration crisis from the 2015/2016 represents one of the most important issues discussed during the 2019/2020 presidential election campaign in the Republic of Croatia. Applying critical discourse analysis, this paper aims to explore the views of presidential candidates Zoran Milanović and Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović regarding the security challenges caused by mass migration. Units of analysis are the statements of the presidential candidates presented at the three television debates held during the presidential election campaign.

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GRAFİK TASARIM SANATI ve GRAFİK TASARIM SANATI İÇİNDE YER ALAN AFİŞ SANATININ SEÇİMLERDE KULLANIMI ve İNSANLAR ÜZERİNDEKİ ETKİSİ. (2002-2018 YILLARI ARASINDA ADALET ve KALKINMA PARTİSİNİN GENEL SEÇİMLERDE KULLANMIŞ OLDUĞU AFİŞLER)

Author(s): Abdulkadir Özdemir / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 49/2021

The aim of our study is to examine the positive or negative effects of poster art, which is one of the graphic design and graphic design elements used in elections, on people. Scanning model was used in the study. The graphic design elements (posters, etc.) used by the AK Party in the election campaigns in the general elections held between 2002-2018 were examined by literature review. In this article, between the years 2002- 2018 visual elements and communication campaigns that took place in the general elections and winning the AK Party in Turkey use, message strategies were tried to be determined. The campaigns were tried to be conveyed with a descriptive narrative and the posters of the elections in the 2002-2018 period were examined. As a result of the study, it was observed that the Ak Party, which achieved success in the elections held between 2002-2018, developed a discourse in line with its vision and mission, had promising discourses that gave a positive message, and was brought to power by the voters. In our research, the election campaign of the Ak Party, which participated in the elections held between 2002-2018, was mentioned.

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SHAPING AN ANTARCTIC IDENTITY IN ARGENTINA AND CHILE

Author(s): Ignacio Javier Cardone / Language(s): English Issue: 8/2020

Since the end of the 19th century, both Argentina and Chile have woven Antarctica—the white continent—into the conception of their national territories and identities, establishing a tradition that continues today. To understand the process through which these identities have been constructed, this article examines the strategic communications of the countries involved in the dispute over territories south of 60° south latitude. Early negotiations were incidental and reactive, but as the situation evolved internationally the two South American countries became entangled in their strategies to incorporate portions of Antarctica into their national territories, employing diplomatic interchange, symbolic actions, and the projection of an Antarctic identity by means of public discourse, educational curriculum, and maps. Furthermore, they promoted the idea of an ‘American Antarctica’ as a way of linking Antarctica with the South American continent in an effort to obtain international recognition for their territorial claims. Both countries were successful in instilling a domestic ‘national Antarctic consciousness’, but failed to gather international support. Although their strategic communications regarding Antarctica were successful in terms of the original objective of integrating the idea into their respective national identities, resorting to territoriality seems to have limited their ability to adapt to new conditions, such as those established by the Antarctic Treaty in 1959.

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ISLAMIC STATE AND JIHADIST MEDIA STRATEGIES IN THE POST-SOVIET REGION

Author(s): Ian MacWilliam / Language(s): English Issue: 9/2020

The Syrian war is the first of the modern Islamist “jihad” conflicts to have attracted large numbers of recruits from Central Asia and the post-Soviet region. Some 9,000 men and women from the post-Soviet republics travelled to Syria, including 4,000-7,000 Central Asians, many of them recruited in Russia. Why did the Islamic State’s caliphate attract such large numbers? Information manipulation was central to IS strategic planning and a primary factor in its unprecedented global recruiting success. IS produced Russian-language media content to build support among post-Soviet Muslims. At the same time, emerging communications networks are building ties between “Russianspeaking” Muslims and the Middle East. Jihadist media engagement in Russian and in Central Asian languages, exploiting these new networks, was a key factor in attracting Central Asians to support the caliphate.

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POSJET JOSIPA BROZA TITA VELIKOJ BRITANIJI 1953. GODINE

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 3/2001

The good relationship developed between Yugoslavia and Great Britain during the 1950s, inspite of ideological and political differences, has to examined within the context of the then-dominant politics of the Cold War in Europe and the world. The break between Yugoslavia and the Soviet-led Eastern Bloc was seen in western circles as an opportunity to similarly draw other “satellite” countries toward the west. As this policy was shown to be unsuccessful, Yugoslavia became an example of a country building socialism yet politically tied to the west, and as such came to play a new role in the strategic considerations of the North Atlantic alliance. Yugoslavia drew short-term as well as long-term benefits from this new position: it obtained economic and military aid no longer forthcoming from the “peoples’ democracies” that allowed it to realize its economic plans. Likewise, the political advantages were also considerable: even though it was still considered a communist country, the economic and administrative reforms that went along with ideological experimentation at this time drew the interest of western countries which expected it to develop along the lines of western democratic models.

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